Pub March 52 -1803 h/ WBeynes Paternoster row.
THOMAS NEWTON, D.D.
and DEAH' of STPAULS.
*£ jfrea7UBi' s&'
DISSERTATIONS'
ON THE
P R O.P H E CIE S,
WHICH HAVE
REMARKABLY BEEN FULFILLED,
AND AT THIS TIME
ARE FULFILLING IN THE WORLD.
By THOMAS NEWTON, D. D.
LATE LORD BISHOP OF BRISTOL.
To which are added,	.
EXTRACTS FROM THE WRITINGS OF
OWEN, USHER, KNOX, BROWN, MORE,
IN TWO VOLUMES.
VOLUME I.
A NEW EDITION,
IN WHICH THE
GREEK, LATIN, AND OTHER QUOTATIONS, ARE NOW FIRST TRANSLATED INTO ENGLISH.
London:
PRINTED FOR W. BAYNES, 54, PATERNOSTER-ROW.
1803.
ADVENTIST HERITAGE CENTER James White Library ANDREWS UNIVERSITY
W. Graie, Printer, JBcruLi.
TO HIS GRACE THE
LORD ARCHBISHOP
OF
CANTERBURY:
(Dr HERRING.) -
Mni/ it please your Grace,
WITH Your wonted condefcenfion and goodriefs to accept this offering from my hands, as a teftimoney of my veneration for Your Grace, and of my gratitude for Your favours to me. A work of this kind I could not indeed addrefs to any one fo properly as to your Grace, on account of your eminent ftation, and much more on account of your amiable qualities, and more ftill as I have the happinefs to live under Your peculiar jurifdidtion: and Your Grace is very kind in permitting me to infcribe it to Your Name, which kindnefs I will not abufe with the ufual ftile of dedications. Your Grace’s virtues are fo well known, and fo uni-verlally efteemed, as to ftand in need of no commendation, and much lef's of mine.
■ I would rather beg leave to apprife Your Grace, and the reader, of the deiign of thefe differtations: which is not to treat of the prophecies in general, nor even of thofe prophecies in particular, which were fulfilled in the perfon and adtions of our Saviour; but only of fuch as relate more immediately to thefe later ages, and
a %
IV
DEDICATION.
are in lome meafure receiving their accomplim-ment at this time. What lirli fuggeftea the delign, were fome converfations, formerly with a great General*, who had for many years the chief commands in the army, and was a man of good underftanding, and of fome reading, but unhappily had no great regard, for revealed religion or the clergy. When the prophecies were urged as a proof of revelation, heconftantly derided the notion, afferted that there was no fuch thing, and that the prophecies which were pretended, were written after the events. It was immediately replied, that though Inch a thing might with lefs fcruple and more confidence be affirmed of fome prophecies fulfilled long ago, yet it could never be proved of any, the contrary might be proved almoft to a demonftration: but it could not be fo much as affirmed of leveral prophecies without manifelt abfurdity; for there were feveral prophecies in feripture, which were not fulfilled till thefe later ages, and were fulfilling even now, and confequently could not lie framed after the events, but undeniably were written and publifhed many ages before. Jifi. wras ftartled at this, and laid he mult acknow-|ecpeph§J^^
uslacxibn, there wpuld be .not arguing agaiiilt fuch j>lain matter ofit^j^^ mivmce him, and.lie belieyedwaulBSe.the readied way to convince.. tBe’fiumo? revelation.
It was^ this dccalion, my Lord, that first gave rifc to thele dillertations, which were originally
* Marfhall Wade.
DEDICATION.'	^
drawn up in the form of fome fermons. But fmce that time, they have been new-modelled, much altered and much enlarged, and confirmed by proper authorities. Ana though fome of tnem only are here publilhed, yet each ditfer-tatiori may be confidered as a distinct treatife by itlelf. It is hoped indeed, that the whole, like an arch, will add strength and firmnefs to each part; -but at the fame time care hath been taken, that the parts fliould have strength in thern-felves, as well as a relation to the whole, and a connedtion with each ether. The publication therefore of fome parts cannot be improper; and the others {hall go to the prefs, fo foon as an indifferent fliare of health, constant preaching twice a day, and other neceffary duties and avocations will permit me to put the finilhing hand to them.
Every reader muft know, Your Grace and every fcholar mutt know more efpecially, that fuch works are not to be precipitated. They require time and learned leifure, great reading and great exadtnefs, being difquifitions of fome of the most curious points of history, as well as explications of fome of the most difficult paffages of feripture. And I fliould not prefume to offer any of them to Your Grace, or to fubmjt them to the public cenfure, if they had not been first perufed and corrected by lome of my friends, and particularly by three of the best fcholars, and ablest critics of this age, Biiliop Pearce, Dr Warburton, and Dr Jortin ; who were alio my friendly coadjutors in my edition of Milton ; and as they excel in all good learning tliemfelves,
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DEDICATION.
fo they are very ready to promote and aflist the well-meant endeavours of others.
When the other parts lhall appear, they fliall likewife beg your Grace’s patronage and protection. And in the mean time may your Grace’s health be re-estabiiflied, and continue many years for the good of this church and nation ! It is nothing to fay that it is my earnest with.: It is the with of all mankind ; but of none lpore ardently than,
May it pleafe your Grace,
Your Grace's mo ft dutiful, and obliged, and obedient fcry ant,
©&. 5, 1754'.
Thomas Newton.
SHE
CONTENTS
OF THE
FIRST VOLUME.
INTRODUCTION, p. 1—4.
Prophecies one of the ftrongeft proofs of revelation, p. 1. A hiftory of prophecy defired by Lord Bacon, 1. The con-fequence plain from the believing of prophecies to the believing of revelation, 1. The obje&ion that the prophecies were written after the events, groundlefs, and betrays great ignorance, or fomething worfe, /£. The truth of prophecy may be proved by inftances of things fulfilling at this very time, 2. The evidence drawn from prophecy, a growing evidence, 3. Miracles the great proofs of revelation to the firft ages. Prophecies to the laft, 3. The neceffity to which infidels are reduced, either to renounce their fenfes, or to admit the truth of revelation, 3,4. Molt of the principal prophecies of fcripture will be comprehended in this work, as well as feveral of the mod material tranfa&ions in hiftoiy, 4.
DISSERTATION I.
Nojlh’s prophecy. p. 5—18.
Very few prophecies till Noah, p. 5. Noah’s drunkennefs, and the behaviour of his fons thereupon, 5,6. In confe-quence of their different behaviour he was enabled to fore-tel the different fortunes of their families, 6, 7. The prophecy, 7. Not to be underftood of particular perfons, but of whole nations, 7,8. The curfe upon Canaan, a curie upon the Canaanites for their wickednefs, 8. The wickednefe of the Canaanites very great, 8, 9. The curfe particularly implies the fubje6tion of the dependents of Canaan to the dependents of Shem and Japheth, p. 9. The completion of this fhown from the time of Jofhua to
viii
CONTENTS.
this day, 10. A different reading propofed of Ham the lather of Canaan inftead of Canaan, 10—12. The curfe in this larger 1‘enfc alio fhown to be fulfilled from the ear-lieii times to the prefent, 12, 13. The^promife to Shem of the Lord being his God, how fulfilled, 13. The pro-mife of enlargement to Japheth, an allufionto his name,
13,	14. How fulfilled both in former and in later times,
14,	15. The following claufe, and he fhall dwell in the tents of Shem, capable of two fenfes, and in both punctually fulfilled, 15. Conclufion, 15. A miftake of Mr Mede corrected, 15, 16. Lord Bolingbroke cenfured for liis indecent reflections on this prophecy, 16, 17. His ignorance about the Codex Alexandrinus, 10. His blunder about the Roman hiltorians, 10. His lheer about be-
r lieversrefuted, 17,18. Condemned by himlelf, 18. Hail great talents, but mifapplied them, 18.
DISSERTATION IL
The prophecies concerning Ishmael. p. 19—32.
Abraham favoured with feveral revelations, p. 19. Thofe concerning Ifhmael or the Ifhmaelites, 19. Thepromife of a numerous pofterity, how fulfilled, 19, 20. Thepro-mife of twelve princes, how fulfilled, 20. The promife of a great nation, how fulfilled, 20. The faying that he fhould be a wild man, how fulfilled, 20, 21. The faying that his hand fhould be againft. every man and every man’s hand againlt him, how fulfilled, 21, 22. The laying that he fhould dwell in the prefence of all his brethren, how fullfilled, 22. The Ifhmaelites or Arabians have from firft to laft maintained their independency, 22, 23. A-gainfl the Egyptians and Aflyrians, 23. Againlt the Persians, 23, 24. Againft Alexander and his fucceffors, 24, 25. Againft the Romans, 25, 26. Their ftate under Mohammed, and fincehis time, and now under the Turks, 26, 27. Dr Shaw’s account of them, 27, 28. Bifhop Pococke’s, 28, 29. And MrHanway’s, 29. Conclufion, 29, 30. Wonderful, that they fhould retain the fame manners for fomany ages, 30. More wonderful that they lhouid ftill remain a free people, 31. The Jews and A-rabsin fome refpeCts refemble each other, 31> 32.
tfQNfIXtf*
**
DISSERTATION IIL The prophecies concerning Jacob and Esau* p. 32—43.
More prophecies concerning the pofterifcy of Ifaiac than of Ifhmael, p. 32. The promife of the bleffed feed, how fulfilled, 32. The promife of the land of Canaan, hoW fulfilled, 32, 33. The promife of a numerous pofterity, how fulfilled, 33. The promifesconcerting Efauand Jacob, 34. Not verified in themfelves, but in their pofterity, 34. Comprehend feveral particulars, 35. I. The families of Efau and Jacob two different people and nations, 35, 36. II. The family of the elder fubjedfc to that of the younger, 36—38. III. In fituationand other temporal advantages much alike, 38, 39. IV. The elder branch delighted more in war and violence, but fubdued’ by the younger, 39, 40. V. The elder at one time (hook off the dominion of the younger, 40, 41. VI. In all 1 pi— ritual gifts and graces the younger fuperior, and the happy inftrument of conveying the blefiing to all nations, 41, 42. Conclufion, 42. The prophecies fulfilled in the utter deftrudUon of the Edomites, 42, 43.
DISSERTATION IV.
Jacob’sprophecies concerning kisfons, particularly Judaic p;43—58.
An opinion of great antiquity, that the foul near death grew prophetic, 43, 44. Jacob upon his death-bed foretold his tons what fliould befal them in the laft days, the meaning of that phrafe, 44, 45. Jacob bequeaths the temporal blefiing to all his fons, the lpiritual to Judah, 45. The prophecies concerning feveral tribes, how fulfilled, 45, 46. The temporal blefiing how fulfilled to Judah, 46V 47.' The fpiritual blefiing, 47, 48. L An explanation of the words and meaning of the prophecy, 48“53. The (cep-ter (hall not depart from J udah, explained, 48, 49* Nor a law-giver from between his feet, explained, 40; 50* Shiloh in all the various feofes of the word (hown to he the Mefliah, 50, 51. Le Clercs Angular interpretation, 51,52. Jews as well as Chriftians have by Shiloh gene-rallv underftood the Mefiiah, 52. And unto him lliailtlie
b
CONTENTS.

gathering of the people be, capable of three different con-liru&ions, 52,53. II. The completion of the prophecy, 53, 58. Judah hereby conffituted a tribe or body politic, and fo continued till the coming of the Meffiah and the de-ffru&ion of Jerufalem, 53—55. The latter claufe fulfilled in the firft fenle, and the people gathered to Judah, 55, 56. Fulfilled in the fecond fenle, and the people gathered to the Meffiah, 56. Fulfilled in the laft fenfe, and the people gathered to the Meffiah before the fcepter’s departure, 56, 57- The prophecy with regard to Benjamin fulfilled, 57. Conclufionthat Jefus is the Meffiah, 57,58.
DISSERTATION V. .
Balaam’s prophecies, p. 58—*79.
The gift of prophecy not. always confined to thechofen feed,
, or to good men, p. 58. Balaam both a heathen and an immoral man, 58, 59. A ceremony among the Heathens to curfe their enemies, 59, 60. The Itory of Balaam’s afs confidered, 60, 6i. A proper fign to Balaam, and the prophecies render the miracle more credible, 62. The ftile of his prophecies beautiful, 62. His prophecy of the fingular character of the Jewifh nation, how fulfilled even to this day, 63. His prophecy of their victories much the fame as Jacob’s and Ifaac’s, 64. His prophecy of a king higher than Agag, how fulfilled, 64—66. His preface to his latter prophecies explained, 66. His prophecy ofaftarand fcepter to finite the princes of Moab, how fulfilled by David, 66, 67. Who meant by the fons of Sheih, 67, 68. His prophecy againll the Edomites, how fulfilled by David, 68,69. This prophecy of the liar and the tcepter applied by mod Jewifh and Chriftian writers to the Meffiah, 69, 70. But principally to be underftood of David, 70, 71. His prophecy againft the Amalekites, how fulfilled, 71—73. His prophecy againft the Kenites, and who the Kenites were, 73. How fulfilled, 74. His prophecy of (hips from the coaft of Chittim, 75. The Sand of Chittim fliown to be a general name for Greece, Italy, and the countries and iflands in the Mediterranean, 76. How afflift Asfiiur, 77. How afflict Eber and who meant by Eber, 78. * How perifh for ever, 73. Conclu-fion, 79.
CONTENTS.
*1
DISSERTATION VI.
Moses’ prophecy of a prophet like unto himfelf • p. 70—39.
Mofes hath not only preferved feveral ancient prophecies but hath likewife inferted leveral of his own, p. 79- His pro-
^ of another prophet like unto himfelf, 79, SO. I.
prophet was here particularly intended, SO—S3. The Meftiah principally, if not folely, 80, 81. Proved from the conclufion of the book of Deuteronomy, 8L . From God’s declaration to Miriam and Aaron, 81, 82. From the text itfelf, 82. From this prophet’s being a lawgiver, 82. From fed, 82, 83. II. The great like-nefs between Mofes and Chrift, 83—37. Chrift refem-bled Mofes in more refpe&s than any other perlon ever did, 83, 84. The companion between them as drawn by Eu-febius. 84, 83. As enlarged and improved by Dr Jortin, 85—87. His conclufion from thence, 87. III. Thepu-nilhment of the people for their infidelity and difobedience to this prophet, 87—89.
DISSERTATION VII.
Prophecies of Moses concerning the Jews.
p. 89—101.
Prophecies of Mofes abound molt in the latter part of his writings, 89. The 28th of Deuteronomy a lively picture of the Hate of the Jews at prel'ent, 89, 90. Prophecy of their enemies coming from far, how fulfilled, 90. Prophecy of the cruelty of their enemies, how fulfilled, 90,91. Of the, lieges of their cities, 91, 92. Of their diftrtfs and famine in the lieges, 92. Of women eating their own children, 92—94. Of their great calamities and ilaugh-ters, 94. Of their being carried into Egypt, and fold for. flaves at a low price, 94, 95. Of their being plucked from off'their own land, 95, 96. Of their being difperfed into all nations, 96, 97. Of their ttill fubfifting as a diftind people, 97. Of their finding no reff, 97, 98. Of their being opprefled and lpoiled, 98. Of their children taken from them, 98, 99. Of their madnefs and delperation, 99.. Of their lerving other gods, 99, 100. Of theivb*-b 2"
CONTENT*.
coming a proverb, and a bye-word, 100,101. Of the long continuance of them, 101. Cpnclufion, 101.
DISSERTATION VIII.
Prophecies of other prophets concerning the Jews.
p. 10l-r-l23.
Other prophecies relative to the prefent (late of the Jews, p. 101, 109. I. The prophecies concerning the reftora-tion of the two tribes of Judah and Benjamin, and the diiiblution of the ten tribes, 102*-rl09. The reftoration of the two tribes foretold to be after 70 years, 109. Fulfilled at three periods, 109, 103. The ten tribes to ceafe from being a people within 05 years, 103. The prophecy how fulfilled, 104. What is become of them fince, and where are they at prefent, 105. Vain conje&ures of the Jews thereupon, 105. Not all returned with the two tribes, 105, 106. Not all fwallowed up and loft among the heathen nations, 106,107. Whether they remained, pr whether they returned, they ceafedfrom being adiftin6t people, and were all comprehended under the name of Jews, 107, 108. The reafon of this diftin&ion between the two tribes and the ten tribes, 108, 109. II. The prefervation of the Jews, and the deftru&ion of their ene-, mies, 109—111. The prefervation of the Jews, one of the molt illuftrious acts of divine providence, 109,110. Nor lefs the providence of God in the deftru&ion of their enemies, 110. Not only nations but (ingle perfons, 110,
III.	III. The defolation of Judea another memorable inftance of the truth of prophecy, 111—-116. Foretold by the prophets,111. The prefent ftate of Judea anfwer-able to tho prophecies, 119, 113. No objeAion from hence to its having been a land flowing with milk and honey, 113. The ancients, Heathens as well as Jews teftify it to have been a good land, 113. Mr Maundrelfs account of its prefent Hate, 114,115. Dr Shaw’s 115, 116.
IV.	The prophecies of the infidelity and reprobation of the Jews, how fulfilled, 116—118. V. Of the calling and obedience of the Gentiles, 118. This revolution ef-fe&ed hy incompetent perfons, and in a (hort time, 119,
* 190. The prophecies concerning the Jews and Gentiles have not yet received their entire completion, 120, 191. What hath been accomplifhed a fufficient pledge of what is to come, 191. Conclufion diffuading all perfection,

60NTENSS.	Xiii
and recommending humanity and charity to the Jews, 122, 123.
DISSERTATION IX.
The prophecies concerning Nineveh. p. 123—139.
Some prophecies relating to other nations which had connections with the Jews, 123, 124. Want of ancient eaitera hiltorians to clear up the prophecies, 124. The A Syrians terrible enemies to both Ifrael and Judah, 124, 125. I-faiah’s prophecyagaiuittheAffyrians, 125, 12(5. Nineveh, the capital of the Aifyrian empire, a moft ancient city, 125, 127. An exceeding great city likewile, and the fqripture-account confirmed by heathen authors, 127—129. Like o&her great cities very corrupt, but king and people repented, at the preaching of Jonah, 129. Some inquiry who this king wa$, and at what time Jonah prophefied,
129,	130. Their repentence of fliort continuance, for Nahum not long after foretold the definition of the city,
130,	131. Some inquiry when Nahum prophefied, 131. Nineveh accordingly dpftroyed by the Medes and Babylonians, 131. Some inquiry by whom particularly, 132. Nahum’s prophecies of the manner of its deftruction ex-a6tly fulfilled according to the accounts of Diodorus Siculus, 134, 135. Nahum and Zephaniah foretold its total definition contrary, to ail probability, 135, 136. Thefe preditions^ fulfilled according to the accounts of the ancients, 136. According to the accounts of the moderns, 137 >138. Conclufion, 139.
DISSERTATION X.
The prophecies concerning Babylon. p. 139—159.
Babylon as well as Nineveh an enemy to the people of God, 139, 140. A very great and very ancient city, 140. Con-fiderably improved by Nebuchadnezzar, 140. One of the wondersof the world, 141. Ifaiah and Jeremiah foretold its4eftru&ion, 141, 142. Prophecies of Cyrus the conqueror of. Babylon, fulfilled, 142, 143. The time of the re-. .dution of Babylon foretold, 143. Several circumftances pf the fiege foretold, 143. Befieged by the Medes and
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CONTENTS.
Elamites or Perfians, 143, 144. Armenians and other nations united againitit, 144, 145. The Babylonians hide themfolves within their walls, 145. The river dried up, 145. 146. The city taken during a feaft, 146. The fads related by Herodotus and Xenophon, and therefore no room for fcepticifm, 147. The prophets foretold its total delolation, 147, 148. Thefe prophecies to be fulfilled by degrees, 148. Its itate under Cyrus, 149. Under Darius, 150, 151. Under Xerxes, 150, 151. Under Alexander and afterwards, 151, 152. The accounts of it fince that time, Jby Diodorus, 152, 153, Strabo, 153. Pliny, 153. Paufanias, 153. Maximus Tyrius and Lucian, 153. Jerome, 154. Accounts of later authors, of Benjamin of Tudela, 154. Texeira, 154. Rauwolf, 155. Peter de la Valle, 155, 156. Tavernier, 156. Mr Salmon, 156. Mr Hanway, 157. By thefe accounts it appears how pundually the prophecies have been fulfilled, 157, 158. Conclufion; fuch prophecies a convincing argument of the divinity of the lcriptures, and iikewife inftances of fine writing, and of the fpirit of liberty, 158, 159.
DISSERTATION XL The prophecies concerning Tyre. p. 159—179.
Tyre, another enemy to the Jews, its fall predided by I-faiah and Ezekiel, 159, 160. The prophecies relate to both old and new Tyre, 160. A very ancient city, 161, 162. The daughter of Sidon, but in time excelled the mother, and became a mart of nations, 162,163. In this flourifhing condition, when the prophets foretold her dc-itruction, for her pride, and wickednels, and cruelty to, the Jews, 163, 164. Several particulars included in the prophecies, 164, 165. I. The city to be taken and de-llroyed by Nebuchadnezzar and the Chaldeans, 165—167.
II.	The inhabitants to pafs oyer the Mediterranean, but to find no reft, 167—169. III. The city to be reltored after 70 years, 169, 170. IV. To be taken anddeltroyed again, 170—173. V. The people to forfake idolatry, and become converts to the true religion, 173—175. VI. The city at laft to be totally deftroyed, and become a place for fifiiers to fpread their nets upon, 175. Thefe prophecies to be fulfilled by degrees, 176. A ftiort account of the place from the time of Nebuchadnezzar to the pre-
CONTENTS.
XV
fent, 170*177. Huetius’s account of it, 177. DrShaw'e, 177, 178. Mr Maundrell’s, 178. Cpnclufion with lorne reflections upon trade, 178, 179.
DISSERTATION XII.
The prophecies concerning Egypt. p. 180—-205.
Egypt famous for its antiquity, 180. No lefs celebrated for its wifdom, 180, 181. The parent of fuperftitiori as well as the miltrels of learning, 181. Had fucli connexions with the Jews, that it is made the fubjeCt of feveral pro-phecies, 181. The phrafe of the burden of Egypt con Tillered and explained, 18l—183. I. Its conquelt by Ne-• buchadnezzar foretold hy Jeremiah and Ezekiel, 183. How fulfilled, 183—185. II. Its conquelt by the Perfians foretold by Ifaiah, and'how fulfilled, 185—189. III. Its conquelt by Alexander foretold by Ifaiah, and at the lame time the fpreading of the true religion in the land, 189, 190. How fulfilled, 190—194, &e., IV. The prophecy .of Ezekiel that it fhould be a bafe tributary kingdom, 194. The truth of it fhown by a fhort deduction of the hiitory of Egypt from that time to this, 194—205. Its liate under the Babylonians, 194, 195. Under the Perfians, 195—197. Under the Macedonians, 197, 198. Under the Romans 198, 199. Under the Saracens with the burning of the Alexandrian Library, 199—201. Under the Mamalucs, 201, 202. Under the Turks, 202, 203. • No one could have foretold this upon human conjecture, 203. Conclufion with fome reflections upon the character of the Egyptians as drawn by ancient and modern authors, 203—205.
DISSERTATION XIII.
Nebuchadnezzar's dream of the great empires. p. 205—227.
Some prophecies relating to more remote nations, 205, The genuinnefs of Daniel’s prophecies denied bv Porphyry, and Collins, but lufficien-tly vindicated, 205, 20ii. The credit of Daniel as a prophet citablilhed by prophecies fulfilling at this time, 206’. Daniel’s firit prophecy, his interpretation of Nebuchadnezzar's dream, with the
JLV1
CONTENTS.
occafion of it, 206—208. A great liuman figure not an improper emblem of human power, and the various parts and metals lignify various kingdoms, 209. I. The head of fine gold, or the Babylonian empire, 209, 210. The extent of it Ihown from heathen authors, 210, 211. II.
« The breaft and arms of lilver, or the Medo-Perfiauempire, 211. Why faid to be inferior, and how long itlalted, 211, 212. III. The belly and thighs of brafs, or the Macedonian empire, 212. Why faid to bear rule over all the earth, 212. The kingdopa of Alexander and of his lucceffors not two different kingdoms, 213. Spoken of as one and the lame by ancient authors, 214. IV. The legs of iron, and feet part of iron and part of clay, or the fourth empire, 214, 215. Farther proofs, that the kingdoms of the Seleucidae and Lagidae cannot be the fourth kingdom, 215. This defcriptton applicable only to tl» Roman empire, 215, 216. So St Jerome explains it, and all ancient writers both Jewifh and Chriftion, 216, 217.
V.	The ftone that brake the image, or the fifth empire, 217. Cannot be the Roman, 218. Can be underltood only of the kingdom of Chrilt, 218, 219. Reprefented in two l'tates, as a ftone, and as a mountain, 219, 220. This interpretation confirmed by ancient writers, both Jews and Chrifiians, and particularly by Jonathan Ben Uziel, who made the Chaldee paraphrafe upon the prophets, 220. The fenfe of Jolephus.with Bifhop Chandler’s refle&ions upon it, 220—222. The ancient Cbrif-tians give the lame interpretation, 238. St Chryfoftom’s comment, 222, 223. The expofition of Sulpicius Severus, 223, 224. Conclufion, 225. Hence we are enabled to account for Nebuchadnezzar’s prophecy, and the Delphic oracle, 225. Hence the deftinction of four great empires, and why only thefe four predi&ed, 226, 227.
DISSERTATION XIV.
/
Daniel’s vjfion of tine fame. p. 227—256.
What was exhibited to Nebuchadnezzar in the form of A great image, was reprefented to Daniel in the fliape of great wild beaus, and why, 227,228. I. The Babylonian empire why compared to a lion, 228. , Why with eagle’s wings, 229. Why with a man’s heart, 229. II. The Perfiau empire, why compared to a bear, 229, 230.
CONTENTS#
xvii
How raifed up itfelf on one fide, and had three riba in the hiouth, 230. Its cruelty, 230, 231. III. The Macedonian empire why compared to a leopard, 231, 232. Why with four wings and four heads, and dominion given to it, 232, 233. IV. The Roman empire compared to a terrible beaft without a name, 233. The kingdoms of the Seleucidae and Lagidae can in no refpeft anfwer to this defcription, 233, 234. The Roman empire anfwers ex* a6tly. A memorable quotation to this purpofe from Dionyfius of Halicarnaffus, 235, 236. Tnis bead had ten horns or kingdoms, and the kingdoms of Egypt and Syria were never fo divided, 236. The notions of Porphyry, Grotius, and Collins, refuted, 236, 237. The ten kingdoms to be fought amid the broken pieces of the Roman empire, 237. The ten kingdoms according to Machiavel, 237. According to Mr Medc, 237, 238. According to Bifhop Lloyd, 238. According to Sir Ifaac Newton, 238. The fame number fince, 238, 239. How they ftood in the eighth century, 239. A little horn to rife up among the ten, 239. The notion of Grotius and Collins, that Antiochus Epiphanes was the little horn, refuted, 239, 240. An inquiry propofed into the fenfe of the ancients, 240. The opinion of Irenaeus, 241. Of St Cyril at Jerufalem, 241, 242. Of St Jerome with Theodoret and St Aultin, 242, 243. The fathers had fome miltaken notions concerning Antichrifl, and how it came to pafsfhey had fuch, 243—245. The little hom to be fought among the ten kingdoms of the weftern Ro* man empire, 245. Machiavel himfelf points out a little horn fpringing up among the ten, 245. Three of the firfl horns to fall before him, 246. The three according to Mr Mede, 246. According to Sir Ifaac Newton, 246, 247. Something to be approved, and fomethihg to be difapproved in both their plans, 247, 248. The firlt of the three horns, the exarchate of Ravettna, 248. . The fe* cond, the kingdom of the Lombards, 248, 249. The third, the (late of Rome, 249, 250. The charafiter anfwers in all other refpe&s, 250, 251. How long Anti-chrift to continue, 251, 252. V. All thefe kingdoms to be fucceeded by the kingdom of the Melfiah, 252, 253. This and the former prophecy compared together, 254, 255. They extend from the reign of the Babylonians to the confummation of all things, 255, 256. Will call light upon the lubfequent prophecies, and the fubfequent pro-
e
XVlll
CONTENTS.
phecies refled light upon them again, 256. Conelufion, 256.
Introduction to the LeCture founded by the Honourable Robert Boyle.
p., 257—266.
How and by whom the author was appointed to preach the Boyle’s Lecture, 257, 258. Previous to the farther explanation of Daniel, a vindication is propofed of the ge-nuinnefs of his prophecies, againft the principal objections of unbelievers, 258. Collins’ eleven objections particularly confidered and refuted, 258. His firlt obje&ion, relating to the age of Daniel, refuted, 258, 259. His fecond objection, relating to the niiltake of the kings names, and to Nebuchadnezzar’s madnefs, refuted, 259, 260. His third objection, relating to the Greek words found in Daniel, refuted, 260. His fourth objection, relating to the verfion of the Seventy, refuted, 260, 261. His fifth objection, drawn from the clearnefs of Daniel’s prophecies to the times of Antiochus Epiphancs, refuted, 261. His fixth objection, drawn from theomiflion of Daniel in the book of Ecclefiaiticus, refuted, 261, 262. His leventh objection, relating to Jonathan’s making no Targurn ou Daniel, refuted, 262. His eighth objection, drawn from the ftile of Daniel’s Chaldee, refuted, 262, 263. His ninth objection, drawn from the forgeries fcf the Jews, refuted, 263, His tenth objection, drawn from Daniel’s . uncommon punctuality in fixing the times, refuted, 263, 264. His eleventh objection, relating to Daniel’s fetting forth faCts very imperfectly and contrary to other hiftories, and to his dark and emblematic ltile, refuted, 264, 265. The external and internal evidence for the genuinnefs of the book of Daniel, 265. The divifion of the remainder of this work, agreeable to the defign of the honourable founder, 265, 266. From, the inltance of this excellent perlon, and lome others, it is (hown that philofophy and religion may well confilt and agree together, 266.
DISSERTATION XV.
Daniel’s vifion of the Ram and He-goat.
f
p. 267—301.
The former part of the book of Daniel written in Chaldee,
CONTENTS.	XLX
the reft -in Hebrew, 267- The time and place of the vi-fion, 267, 268. Like vifions have occurred to others, 268, 269- The ram with two horns reprefents the empire of the Medes and Perfians, 269., Why with two horns and one higher than the oilier, 270. Why this empire likened to a ram, 271. The conqueftsof the ram, and the great extent of the Perfian empire, 271. The he-goat, reprefents the Grecian or Macedonian empire, 271, 272. Why this empire likened to a goat, 272. The fwiftnefs of die he-goat, and die notable horn between his eyes, what fignified thereby, 272, 273. An account of the conquefts of the goat, and of the Grecians overthrowing the Perfian empire, 274—270. Thefe prophecies ftiown to Alexander the great, and upon what occafion, 276. The trudi of die ftory vindicated, 276—278. ' An-fwer to the objection of its being inconfiitent with chrono-l°gy,278, 279. Anfwer to the objection taken from the filence of other authors, befides Jolephus, 279, 280. O-ther circumltances which confirm the truth of this relation, 281. How four horns fucceeded to the great horn; or liow the empire of the goat was divided into four kingdoms, 281,283. The little horn commonly underftood of Antiochus Epiphanes, but capable of another and better application, 283, 284. A horn doth not iignity a Angle king but a kingdom, and here the Roman empire rather than Antiochus Epiphanes, 284, 285. The particular properties and actions of the little horn agree better with the Romans, as well as the general character, 285. Reafon of the appellation of the little horn, 286. The time toe agrees better with the Romans, 286. The clia^ racier of a king of fierce countenance, and underitanding dark fentences more applicable to the Romans than to Antiochus, 287. Other a&ions fikewife of the little horn accord better with the Romans, 289. Waxing exceeding great, 289. Toward the fouth, 289. Toward the eaft, 289, 290. And toward the pleatant land, 290. The property of his power being mighty, but not by his own power, can no where be fo properly applied as to the Romans, 290, 291. All the particulars of the periecution and opprefiion of the people of God more exa6tly fulfilled by the Romans than by Antiochus, 29l—293. It deferves to be confidered whether this part of the prophecy be not a iketch of the fate and fufferings of the Chnitian, as well as of the Jewifii church, 293, 294. Farther realon of the appellation of the little horn, 294. The little hom to
c2
XX
CONTENTS.
come to a remarkable end, which will be fulfilled in a more extraordinary manner in the Romans, than it was even in Antiochus, 294, 295. It will farther appear that the application is more proper to the Romans by confider-ing the time allotted for the duration and continuance of the vifidn, 295. The 2300 days or years can by no computation be accommodated to the times of Antiochus Epiphanes, 296. How they are computed, 296-^-299. Daniel’s concern and affliction for his country, and this a farther argument that not the calamities under Antiochus, but thlofe brought upon the nation by the Romans were the fubjeCt of this prophecy, 299, 300. From this and other examples it may be inferred, that the fcriptures will never abate but rather encourage our love for our country, 300, 301.
DISSERTATION XVI.
prophecy of the things noted in thefcripture of truth♦ IN TWO PARTS.
Part I. p. 301—341.
This latter prophecy a comment upon the former, 301 f Imparted to Daniel after falling and prayer, 301, 302. A prophecy for many days or years, 302. Of the Perfian empire, 302. The three firft kings of Perfia after Cyrus, 302. The fourth far richer than all, 302. His ftirring up all againlt the realm of Grecia, 303, 304. Why no more kings of Perfia mentioned, 304. A fhort fketch of Alexander’s great dominion, 304. His family foon ex-tinCt, and his kingdom divided into four kingdoms, 304,
•—306. Of thefe four two only have a place in this prophecy, Egypt and Syria, and why, 306. Why called the kings of the fouth and the north, 306. Ptolemy king of the fouth or Egypt, very ftrong, but Seleucus king of the north or Syria, ftrong above him, 307. The tranlaCtions between Ptolemy Philadelphus of Egypt and Antiochus Theus of Syria, 308. Ptolemy Euergetes of Egypt revenges the wrong of his family upon Seleucus Callinicus of Syria, 309, 312. The fhort and inglorious reign of Se-leucus Ceraunus of Syria, 312. Succeeded by his brother Antiochus the great w)io gained great advantages over-
CONTENTS.
XXI
the king of Egypt, 312, 313. But Ptolemy Philopator obtains a fignal victory over Antiochus at Raphia, 313,314. His vicious and (hameful condu6t afterwards, and cruelty to the Jews, 315, 316. Antiochus prepares again to invade Egypt in the minority of Ptolemy Epiphanes, 316, 317. Philip king of Macedon, and the Jews affociate with him, 318. His fuccefs againft the king of Egypt, 319, 320. His favour to the Jews, 321. His fcheme to feize upon the kingdom of Egypt fruftrated, 322, 323. His unhappy war with the Romans, 323, 324. The latter end of his life and reign inglorious, 324—326. The mean reign of his fon and fucceffor Seleucus Philopator, 326. Antiochus Epiphanes the brother of Seleucus, obtains the kingdom by flatteries, 327, 328. His freaks and extravagancies, 328. His fuccelfes againft his competitors, and removal of the high priefts of the Jews, 329, 330. His liberality and profufion, 331. The claims of Ptolemy Philometor king of Egypt upon him, and his preparations againft Egypt, 331, 332. He invades and makes himfelf matter of all Egypt except Alexandria, chiefly by the treachery of Ptolemy Philometor* s own minifters and fub-je6ts, 332—334. Ptolemy Philometor and Antiochus Epiphanes fpeak lies at one table, 334, 335. Antiochus returns with great fpoils, 335. His cruelty to the Jews, 335, 336. He invades Egypt again, and is hindered from totally fubduing it by an embafly from the Romans, 337, 338. He returns therefore, and vents all his anger upon the Jews, 338, 339. Abolilhes the Jewifli worfliip by the inftigation of the apoftate Jews, 339. Conclulion to Ihow that this prophecy is more exadt and circumftantial than any hiftory, 33—341.
DISSERTATION XVII.
The fame fubjeSl continued.
Part II. p. 341.
More obfeurity in the remaining part of the prophecy, 341, 342. Polluting the fandtuary, taking away the daily la-crifice, and placing the abomination of delolation, more properly applicable to the Romans than to Antiochus Epiphanes, with the reafons for palling from Antiochus to the Romans, 342—345. What follows more truly ap-
CONTENTS.
XXAl
plicable to the affli&ed ftate of the primitive Chriftians after the deftru&ion of Jemfalem than to the times of Antiochus, 345,346. Thelittlehelp and the perlecutions afterw ards cannot be applied to the times of the Maccabees* but to. the emperor’s becoming Chriftian, and the fucceeding periecutions, 346—34ft. The Antichriftian power, the principal fourceof thefe perfections defcribed, 34ft. How long to profper, 350, 351. Defcribed here as exerted principally in the eaftem empire, 351. His not regarding the god of* his fathers, nor the defire of women, falfely affirmed of Antiochus, but truly of this Antichriftian power, 352—354. His honouring Mahuzzim with precious gifts, and who they are, 354—357. Other inftances of his regard to Mahuzzim, in glorifying their priefts and Minilters, 357—360. The remaining parts more applicable to other events than to the trania&ions of Antiochus, 361. After the account of the degeneracy of the church follows a predi&ion of its punishment, especially in the eaftem part of it by the Saracens and Turks, 362. Judea and the neighbouring countries to be fubdued, but the A rabians to elcape not verified by Antiochus but by the Turks, 362. The Turks could never fubdue the Arabians, but on the contrary pay them an annual penfion, 304—366, The total fubje&ion of Egypt together with Libya and Ethiopia, not accomplilhed by Antiochus, but by the Turks, 366—368. The reft of the prophecy yet to be fulfilled, 368. Cannot be applied to Antiochus, but belongs to the Othman empire, 368—370.
, What the tidingfrom the eaftand north, 370, 371. What ; meant by going forth tofteftroy and utterly to make away many, 371- What by planting his camp between the feas in'thejgloriousholy mountain, 372. The lame things foretold by Ezekiel in his prophecy concerning Gog of the land of Magog, 37 L The great tribulation and the fub-fequent relurrection cannot be applied to the times of the Maccabees, 372, 373. An inquiry into the time of thefe events, 373. A conjecture about the difterent periods of 1260 years, 1290 years, and 1335 years, 373—376. Conclufion to fhow the vaft variety and extent of this prophecy, and from thence to prove that Daniel was a true prophet, 376.
DISSERTATIONS
ON THE
■PROPHECIES,
WHICH HAVE
remarkably been fulfilled, AND At f HIS flKiE ARfi
ONfi bfjuie ftrdflgelt evidences for the truth of reyealed
J11
the Old an^	and a greater service perhaps
could not be done to Christianity than to lay together trie Several predidions of fcripture with their completions, to ftiow how particularly things have been foretold* and how exa&ly fulfilled. A work of this kind was defired by thle Lord Bacon in his* Advancement of Learning: and lie intituleth it the hijio-ty of prophecy, and therein would have “ eveiy prophecy of the fcripture beforted with the event fulfilling the fame throughout the ages of the world, both for the better confirmation of faith,’* as he faith, “ and for the better illumination of the church, touching thofe parts of prophecies which are yet unfulfilled : allowing neverthelefs that latitude which is agreeable and familiar unto divine prophecieis, being of the nature of the author with whom a thoufand years are but as One day, and therefore they are not fulfilled punduatlly at once, but have fpringing and germinant accOmplifhment throughout many ages; though the h&ghth or fulneis of tliem may refer to fome One age.”
Such a work would indeed be a wonderful Oonfifmatioii of our faith, it being the prerogative of God alone, or of thofe who are commilRoned by him, certainly to foretel future events; and. the confequence is lb plain and riecelfyfy, from the believing of prophecies to the believing of revelation*, that an infidel hath no way of* evading the conclusion but by denying the ptemifes* But why fhould it be thought at all incredible for God upon
FULFILLING IN THE WORLD.
introduction;
Vol, I. No. t
* Book II. in Englifh<
A
iNTRODUCflONw
fpeciai occafions to foretel future events ? or ]\ow could a divine revelation (only fuppofiug that there was a divine revelation) be better attelled and confirmed than by prophecies? It is certain that God hath perfect and molt exaCt knowledge of futurity, and forefees all things to come as well as comprehends every thing paft or prelent. It is certain too that as he knoweth them perfectly himlelf, fo he may reveal them to others in wliat degrees and proportions he pieafeth; and that he actually hath revealed them in feveral inftances, no man can deny, every man mull acknowledge, who compares the feveral prophecies «of fcripture with the events fulfilling the fame.
^ But fo many ages have paffed fince the fpirit of prophecy hath Ceafed in the world, that feveral perfons are apt to imagine, that no fuch thing ever exifted, and that what we call predictions are only hiftories written, after the events had happened, in a prophetic ltyle and manner: which is ealily laid indeed, but hath neVer been proved, nor is there one tolerable argument
prove ii. On tire contrary there are all the proofs and author rities, which can be had in cafes of this nature, that the prophets prophefied in fuch and fuch ages, and the events happened afterwards in fuch and fuch ages: and you have as much reafon to believe thefe, as you have to believe any ancient matters of faCt whatever; and by the fame rule that you deny thefe, you inight as well deny the credibility of all ancient hiftory.
But fuch is the temper and genius of infidels; 4 they under-fland neither what they fay, nor whereof they affirmand fo betray their own ignorance, rather than acknowledge the force of divine truth; and affert things without the leaft fhadow or colour of proof, rather than admit the ftrbngeft proofs of divine revelation. It betrays ignorance indeed, altogether unworthy of perfons of liberal education, not to know when-fuch and fuch authors flourifhed, and luch and fuch remarkable events happened ; und it mult be fomething worfe than ignorance to aiiert things without the leaft ftiadow or colour of proof, contrary to all the marks and characters by which we judge of the truth and genuinenCfs of ancient authors, contrary to the whole tenor of hiftory both facred and profane, which in this refpeCt give wonderful light and affiftbnee to each other; and yet thefe are the men, wno would be thought to fee farther and to know more than other people, and will believe nothing without evident proof and demonftration.
The feCts, fay they, were prior to the predictions, and the prophecies were written after the hittoriCs. But what if we fhould be. able to prove the truth of prophecy, ahd confequently the truth of revelation, not by an induction of particulars long ago foretold and long ago fulfilled, the predictions whereof you
2
introduction
£
may therefore ftippofe to have been written after the hiftoriea, but by in {tan ces of things which have confeffedly many ages ago been foretold, and have in thefe latter ages been fuhilled, or are fulfilling at this very time; fo that you ety&not poffibly pro?-tend the prophecies to have been written after the events, but mull: acknowledge the events many ages after to eorrelpond exactly with the predictions many ages before ? This province we will now enter upon, this talk We will undertake, and will not only produce inftances of things foretold with the greateft elearnels in ages preceding, and fulfilled with the greateft exa&r nelk in ages followings if there is any truth in hkftory facred or profane; but we will alfo (to cut up the ohjedioft entirely by the roots) infill chiefly upon fuch prophecies, as are known to have been written and publiflied in books many ages ago, and yet are receiving their completion, in part at lealt, at this very day. 
For this is one great excellency of the evidence drawn from prophecy for the truth of religion, that it is a growing evidence; ana the more prophecies are iulFilIeo, tpe more t^lumom^sj^efe are and ccmTrniat ions "o	uth and certainty otdi vine reve-
ation. And in this relpect we have eminently tne advantage over'thole, who lived even in the days of Moie9 and the pro-
f)hets, ofChrift and liis apoltles, They were happy indeed in tearing their difcourles and feeing their miracles, and doubtlets ■ many- righteous men have delired to lee thole things which they law and have not leen them* and to hear thole things which they heard and have not heard them;’ Mat. xiii. if. hut yek-X^Sfwe have thisgver them, that, leveral things, whi^wefe Slfen only foretoi^^ .aireJ^oiy; and what were'to "them only matters of faith , are become matters 6Ffa^^	us, upon whom the latter ages of the
worlcl are comV. rGbd in his goodnefs hath afforded to eveiy age luilicient evidence of the truth. Miracles may be faid to have been the great proofs of revelation to ifie firit ages' who law them performed, Prophecies may be faid to be the great proofs of revelation to the lait ages wlio fee them fulfilled. Ail pretence too for denying the prophecies of lcripture is by thefe means abfolutely precluded; for how can it be pretended that the prophecies were written after the events, when it appears that the lateft of thefe prophecies were written and publilhed in books near 1700 years ago, ancl the events have, many of them, been accomphftied leveral ages after the predictions, or perhaps are accomplishing in the world at this prefent time? You are therefore reduced to.this qeceifity, that you mull either renounce your fenies, and deny what you may read in your bibles, together with what you may lee and obferve m the world: of elfe
A 9.
INTRODUCTION*
i
jnuft acknowledge the truth of prophecy, and in confequence of that the truth of divine revelation.
Many of the principal prophecies of fcripture will by thefe means come under pur confideration, and they may be belt considered with a view to the feries and order of time. The liib-jeft is curious as it is important, and will be very well worth my pains and your attention: and though it turn chiefly upon points of learning, yet I lhall endeavour to render it as intelli-
fible, and agreeable, and edifying as I can to all forts of readers, t is hoped the work will prove the more generally acceptable, as it will not confift merely of abftra6t fpeculative divinity, but will be enlivened with a proper intermixture of hiftory, an$ will include feveral of the moft material tranfa&ians from the beginning of the world to this day.
DISSERTATIONS
ON THE
3PEOP1ECIES.
h
NOAH's PROPHECY.
FT^HE firft prophecy that occurs in fcripture, is that part of JL the fentence pronounced upon the ferpent, which is, as t may fay, the firft opening of Cnriftianity, the firft promife of pur redemption. We read in Genefis, lii. 15. 4 I will put enmity between thee and the woman, and between thy feed and her feed ; it (hall bruife thy head, and thou fhalt bruife his heel.*' If you ujiderftand this ip the fenfp which is commonly put upon it by Chriftian interpreters, you have a remarkable prophecy and remarkably fulfilled. Taken in any other lenfe, it is not worthy of Mofes, nor indeed of any fenfible writer-The hiftory of the antediluvian times is veiy fhort and concife, and there ate only a fe\y prophecies relating to tfie deluge. As Noah was a preacher or righteoufnefs to the old world, lb he was a prophet to the pew, and was enabled to predict the future condition of his poftcrity, which is a fubje£t that upon many accounts requires a particular difcuflioq.
It is an excellent charafter that is given of Noah, Gen. vi. 9.
4 Noah was a juft man, and perfeCt in his generations, and Noah walked with God/ But the belt of men are not w ithout their infirmities; and Noah, Gen. ix. 20, &c. having 4 planted a vineyard, and drank of the \vine,’ became inebriated, not knowing perhaps the nature and ftrength of the liquor, or being through age incapable of hearing it: and Mofes is fo faithful an hiltorian, that he records the failings and imperfections of the moll venerable patriarchs, as well as their merits and virtues. Noah in this condition lay 4 uncovered within his tent: and Ham the father of Canaan faw the nakednefs of his father and inftead of concealing his weakness, as a good-natured man or at leaft adutiful fon would have done, he cruelly expofed it 4 to Ins two brethren without.’ But 4 Shem and Japheth,’ plore compaffionate to the infirmities of their aged father, 4 took
6
DISSERTATIONS ON
a garment’ and * went backward’ with fuch decency and refped, that they * faw not the nakednefs of their father’ at the fame time that they ‘ coVered it/ When 6 Noah awoke from his wine’ he was infonned of ‘ what his younger fon had done unto him.’ The * word in the original dignifies his little fon : and fome f commentators therefore, on account of what follows, have imagined that Canaan joined With his father Ham in this mockery and infult upon Noah ; and the £ Jewilh rabbins have a tradition, that Canaan was the full who faw Noah in this pofture, and then went and called his father Ham, and concurred with him in ridiculing and expofing the old man. But this is a very arbitrary method of interpretation; no mention was made before of Canaan and of what he had done, but only of * Ham the father of Canaan and of him therefore mud the plirafe of little fon or youngrjifon be naturally and Tieceffarily Wicjevltood.
In cqnlequence of this different behaviour of his three fons„ Jloah as a patriarch was enlightened, and as the father of a fa* mily who is to reward or punifh his children wasimpowerecl, tq fore tel the different fortunes of their families; for this prophecy relates not fo much to themfelves, as to their pofterity, the people and nations defcended from them. He was not prompted by wine or refentment; for neither the jane nor the other could infufe the knowledge of futurity, or infpire him with the pre-lcience of events, which happened hundreds, nay thoufiuids of years afterwards. But Gpd, willing to mamfeft his fuperinteur donee and government of the wprld, endued Noah w ith the fpirit of prophecy, and enabled him in. fome meafure to difclole the purpofes of his providence towards the future race of mankind. At the fame it was fome comfort and reward to Shem ancl J a pileth, for their reverence and tendernefs to their father,
* The Hebrew word Katan fignifies little, lefs, leaft.
f Hence it is inferred with great probability* that he (Canaan) wa$ a companion with his father in his tranfgreflion, {See Pifcator in P00P3 Synopfis on Gen. ix. 25.
f See Origen on the book of Genefis, page 33. of Vol. JI. in the Benedi&ine Edition. It is a queftion that has been greatly agitated, why the curfe due to Ham Ihould have been denounced by Noah a-gam it Canaan. Theodoret anfwers this in his 57th queftion on the book of Genefis, that he had learned from a certain Jew, that Canaan firlt beheld the nakednefs of his grandfather, and in a fneering and contemptuous manner pointed him out to his father. But the truth is, that this tradition among the Jews is to be met with in Berefhith Rabba, a rabbinical book written long before the time of Theodoret. See Bochart’s book entitled Phaleg Book IV. Chap, xxxrii. Col* 309.
The PROPHECIES*
7
t6 hear of tlie blejfing and enlargement of tlieir pofterity; and it fome mortification and punishment to Ham, for his mockery and cruelty to his father, to hear of the matediclum and fervitnde of fome of his children, and that as he was a wicked foil himfelf, fo a wicked race Should Spring from him.
„ Then this was Noah’s prophecy : and it was delivered, as * moft of the ancient prophecies were delivered, in metre for the help of the memory, Gen. ix. 25, 2t>, 27.	1
‘ Curfed be Canaan.’
*	A fervant of fervants ffiall he be unto his brethren/
*	Blelled be Jehovah the God of Shetn /
*	And Canaan (hall be their iervant/
‘ God fhali enlarge Japheth.’
‘ And (hall .dwell in the tents of Shem,
*	And Canaan (hall be tlieir fervant/
Canaan was the fourth fon of Ham according to the order Wherein they are mentioned in the enfuing chapter. . And for What reafon can you believe that Canaan was io particularly marked out for the curie? for his father Ham’s tranfgrefliou ? But where would be the juftice or equity to pafs by Ham him-felf with the reft of his children, and to puniih only Canaan for what Ham had committed ? Such arbitrary proceedings are contrary to all our ideas of the divine perfections; and we may lay in this cafe what was laid in another, Gerr. xviii. 25.	‘ Shall
not the judge of all the earth do right?’ The curfe was fo far from being pronounced upon Canaan for his father Ham’s tranf-. greilion, that we do not read that it was pronounced for his own, nor was executed till lev era l hundred years after his death. The truth is, the curfe is to be Underftood not fo properly of Canaan, as of his dependents to the lateii generations. It is thinking meanly of the ancient prophecies of fcripture, and having very imperfect, very unworthy conceptions of them, to limit their intention to particular perfons. In this view die ancient prophets would be really what the Deifts think them, little better than common fortune-tellers ; and their prophecies would hardly be worth remembering or recording, especially in fo concife and compendious a hiitory as that of Mofes. We niuft affix a larger meaning to them, iand underhand them hot of (ingle perfons, but of whole nations; and thereby a nobler
* The reader may fee thi^ point proved at large in the very ingenious and learned Mr Archdeacon Lowfh’s poetical Prelections (parti* cularly Preleft. 18.) &e. a work that merits the attention of all wh* ftudy the Hebrew language.-
3
DISSERTATIONS on
feene of things, and a more extenfive profpeA will be opened to us of the divine difpeniations. The curfe of fervitude pro* nounced upon Canaan, and fo likewite the promile of blejfing and enlargement made to Shem and Japheth, are by no means to be confined, to their own perions, but extend to their w hole race; as, afterwards the prophecies concerning Ilhmael, and thole concerning Elau and Jacob, and thofe relating to the twelve patriarchs, were not fo properly verified in themlelves as in their polierity, and thither we mult look for their full and perfect completion. The curfe therefore upon Canaan was properly a curfe upon the Canaanites. God foreleeing the wick-ednels of this people, (which began in their father Ham, and greatly increafed in this branch of his family) commillioned Noah to pronounce a curfe upon them, and to devote them to the fervitude and mi levy, which their more common vices and iniquities wrould delerve.. And this account was plainly \y4£-ten by Moles,, for encouragement
anTa^	againit a gcqpfe, who
y tlieir	^ Jm^Xted the31v ipedef*
timid	of Noah.
^WeT^tKTpmport and meanirig of the prophecy, and now kt us attend to the completion of it. Curfed be Canaan ; and the Canaanites appear to have been an abominably wicked people. The fin and punilhment of the inhabitants of Sodoiiyind Gomorrah and the cities of the plain are too well known "to be jrarticularly fpecified : and for the other inhabitants of the land* w hich wras promifed to Abraham and his feed, God bore with them ‘ till their iniquity was full / Gen. xv. 16. They wrere uot only addicted to idolatry, which was then the cafe of the greater part of the world, but were guilty of the woiitlort of hi o la try : 4 for every abomination to the Lord, which he hateth, have they done unto their gods; for even their fons and tlieir daughters they have burnt in the fire to their gods,’ Deut. xiw 31. Their religion wras bad and, their morality, (if poilible,) wras worfe; for ^rop^jpgligiq^
Read the
lStnand 20th chaptersof Leviticus, and you will find that unlawful marriages and unlawful lulls, witchcraft, adultery, incefi, lbdoriiy, beiiiality, and the like monltrous enormities were frequent and common among them. And was not a curfe in the nature of things, as well as in the juft judgment of God tkfervedly intailed upon fuch a people and nation as this? It wras not6 for their own righteoulnefs’ that ‘ the Lord brought* the lfraelites in ‘ to poflels the land t9 but for the wickedneis of thefe nations did the Eord drive them out:* Deut. ix. 4.' and he would have driven out the Illaclites in like manner fof
tHE PROPHECIES*
9
the Very fame abominations. Levit. xviii. 95, &c* * Defile not you yourfelves in any of thefe things; for in all thefe the nations are defiled which I caft out before you. And the land is defiled ; therefore I do vifit the iniquity thereof upon it, and the land it-feIf vomiteth out her inhabitants; Ye fhall therefore keep my ftatutes and my judgments, and (hall not commit arty of thefe abominations—1That the land fpue not you out alfo when ye defile it, as it fpued out the nations that were before you. For wholoever (hall commit any of thefe abominations, even the foals that commit them, fhall be cut off from among their people* *
But the curfe particularly implies fervitude and fubje&ion.
*	Curfed be Canaan; a fervant of fervants fhall he be unto his brethren/ It js very well known that the word brethren in Hebrew comprehends more diftant relations. The defcendents therefore of Canaan were to be fubjedt to the defcendents of both Shem and Japlieth: and the natural confequence of vice, in communities as well as in (ingle perfons, is flavery. The lame thing is repeated again and again in the two following ver-fes, * and Canaan fhall beferVant to them,’ or ‘ their fervant fo that this is as it were the burden of the prophecy. Some * critics take the phrafe of JerVant offervants ltrictly and literally, and fay that the prediction was exaCtly fulfilled, when the Ca-naanites became fervants to the Ilraelites, who had been fer-rants to the Egyptians. But this is refining too much; the
- phrafe of ffetvant of fervants is of the fame turn and caft as
*	holy of holies, king of kings, Jong of fongsj and the like ex-prellions in fcripture; and imports that they fhould be the loweft and bafelt of fervants.
We cannot be certain as to the time of the delivery of this prophecy; for the hiitory of Moles is fo concife, that it hath not gratified us in this particular. If the prophecy was delivered loon after the. tranlaftions, which immediately precede in the
* Noah curfing Ham* foretold that the time was coming, when his pofterity would be the fervant of fervants. This predidtion was fulfilled in the Canaanites, at that time, when they were compelled to come under the yoke of the Ifraelites, a people who for a long time had fervid the Egyptians. See Bochan’s Phaleg, Book I. Chap. i. Gol. 3, 4.
f S. Pompey was a man without letters, a freedman of freedmen, and a fervant of fervants. He envied the great, while he cringed to the ba-feft. So faith Velleius Peterculus, II. 73. In the fame book II. 83. and in the fragment of Salluft we meet with thefe words, “ here indeed the loweft of fervants obtains the fuperiority.,, A vaffal below the condition of fervants. Thefe examples are taken from feme manufcript notes in the poffeflion of Dr. Jortin.
Vot. I. No. 1.	B
10	dissertations On
hiftory, Noah’s * beginning to be a hufbandman, and planting a vineyard,’ it was toon after the deluge, and then Canaan was
Srophelied of before he was born, as it was prophefied of Eiau and acob, Gen. xxv. 23. * the elder (hall 1‘erve the younger,’ be-fore the children * were born and had done either good or evil/ as St Paul laith, Rom. ix. 11. If the prophecy was delivered a little before the tranfactions, which immediately follow in the history, it was a little before Noah’s death, and he was enlights ened in his lift moments as Jacob was, to foretel what fhould hefal his pofterity in the latter days, Gen. xlix. 1. However ibis matter be determined, it was feveral centuries after the delivery of this prophecy* when the Israelites, who were dependents of Shem* under the command of Jofliua invaded the Ca-baanites, fmote above thirty of their kings, took poffeftion of their land, flew feveral of the inhabitants, made the Gibeonites and others fervants arid tributaries, and Solomon afterwards fubdued the reft, 2 Chron. viii. 7, 8, ft. 1 As for all the people that were left of the Hittites, and the Amorites, and the Perizzites, arid the Hivites, and the Jebufites, which were not Of Ifrael; but of their children who were left after them in the land, whom tire children of Ifrael confumed not; them did Solomon make to pay tribute until this day* But of the children of Ifrael did Solomon make no fervants for his work j but they w ere men of war, and chief of his captains, and captains of his chariots and horlemen.’ The Greeks and Romans too, who were dependents of Japheth, not only fubdued Syria and Pale-ft ine* but alio puriiied and conquered fuch of the Canaanites as Were any where remaining, as for inltance the Tyrians and Carthaginians, the former of whom were ruined by A lexander and the Grecians, and the latter by Seipio and the Romans* “ This fete,” lays Mr * Mede “ wras it that made Hannibal, a child qf Canaan* cry out with the amazement of his foul, Agnofcofortunam Carthaginis, I acknowledge the fortune of Car* thage.” Arid ever fince the inilerable remainder of this people have been Haves to a for eign yoke, firlt to the Saracens, who defcended from Shem, and afterwards to the Turks, who depended from Japheth; and they groan under their dominion at this day.
Hitherto we have explained the prophecy according to the prelent copies of our bible : but if we were to correct the text, as we Ihould any ancient claflie author in a like cafe, the whole perhaps might be made eafier and plainer. Ham the father of Canaan is mentioned in the preceding part of the icoiy; and
* Mede's Works, Book I. £>ifc* 30. pag. 284. See alfo toward? th< end of the XXVlI. book of Livy*
II
THE PROPHECIES,
how then came the perfon of a/tfudden to be changed into Canaan f The * Arabic verfion in thele three verfes hath the the jather of Canaan inftead of Canaan. Some t copies of the Septuagint like wile have Ham inltead of Canaan, as if Canaan was a corruption of the text. Vatablus and others t by Canaan underhand the father of Canaan, which was exprelfed twice before. And if we regard the metre, this line Curfed be Canaan, is much lhorter than the reft, § as if fomething was deficient.
* Curfed be the father of Canaan. See the Arabic verfion. f The Septuagint ii) foine copies have Ham inftead of Canaan, as if Canaan were a corruption of the text. See Calmet gn this paffage. So likewife Ainfworth.
J Some fuppofe that the word Abi father, is left out by the care-Ieffnefs of tranfcribers aud ought to be fupplied becaufe a little below Ham is twice called the father of Canaan, fee Gen. ix. 18, 22. As if the words flood thus, Curfed be Ham the father of Canaan. See Vatablus on the paffage.
§ My fufpicion hath fince been confirmed by the reverend and learned Mr Green fellow of Clare-hall in Cambridge ; who is admirably well (killed in the Hebrew language and Hebrew metre, and hath given a-bundant proofs of his knowledge and judgment, in thefe matters in his new tranflation and commentary on the fong of Deborah, the prayer of Habakkuk, &c. , fie afferts, that according to Bifhop Hare’s metre, the words bam abi are neceffary to fill up the verfe. He propofes a farther emendation of the text, by the omiffion of one line, and the trans-pofition of another, and would read the whole prophecy thus, according to the metre.
And Noah faid,
Curfed be Ham the father of Canaan $.
A fervant of fervants fhall he be to his brethren,
And he faid,
Bleffed be Jehovah the God of Shem 5 For he fhall dwell in the tents of Shem,
God fhall enlarge Japheth ;
And Canaan fhall be their fervant.
If you will not allow this emendation to be right and certain, yet I think you muft allow it to be probable and ingenious, to render the fenfe clearer and plainer, and to give to every part its juft weight and proportion. Or the whole may, with only a tranfpofrtion and without any omiffion, be reprefented thus; '	4
And Noah faid,
Curfed be Ham the father of Canaan }
A fervant of fervants fhall he be to his brethren,
*	And he faid,
Bleffed be the Lord God of Shem;
For he fhall dwell in the tents of Shem 5
And Ham the father of Canaan fhall be their fervant;
B 3
DISSERTATIONS ON
n
May we not fuppbfe therefore, (without taking fuch liberties M father Houbigant hath with the Hebrew text) that the copyift by miltake wrote only Canaan inftead of Ham the father ofCch naan, and the whole paflage was originally thus ? * And Ham the father of Canaan law the nakednefs of his father, and told his two brethren without.—And Noah awoke from his wine, and knew what his younger fon had, done to him. And he laid, Curfed be Ham the father of Canaan; a fervant of fervants lhall he be unto his brethren. And he faid, Bieffed be the Lord God ofShem; and Ham the father of Canaan lhall be fervant to them. God lhall enlarge Japheth; and he lhall dwell irj the tents of Shem; and Ham the father of Canaan lhall be fer-vant to them.’
By this reading all the three fpns of Noah are included in the prophecy, whereas otherwife Ham, who was the offender, excluded , or is only punilhed in one of his children. Ham is characterized as the father of Canaan particularly, for the greater encouragement of the IlVaelites, who were going to invade the land of Canaan: and when it is faid * Curfed be Ham the father of Canaan; a fervant of fervants fhp.ll he be unto his brethrenit is implied that his whole race was devoted to fer-vitude, but particularly the Canaanites. Not that this was to take efteCt immediately, but was to be fulfilled in procefs of time, when they lhould forfeit their liberties by their wickednefs. Ham at firft fubdued fome of the polterity of Shem, as Canaan fometimes conquered Japheth; tne Carthaginians, who were originally Canaanites, did prticularly in Spain and Italy: but in time they were to be fubdued, and to become lervants to Shem and Japheth; and the change of their fortune from good to bad would render the curfe ftill more vifible. Egypt was the land of Ham, as it is often called in fcripture; and for many years it was a great and flourifhing kingdom : but it was fubdued by the Perfians, who delcended from Shem, and afterwards by the Grecians, who defcended from Japheth; and from that time tp this it hath conftantly been in fubjeCtion to fome or other of the pofterity of Shem or Japheth. The whole continent of* Africa was peopled principally by the children of Ham: and for how many ages have the better parts of that countiy lain under the dominion of the Homans, and then of
God lhall enlarge Japheth,
And Ham the father of Canaan lhall be their fervant.
* Ham although curfed yet was not excluded from earthly bleffings 5 for in the divifion of the world, befides Egypt and the whole continent of Africa, a large portion of Syria was likewife allotted to him. / See Bcckart’s Phaleg, Book IV. Chap. i. Col. 203.
*fhe prophecies;
13
the Saracens, and now of the Turks ? in what wickednefs, ignorance, barbarity, flavery, and mifery, live molt of the inhabitants ? and of the poor negroes how many hundreds every year are fold and bought like beafts in the market, and are conveyed from one quarter of the world to do the work of beafts in another ?
Nothing can be more complete than the execution of the fen-* tence upon Ham as well as upon Canarn: and now let us con-fider the promifes made to Shem and Japheth. * And he laid, yer. 2(5. Bleffed be the Lord God of Shem; and^Canaan fhall be hisfervant :■ or rather, and Canaan fliall be fervant to them, or their fervant, that is to his brethren; for that, as we obfer-ved before, is the main part of the prophecy, and therefore is fo frequently repeated. A learned critic * m the Hebrew lan-
{uage, who hath lately publifhed fome remarks on the printed febrew text, faith that if it fhould be thought preferable to refer the word bleffed dire&ly to Shem, as the word curfed is to Canaan; the words may be (and perhaps more pertinently) rendered—of Jehovah, my God, be Shem / See Gen.
xxiv.	31.” Or if we choc °e (as mod perhaps will choolc) to follow our own as well as all the ancient vemons, we may ob-ferve that the old patriarch doth not fay, Bleffed be Shem, as he faid, Curjedbe Canaan ; for men’s evils fpringeth of themielves* but their good from God; and therefore in a ftrain of devotion breaking forth into thanklgiving to God as the author of all good to Shem. Neither doth he lay the fame to Japheth'; for God certainly may difpenle his particular favours according to his good pleafure; and falvation was to be derived to mankind through Shem and his pofterity. God perfers Shem to his elder brother Japheth, as Jacob was afterwards preferred to Elau, and David to his elder brothers, to fhow that the order of grace is not always the lame as the order of nature. The Lord being called the God of Shem particularly, it is plainly intimated that the Lord would be his God in a particular manner. And accordingly the church of God was among the pofterity of Sheni for feveral generations; and of them Rom. ix. 5. as concerning the flepiy Chrift came.
JBut itili Japheth was not difmiffed without a promife, ver. 47. 4 God fhall enlarge Japheth, and he fliall dwell in the tents of Shem; and Canaan fhall be fervant to them, or their fervant. God fhall enlarge Japheth.’ Some render the word (it is lb rendered in the margin of our bibles) God fhall perfuade or aJr hire Japheth, fo thathelhall come over to the true religion,
* See Kennicott’8 Diflertation, p. 561.
14
DISSERTATIONS ON
and dwell iii the tents of'Shem. But the * belt critics in the language have remarked, befides other reafons, that they who tranflate the word by perfuade or allure, did not confider, that when it is lb taken, it is uled in a bad fenfe, andgoverns an ac-cuiative cafe, and not a dative as in this place. God jhall enlarge Japheth, or unto Japheth is the belt rendering; and in the original there is a manifelt aliufion to Japheth's name, fuch as is familiar to the Hebrew writers. As it was laid of Noah, Gen. v. 29. ‘ This lame fliall comfort us,’ the name of Noah being thought to lignity comfort: As it is laid of Judah, Gen. xlix. 8. * Thou art he whom thy brethren (hall praiie,' and the name of Judah fignifies praife: As it is laid of Dan, ver. 1(>. ‘ Dan (hall judge his people,’ and the name of Dan figni-fies judging: As it is faidof Gad, ver. 19. ‘ A troop Ihall overcome him,' and the name of Gad fignifies a troop or company; So it is faid here, ‘ God Ihall enlarge Japheth,' and the name of Japheth fignifies enlargement. Was Japheth then more enlarged than the reft? Yes he was both in territory and in children. The territories of Japheth’s pofterity were indeed very large, fo£ f befides all Europe, great and extenfive as it is, they pofietfed the leifer Afia Media, part of Armenia, Iberia, Albania, and thofe v^ft regions towards the north, which anciently the Scythians inhabited, and now the Tartars inhabit; and it is not improbable that the new world was peopled by fome of his northeri) defeendents palling thither by the Itraitsof Anian. The enlargement of Japheth may alfo denote a numerous progeny as well as ample territory : and ifyouconfuIt the genealogies of the three brothers comprifed in the following chapter, you will find that Japheth had /even fons, whereas Ham had only fonry and Sliem only jive: and the northern hivefasSir William Temple denominates it) was always remarkable for its fecundity, and hath been continually pouring forth fwarms, and
* See Bochart’s Phaleg, Book III. Chap. i. Col. 149. and Le Cierc upon the paffage.
f I altogether agree with the admirers of Bochart, who think that by the promife contained in thefe words was intimated, that God in the di vilion of the earth w ould bellow the greatell portion on the pofterity of Japheth. This mull be acknowledged by every perfon, who conii-ders that befides Europe large as it is they inhabit the leffer Afia, Media, a part of Armenia, Iberia, Albania and ^hofe moll extenfive countries towards the north, which formerly the Scythians but now the Tartars poffefs ; to fay nothing of the continent of America, into which, it is highly probable they found their way by the ftraits of Anian. See Bochart’s Phaleg, Book III, Chap. i. Col. 149.
THE PROPHECIES*
15
fending out Colonies into the more fouthem parts, both in Europe and in Afia, both in former and in latter times.
The following claufe, ‘ and he fhall dwell in the tents of Shem/ is capable of a double conltru6tion; for thereby may be meant either that God or that Japlieth (hall dwell in the tents of Shem; in the tents of Shem, faith he fpeaking according to the fimplicityof thofe times, when men dwelt in tents and not in houtes. They who prefer the former conltruftion, feem to have the authority of the original text on their fide; for there is no other noun to govern the verbs in the period, but God; there is no pronoun in the Hebrew anfwering to the he which itrin-ierted in our Englifh tranflation : and the whole fentence would tun thus, ‘ God will enlarge Japheth, and will dwell in the tents of Shemand the Chaldee of * Onkelos alfo thus para-phrafeth it, ‘ and will make his glory to dwell in the tabernacles of Shem/ They who prefer the latter conltruction, feem to have done it, that they might refer this 27th verfe wholly to Japheth, as they refer the 2(ith wholly to Shem : but the other appears to me the more natural and eafy conltruction. Taken in either fenfe, the prophecy hath been mod punctually fulfilled. In the former fenfe it was fulfilled literally, when theShechinah or divine prefence relied on the ark, and dwelt in the tabernacle and temple of the Jews; and w hen ‘ the Word who was with God and was God/ John i. 1. ejkenofen, pitched his tent, and dwelt among us< Ver. 14. In the latter fenie it was fulfilled? firft, when the Greeks and Romans, w'ho fprung originally from Japlieth, fubdued and poliefled Judea and other countries of Afia belonging to Shem; and again fpiritually, when they tvere profelyted to the true religion, and they who were not Ifraelites by birth, became Ifraelites by faith, and lived, as we and many others of Japlieth’s pollerity do at this day, within the pale of the church of Chrilt* v
What think you now ? Is not this a molt extraordinary prophecy ; a prophecy that was delivered near four thoufand years ago, and yet oath been fulfilling through the leveral periods of time to this day! It is both wonderful and inftructive* It is the hiltory of the world as it were in epitome* And hence we are enabled to corre6t a nnltake of one author * and ex pole the petulance of another.
1.	The fiift is the learned and excellent Mr Mode, an author always to be read with improvement, and to be corrected with reverence: but yet I conceive, that he hath carried matters too far in aferibing more to this prophecy than really belongs to it*
* And he (God) will caufe his glory to abide in the tents of Sheftfr. See the Paraphrafe of Onkelos,
IS
blSSERtATIONS Off
For dilcourrtng of the habitations and difperfions of the Tons of Noah, he * faith that “ there hath never yet been a Ion of Ham* Who hath fhaken a icepter oyer the head of Japheth : Shem hath fubdued Japheth, and japheth hath fubdaed Shem, but Ham netef fubdued eitherand this paffage hath been cited by feveral f commentators to illuftrate this prophecy. But this worthy perfon furely did not recollect, that Niinrod, the firft monarch in the world, was the fon of Cufli, who was the fon of Ham, Gen. x* Mifraim was another fon of Ham; he was the father of the Egyptians, and the Egyptians detained the Ifrae-lites in bondage feveral years. Shilhak king of Egypt fubdued. Rehoboam king of Judah, 1 Kings xiv. Sefoftris king of gypt (the fame probably as Shifhak) conquered great part of Europe and Afia, if there is any faith in ancient hiftory. The Carthaginians too, were defended from the Canaanites, as we noted before, gained feveral victories over the Romans in Spain and Italy. It was a miftake therefore to fay that Ham never fubdued Shem or Japheth. It is enough if he hath generally and for much the greateft part of time been a fervant to them, as he really hath been for two or three thoufand years, and continues at prefent. This fufficiently verifies the prediXion; and we fhoula exceed the limits of truth* if we fhould extend it farther. We might almoit as well fay (as fome have faid) that the complexion of the blacks was in confequence of Noah’s curie. But though Ham had in fome inftances and upon fome occafions been luperior, yet this is memorable enough, that of the four famous monarchies of the world, the Affyrian, Perfian, Grecian* and Roman, the two former were of the defcendents of Shem, as the two latter were of the fons of Japheth.
S. The other is the famous author of the Letters on the ftudy and ufe of hiftory, who hath ltrangely abufed his talents in abufing this prophecy. For the true meaning and exaX completion of it rightly confidered, what room is there for ridiculed and how abfurd and impertinent as well as grofs and indecent are his reflexions? “ The curfe, fays J he, pronounced in it con trad iXs all our notions of order and of jultice. One is tempted to think, that the patriarch was ftill drunk; and that no man in his fenfes could hold fuch language, or pals fuch a fentence.”’ But fuch will be the cafe, when men of more parts than judgment talk and write about things which
* See Mede’s Works, Book I. Difc. 49, and 50. pag. 283. Edit. 1672.
f Patrick, &c.
X Lord Bolingbroke’s Works, Vol. 2. Letter iii. pag. 314. Edit, quarto.
THE PROPHECIES*
17
they do not fufficiently underltand; and efpecially in matters of religion, whereof by no means they are competent judges, having never either ltudied them at ail, or ltudied them fuper-ficially and with prejudice. All that he hath written relating to thefe fubje&s betrays great weaknefs in a man of his capacity, weaknels great as his malice; and we might have an eafy victory over allertions without proofs, premifes without conclufions, and conclufions without premifes. But I love not controversy, and will only make two or three refleftions, juft to give a fpeci-men of the boafted learning and abilities of this writer.
His lordlhip feemeth to take a particular pleafure in railing at pedants, at the fame time that he himlelf is one ,of the molt pedantic of writers, if it be pedantry to make a vain olientation of learning, and to quote authors without either reading or un-derltanding them, or even knowing lo much as who and what they are. “ The Codex Alexandrinus, * faith he, we owe to George the monk.** We are indebted indeed to George the monk, more uluaily called Syncellus, for what is entitled Fetus Ckronicon or an old chronicle. But the Codex Alexandrinus is quite another thing; it is, as all the learned know, the famous Greek M. S. of the Old and New Teftament, brought originally from Alexandria, and prefented to Charles I, and now remaining in the King’s library, of which it doth not appear that George the monk knew any tiling, and it is evident that his lordlhip knew nothing. If he meant to fay the Ckronicon Alexan-drinum9 that is itill another thing, and the work of another author.
His lordlhip is of opinion f that “ Virgil in thofe famous verfes Excudent alii &c. might have juftly alcribed to his coum» trymen the praife of writing hiftory better than the Grecians.’* But which are the Roman hiltories, that are to be preferred to the Grecian? “ Why, the remains, the precious remains,” fays liis Lordlhip, “ of Saluft, of Livy, and of Tacitus*” But it happened that + Virgil died, before Livy had written his hiftory, and before Tacitus was bom. And is not this an excellent chronologer now to correct ail ancient hiftory and chronology lacred and profane ?
His lordlhip is likewife pleafed to fay, § that 96 Don Quixote believed, but even Sancho doubted :” and it may be afierted on the other fide, that Sir Ilaac Newton believed tlfe prophecies, * * * § *
* Letter the lit. page 262. Ibid,
f Letter the 5th* page 340, &c.
^ Virgil died A. U. C. 735. Livy according to Dodwell finifhed his hill'ory in 745. Tacitus was conful in 850. See Fabticius*
§ Letter the 4th. page 130*
Vol. I.	C
18
dissertations on
though his Iordship did not, the principal reason of which may be found perhaps in the different life and morals of the one and the other. Nay the wifeft politicians.and hiftorians have been believers, as well as the greateft philofophera. Raleigh, and Clarendon believed; Bacon, and Locke believed ; and where then is the difcreditto revelation, if Lord Bolingbroke was ail infidel? • Afcomer/ as Solomon faith, Prov. xiv. 0. * feeketh wisdom, and findeth it not.’
But there cannot be a ftronger condemnation of his lord (hip's conduft, than his own words upon another occafion in his famous Diflfertation upon parties. ** Some men there are, the pefts of fociety I think them, who pretend a great regard to religion in general , but who take every opportunity of declaim ing publicly againft that fyftem of religion, or at leaft again ft that church-eftablifliment, which is received in Britain. Juft fo the men, of whom I have been lpeaking, affe6t a gre&t regard to liberty in general; but they diftike fo much the fyftem of liberty eftablifhed in Britain, that they are incelFant in their endeavours to puzzle the plaineft thing in the world, and to refine and diftinguifti away the life and ftrengthofour eonilitution, in favour of the little, prefent, momentary turns, which they Ere retained to ferve. What now would be the confequence, if all theft endeavours (hould fuceeed ?—I am perfuaded that the great philofophers, divines, lawyers, and politicians, who eSert them, have not yet prepared and agreed upon the plans of a new religion, and of new conftitutions in church and ftate. We (hould find ourfelves therefore without any form of religion, or civil government; The firft fet of theft miffionaries would take off all the reftraints of religion from the governed ; and the latter fet Would remove, or render inefte&ual, all the limitations and controuls, v/hich liberty hath preferibed to thofe that govern, and disjoint the whole frame of our conftitution. Entire diffodution^f manners, confufion, anarchy, or perhaps abfolute monarchy, would follow ; for it is poflible, nay probable, that in fuch sMtate as this, and amidftfuch a route of lawleis lavages, men would choofe this government, aWurd as it is, rather than have no government at all.”
It is to be lamented that fuch a genius (hould be fo employed: but Ahe mifappllcation of thofe excellent talents with which God had intruded him, was his reigning fault through every ftage, through every fcene of life. That which Lord * Digby faid of the great Lord Strafford, may with more truth and jui-tice be jffirmed of him, that the malignity of his praftices was hugely aggravated by thole raTe abilities of his, whereof God had given him the ufe, but the devil the application.
* Rufl)worth, Vol. 4- page 225,
II.
The prophecies concerning Ishmael.
BRA II AM was the patriarch of greateft renown next after the times of Noah. He was favoured with federal
revelations; and from him two very extraordinary nations decended, the Ilhmaelites, and Israelites, concerning each of whom there are tome remarkable prophecies. Hhmael, though tivo ion of die bond-woman, and not properly the child of promife, was yet diftinguifted by fome exprefs predictions for the cbm-fort and fatistaCtion of both his parents. In the 16th chapter of Genelis, when Hagar ‘ fled from the face of her miftrefs who had dealt hardly with her, the angel of the Lord found her ia the wiidemels, and Said unto her, Return to thy milirels, and fobmit thyfelf under her hands. And the angel of the Lord laid unto her, I will multiply thy feed exceedingly, that it (hail not be numbered for multitude. And the angel of the Lord laid unto her, Behold thou art with child, and (hall bear a fon, and (halt call his name Hhmael,* that is God Shall hear, ‘ be-caufe the Lord hath heard thy aillidion. A nd he will be a wild man; his hand will be againft every map, and every man's hand againft him ; and he (hall dwell in the prefence of all his brethren,' ver. 6, 7,9, 10, 11, 12. In the following ^chapter, when Ifaacwas promifed to Abraham, God ftillrefewed a blefe fing for Iftmael, ‘ Behold I have bieffed him, and will make him fruitf ul, and will multiply him exceedingly: twelve princes fhall he beget, and I will make him a great nation,’ver. 20* Afterwards when Hagar and Hhmael were lent forth into the wiidemels, God laid unto Abraham, Gen. xxi. 13. ‘ And alfo of rthe (on of the bond-woman will l make a nation, hecaule he is thy (bed/ The fome is repeated to Hagar, ver. 16. 41 will make him a great nation.* And if we are curious to trace the courfe of events, we (hall fee how exaCtly thefe particulars have been fulfilled from the earlieft down to the prefent times.
4 I will multiply thy feed exceedingly, that it (hall not be pumbered for multitude :* and again, * Behold I have blefleft ‘ him, and wilt make him fruitful, and will multiply him exceedingly*’ Thefe paflages evince that the prophecy doth not lb properly felate to Iftmael, as to his pofterity, which is here foretold to be very numerous. Iflnnael married an Egyptian woman, asliis mother was likewife kn Egyptian: Gen. xxi. 21. .and in a few years his family wasrincreafed fo, that in the 37th chapter of Geuelis we read of Iftmaelites trading into Egvpt.
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Afterwards his feed was multiplied exceedingly in the Haga-renes, who probably were denominated from his mother Hagar; and in the Nabathaeans, who had their name from his fon Ne-baioth; and in the Itureans, who were lo called from his fon Jetur or Itur; and in the Arabs, efpecially the Scenites, and the Saracens, who over-ran a great part of the world : and his defcendents, the Arabs, are a very numerous people at this d?fy.
!‘ Twelve princes fhall he beget.* This circumftance is very particular, but it was pun6tually fulfilled ; and Moles hath given us the names of thele twelve princes. Gen. xxv. 16. ‘ Thefe are the lbns of Ifhmael, and thefe are their names, by their towns, and by their caltles; twelve princes according to their nations:’ by which we are to underftand, not that they were fo many diltinbfc lovereign princes, but only heads of clans or tribes. Strabo frequently mentions the Arabian phylarchs as he denominates them, or rulers of tribes: and Melo, quoted by Eulebius from Alexander Polyhiftor, a heathen liillorian, relates * that * Abraham of his Egyptian wife begat 12 lbns (he ihould have laid one fon who begat 12 lbns) who departing into Arabia divided the region between them, and were the firft kings of the inhabitants; whence even to our days the Arabians have twelve kings of the fame names as the firlt.” And ever finee the people have been governed by phylarchs, and have lived in tribes ; and itill continue to do lb, as t Thevenotand other modem travellers teftify.
*	And I will make him a great nation.’ This is repeated twice or thrice ; and it was accomplifhed, as foon as in the regular courfe of nature it could be accomplifhed. His feed in proeefs of time grew up into a great nation, and fuch they continued for ftveral ages, and fuch they Temain to this day. They might indeed emphatically be ltiled a great nation, when the Saracens had made thole rapid and extenfive conquelts, and ere&ed one of the largelt empires that ever were in the world.
‘ A nd he will be a wild man.’ In the original it is a wild afs Than, and the learned J Bochart tranllates it tam ferus quam
*	He (Abraham) of his Egyptian wife begat twelve Tons, who gq-ing into Arabia divided that country aiqong themfelves, and were theiirft who arrived .at fovereign authority therein. From thence it hath come to pafs, that the Arabians even down to the tijn£s in which we live, reckon twelve kings reigning over them, who are called by the fame names with their firft fovereigns. See the Evangelical preparation of Eufe« bius, Book IX.V Qhap. xix. page 421. in the edition of Vigerup.
f See Part 1. Book 2. Chap. 32. See likewife Harris’ Voyages, Vol. 2. Book 2. Chap. 9.
X See the firft Part of Bochart’s Hierozoicon, Book I. Chap, xvi, Col. 878,
THE PROPHECIES.'
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•nager, as wild as a wild afs; fo that that ftiould be eminently true of him, which in the book of Job. xl. l'S. is affirmed, of mankind in general, 4 Man is born like a wild affes colt.’ But what is the nature of the creature, to which Iffimael is fo particularly compared? It cannot bedefcribed better than it is in the fame book of Job. xxxix. 5, &c. 4 Who hath fent out the wild afs free ? or who hatli looted the bands of the wild afs ? Whole houfe I have made the wildernefs, and the barren land his dwellings. He fcometh the multitude of the city, neither regarded he the crying of the driver. The range of the mountains is his palture, and he fearcheth every green thing.* I thin ael therefore and his polterity were to be wild, fierce, favage, ranging in the deferts, and not eafily foftened and tamed to fo-ciety: and whoever hath read or known any thing of this people, knoweth this to be their true and genuine chara6fcer. It i$ laid of Iffimael, Gen. xxi. 20. that4 he dwelt in the wildernefs, and became an archer :* and the fame is no iefs true, of his dependents than of himfelf. 4 He dwelt in the wildernefsand his tons ftill inhabit the fame wildernefs, and many of them neither low nor plant * according to the bell accounts ancient and modem. 4 And he became an archer ;* and luch were the Ituleans, whofe f bows and arrows are famous in all authors ; luch were the mighty men of Kedar in llaiah’s time; If. xxi. 17. and fuch the Arabs have been from the beginning, and are at this time. It was late before they admitted the ule of fire arms among them the greater part of them ftill are It rangers to them, and Hill continue lkiliul archers.
‘ His hand will be againll every man, and every man’s hand againlt him.’ The one is the natural and almolt neceflary confluence of the other.* Iffimael lived by prey and rapine in the wildernefs ; and his pollerity have all along in felted Arabia and the neighbouring countries with their robberies and incur-fions. They live in a Hate of continual war with the rclt of the world, and are both robbers by land, and pirates by pa. As they have been fuch enemies to mankind, it is no wonder'that mankind have been enemies to them again, that feveral attempts hgve been made to extirpate them; and even now- as well as formerly, travellers are forced to go with arms and in caravails
f. Ses Amianus Marcellinus, Book XIV. Chap. iv. page 14, in the edition of Valefius printed at Paris, 1681. See alfo Harris' Voyages, Vol. II. Book II. chap, ix,
+ The wood of the Ew-treeis bent into Iturean bows. See Virgil’s Georgies, Book II. line 448.—From thence a paflage was opened for liurean arrows. See Lucan VII. 30.
J Thevenot in Harris, Vol. 2. Book 2. Chap, ix.
22
DISSERTATIONS ON
or large companies, and to march and keep watch and gward like a little army, fo defend themlelves from the afiaults of thefit freebooters, who run about in troops, and rob and plunder ail whom they can by any means fubdue. Theie robberies they alio * juftify, 44 by alledging the hard ufage of their father Ifl> mael, who being turned out of doors by A braham had die opeii plains and delerts given him by God for his patrimony, with permiffion to take whatever he could find 11161*6. And on this account they think they may, with a fafe conPience, indemnify tneralelves, as well as they can, not only on the potterity of Ilaac,but alfo on every body elle; always fuppofing a fort of kindred between themfelves and thofe they plunder; And in relating their adventures of this kind, they think it Efficient tfr change the expreflion, and.inltead of I robbed a man of fuck or fuch a tiling, to lay, {gained it”
‘ And he fhall dwell in the pretence of all his brethren fliall tabernacle, for many of the Arabs dwell in teats, and are therefore called Scemtes. It appears tliafc they dwelt in tents in the wildemefs 1b long ago as in Ifaiah and Jeremiah’s time ; -If. xiii. 20. Jer. iii. 2. and they do the lame at this day. This is very extraordinary, that 4 his hand Ihould be againlt every inan, and every man’s hand againlt him,’ and yet that lie Ihould he able 4 to dwell in the prefence of all his brethren :’ but extraordinary as it was, this alfo hath been fulfilled both in the perion of Ilhmael, and in his poiterity. As for Ilhmael himlelf, the iacred biftorian afterwards relates Gen. xxv. 17, 18. that 4 the years of the life of Ilhmael were an hundred and thirty 2nd ieven years, and he died in the prefence of all his brethren.’ As for his pofterity, they dwelt likewile in the prelence of all their brethren, Abraham’s Ions by K£turah, the Moabites and Ammonites dependents of Lot, the Israelites dependents of Abraham, Ifttac and Jacob, and. the Edomites dependents of Abraham, Ifaac and Elau. And they (till fubiift a diftro£t people, and inhabit the country of their progenitors, notwith-Handing the perpetual enmity between them and the reft of mankind. It may be laid perhaps that the country was not worth conquering, and its barrennel's was its prelervation; but this is a miftake, for by all accounts, tliough the greater part ef it be iandy and barren delerts, yet here and there are interfpei* fed beautifijl fpots and fruitful rallies. One part of the country was anciently known and difthiguilhed by the name of Arabia the happy. And now the proper Arabia is by the oriental writers generally divided into five provinces. Of thefe the
* Sale’s Preliminary Difcourfe to the Koran, Seft. I. page 30, 31> where he alfo quotes a book entituled, a journey into Paleftine,
THE PROPHECIES*
chief is the province of Yaman, which, as a * learned writer asserts upon good authorities, “ has been famous from all antiquity for the happinefs of its climate, its fertility and riches* The delightfulnefs and plenty of Yaman are owing to its mountains; for all that part which lies along the.Red Sea, is a dry barren deiart, in fome places 10 or 12 leagues over, but in return bounded by thole mountains, which being well watered, enjoy an almoft continual fpring; and befides coffee, the peculiar produce of this country, yield great plenty and variety of fruits, and in  particular excellent com, grapes, and fpices. The foil of the other provinces is much more barren than tiiat of Yaman; the greater part of their territories being'covered with dry fands, or rifing into rocks, interfperfed here and there with fome fruitful fpots, which receive their greateft advantages from their water and palm trees. ’ ’ But if the country was ever to bad, one would think it fhould he for the intereft of the neighbouring princes and ftate3 at any hazard to root out fucii a peftilent race of robbers: and a&ually it hath leveral times been attempted, but never accomplifhed. They have from firii fo laft maintained their independency, and nohvithfianding the moft powerful efforts for their del miction, ftill dwell in tlie presence of all their brethren, and in the prefence of all their enemies.
We find that in the time ofjMofes, they w ere grown up into * twelve princes according to their nations;’ Gen. xxv. lb. Vand they dwelt’ faith Moles, ver. 18. 6 from Haviiah unto Shur, that is before Egypt, as thou goeit towards Aliy ria :f but yet we do not. find that they were ever lubjeefc to either of their powerful neighbours, the Egyptians or Aflyrians. The conquefts of Sefollris, the great king of Egypt, are much magnified by Diodorus Siculus: and probably he might lubdtie foine of the'weftern provinces of Arabia bordering upon Egypt, but he was obliged, as f Diodorus informs us, to draw a line from Heliopolis to Pelufiuiii, to i ecu re Egypt from the incurfions of the Arabs, They were therefore not .1 objects, but enemies to the Egyptians'; as they were likewise to the Aflyrians, for they affifted i Belefis and Arbaces in overturning that empire, allifi:-<ed them not as fellow rebels,, but as an independent fiate with their auxiliary forces.
The next great conquerors of the eaft were Cyrus and the
* Sale’s Preliminary Difcourfe,, ibid, page % &
f See TKodofus Siculus> Book I. page 86. in the edition of StepLa* Hus, and page 52. in that erf llhodomauus.
% See Diodorus Siculus, Book II. page 79. in the edition of Stephfc* nus, and page 111, in tliat of Rhodomanus.
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Perfians; but neither he nor any of his fueceffors ever reduced the whole body of the Arabs to fubjeXian* They might cop* quer lome of the exterior, but never reached the interior parts of the country : and Herodotus, the hiftorian >vho lived neareft to thofe times, faith exprefsly, that * the Arabs \yere never re* duced by the Perfians to the condition offubje&s, but were con-lid ered by them as friends, and opened to them a paijage into Egypt, which without the afliftance and permiffion of the Arabs would have been utterly impracticable; and in f another place lie laith, that while Phoenicia, Paleftine, Syria, and the neighbouring countries were taxed, the Arabian territories continued free from paying any tribute. They were then regarded as friends, but afterwards they afiifted with their forces J Amyrtaeus king of Egypt againft Darius Nothus, and § Euagoras king of Cyprus againft Artaxerxes Mnemon; fo that they adted as friends or enemies to the Perfians, juft as they thought proper, and as it fuited their humour or their intereft.
Alexander the great then overturned the Perfian empire, and conquered Afia. The neighbouring princes lent their ambal-ladors to make their fubmilfions. The || Arabs alone dildained to acknowledge the conqueror, and fcorned to fend any embally, or take any notice of him. 'Phis flight provoked him to fuch a degree, that he meditated an expedition againft them; and the great preparations which he made for it, lhowecl that he thought them a very formidable enemy : but death intervened, and put an end to all that his ambition orretentment had formed againft them. Thus they happily efcaped the fury of his arms, and were never fubdued by any of his fueceffors. Antigonus, one of the greateftof hislucceli*ors,1f made two attempts upon them, * * * §
* The Arabians never were fubdued by the Perfians. Unlefs a free paifage bad been granted by them to Cambyfes the king of Perfia, that prince would never have been able to force his way through their country to invade Egypt. See Gale’s edition of Herodotus, Book III. SeX. 88. page 198.
•j* See the fame, SeX. 91. pag. 199. Beyond the territory of Arabia, for this country was free.
J See Diodorus Siculus, Book XIII. pa£. 355. in the edition of Ste-phanus. Vol. ii, pag. 172. in the edition of Rhodomanus. See Pri-deaux Connexions, Part I. Book VI. In the year 410.
§ See Diodorus Siculu9, Book XV. pag. 459. in the edition of Ste-phanus. Vol. II. pag. 328. in the Edition of Rhodomanus. See alfo Piudcaux Connexions, Parti 1. Book VII. year 386.
|| See Strabo, Book XVI. pag. 1076. and 1132. in the edition'of Am-fterdam printed in 1707. And Arrian Book VII. pag. 300. in the e-dition of Gronovius.
f See Diodorus Siculus, Book XIX. pag. 722. &c. in Stephanua
ed ition, and Vol. II. pag 730. in that ot Rhodomanus.
THE PROPHECY*
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one by hid gefieral Athenaeus, and the other by his own fon Demetrius, but both without luccels; the former was defeated, and the latter was glad to make peace with them, and leave them at their liberty. Neither would they fuller the people employed by Antigonus, to gather the bitumen on the lake Alphaltites, whereby he hoped greatly to in-create hisrevenue- The A rabs fiercely attacked the workmen and the guards, and forced them 10 defill from their undertaking. So true is the aiiertion of* Diodorus, that 41 neither the Ailyrians formerly, nor the kings of the Medes and Perfians, nor yet of the Macedonians, were able to fubdue them ; nay though they led many and great forces againft them, yet they could not accomplilh their attempts/* We find them afterwards fometimes at peace, and fometimes at war With the neighbouring ft&tes; fometimes joining the Syrians, and fometimes the Egyptians; fometimesafliftingthe Jews, and fometimes plundering them ; and in all reipefts acting like a free people, who neither feared nor courted any foreign power whatever.
The Romans then invaded the eaft, and fubdued the countries adjoining, but were never able to reduce Arabia into the term of a Roman province. It is too common with hiltorians to lay that luch or luch a country was conquered , when perhaps only a part of it was fo. It is thus that f Plutarch ailerts that tne Arabs fubmitted to Lucullus; whereas the moll that we can believe is, that he might full-due lome particular tribes; but he was recalled, and the command of the Roman army in Alia was given to Pompey. Pompey, though he triumphed over the three parts of the World, could not yet conquer Arabia. He J carried his arms into the country, obtained fomfc vi&ories, and compelled A-retas to fubmit; but other aftahs loon obliged him to retire* and by retiring he loll all the advantages which he had' gained. His forces were no fooner withdrawn, than the Arabs made their incurfions again into the Roman provinces.
* Neither the Aflyrians in antient times, nor the* kings of the Medes and Perfians afterwards, nor even thofe of Macedo'n were able to fubjugate them. Although all thefe put in motion, againfl them, many well appointed armies, yet their enterprizes were never crowned with fuccefs. See Diodorus Siculus, Book II. pag. 92. in Stephanus, Edition, and pag. 131. in that of Rhodomanus. f See Plutarch every where in his life of Lucullus.
f See* Plutarch in his life of Pompey. Pag. 640, &c. in the Paris edition of 1624.
Vol. I. No. 1.	D
DISSERTATIONS ON
-rfElius Gallus in the reign of Auguftus * penetrated far int# the country, but a ft range dillemper made terrible havoc in his army, and after two years fpent in this unfortunate expedition, he was glad to efcape with the fmall remainder ofnis forces. The emperor Trajan reduced fome parts of Arabia, but he could never fubdue it entirely; and when he belieged the c ty of the Hagarenes, as f Dion fays, his fol-diers were repelled by lightnings, thunderings, hail, whirlwinds and other prodigies, and were conftantly fo repelled, as often as they renewed their atlaults. At the fame time great fvvarms of flies infelted his camp; fo that he was forced at laft to raife the fiege, and retired with difgrace into his own dominions. About eighty years after, the emperor Severus twice befieged the tame city with a numerous army and a train of military engines ; but he had no better fuccels than Trajan. God, t fays the heathen hiltorian, jrrelerved the city by the backwardnefs of the emperor at one time, and by that of his forces at another. He made fome atlaults, but was baffled and defeated, and returned with precipitation as great as his vexation for his difappointraent. And if fuch great emperors and able warriors as Trajan and Severus could not fucceeed in their attempts, it is no wonder that the following emperors could prevail nothing. The A mbs continued their incurfions and depredations, in Syria and other Roman provinces, with equal licence and impunity.
Such was the ftate and condition of the Arabs to the time of their famous prophet Mahommed, who laid the foundations of a mighty empire : and then for feveml centuries they were better known among the European nations by the name
* See Strabo, Book XVI. pag. 1126. in the Amfterdam Edition of 1707. See alfo Dion Caflius, Book LI1I. pag. 516. in Leuncla-vius’ Edition printed at Hanover in 1606. Dion calls him by miftake Aelius Largus.
f There were thunderings. The rainbow appeared. Flafhes of lightning, furious ftorms, hail and thunderbolts afiailed the Romans as often as they attacked them. (The Hagarenes.) As often too as they provided a meal, great fwarms of flies fending forth a dreadful ftench perched on their meats and drinks. For thefe reafons Tra jan retired from thence. Ste Dion’s Hiftory Book LXVIII. pag. 785. in Leunclavius* Edition printed at Hanover 1606.
f And thus God delivered the city (of the Hagarenes), by the emperor Serverus recalling his foldiers, at a time, when they had it in their power to take it, and afterwards when he was defirous of pofTefling it, he was hindered by the obftinacy of liis foldiers. See the fame Book LXXV. pag. 855.
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THE PROPHECIES.'
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of the Sarraccni or Saracens, the Arraceni * of Pliny and the t Hagarenes of holy fcripture. Their conqueits were indeed amazingly rapid; they can be compared to nothing more properly than to a fudden flood or inundation. In a few years the Saracens over-ran more countries, and fubdued more people than the Romans did in feveral centuries. They were then not only free and independent of the reii of the world, but were themfelves matters of the molt confide-rable parts of the earth. And fo they continued for + about three centuries; and after their empire was dilibived, and they were reduced within the limits of their native country, they ftill maintained their liberty againlt the Tartars, \la-maiucs, Turks, and all foreign enemies whatever. Whoever were the conquerors of Alia, they were itill unconquered, ftill continued their incurfions, and preyed upon ail alike. The Turks have now for feveral centuries been lords of the adjacent countries ; but they have been fo little able to retrain the depredations of the Arabs, that they have been § obliged to pay them a fort of annual tribute for the lafe pailage and lecurity of the pilgrims, who ufually go in great companies to Mecca ; fo that the Turks have rather been dependent upon them, than they upon the Turks. And they itill continue the lame practices, and preferve the fame fuperiority, if we may believe the concurrent teitimony of modern travellers of all nations.
Two of our own nation have lately travelled into thofe parts, and have written and publilhed their travels, both men of literature, both reverend divmes, and writers of credit and character. Dr Shaw and Brihop Pocoke ; and in leveral initances they confirm the account that we have given of this people. M With regard to the manners and cultorns of the Pediweens, laith || Dr Shaw, it is to be oblerved that they return a great many of thofe we read of in facred as well as profane luilory; being, if we except their religion, the lame
* See Pliny’s Natural Hilary, Book VI. Chap, xxxii, and the Jiote of Harduin.
f Hagarenes, the dependents of Ilhmael, They are called alfo Ifhmaelites and Saracens, See, Calmet’s Did.
t The Saracens began their cpnquefts A. D. 622. and to reign at Damufcus A. D. 637. Their empire was broken and divided A. D. 936. See Dr Blair’s Chronol. Tables. Tab. 33 and 39. and Sir Ifaac Newton on the Apocalypfe. Chap. 3. p. 304, 305.
$ See Thevenot in Harris Vol. 2. Book II. Chap. 9. and Deirte-trius Cantemir’s Hift. of the Othman empire in Ahmed II, p. 393.
11 Shaw’* Travels, p. 300. &c.
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people they were two or three thoufand years ago; without ever embracing any of thofe novelties in drefs or behaviouT, which have bad to many periods and revolutions in the Moorifh and Turkilh cities. *’ And after giving fome account of their holpitality, he proceeds thus ; ** Yet the outward behaviour of the Arab frequently gives the lie to his inward temper and inclination. For he is naturally thievilh and treacherous ; and it fometimes happens that thole very per-fons are overtaken and pillaged in the morning, who were entertained the night before, with all the inltances of friendship and hofpitahty. Neither are they to be accufed for plundering ltrangers only, and attacking.almoftevery perfon, whom they find unarmed and defenceless, but for thole many implacable and hereditary animofities, which continually fubfift among them, literally fulfilling to this day the prophecy, that Ifhmael fhou/d be a wild man ; his hand fhould be againjt every man, and every man's hand againfi him," Dr Shaw himfelf * was robbed and plundered by a party of Arabs In his journey from Hamah to Jerufalem, though he was ef-corted by four bands of Turkilh foldiers: and yet the Turks at the fame time paid a l'tipulated fum to the Arabs, in order to lecure a fafe pallage for their caravans : and there cannot furely be a ftronger proof, not only of the independency of the Arabs, but even of their luperiority, not only of their enjoying their liberty, but even of their abufmg it to licentiouf-iiels. Bifhop Pocoke was the lait who travelled into thole parts; and he hath informed us, that the prelent inhabitants of Arabia refemble the ancient in feveral relpedts ; that f they live under tents, and ftay in one place as long as they have water and (hrubs and trees for their camels to feed on, for there is no tillage nor grafs in all this country ; that all their riches confift in camels, a few goats, and fometimes fheep, lo that they live in great poverty, having nothing hut a few dates and a little goats milk, and bring all their corn eight or ten days journey from Cairo; that they are in different nations or clans, each obeying the orders of its great chief and every incampment thole of its particular chief; and though feemingly divided, yet they are all united in a fort of league together ; that they % love plunder, and the roving fort of life this difpofition leads them to; have good liQifes, and manage them and their pikes With much ad drefs; thole
* Preface to his Travel^ p. viL
f FoQoke’s Defcription of the Eaft. Vol. 1. Book IJI. Chap. 2«
J Book IY. Chap 4,
THE PROPHECIES.
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fcn foot ufe poles, with which they fence off the fpcar, with great art. So that authors both lacred and profane, Jewiflt and Arabian, Greek and Roman, Chriftian and Mohammedan, ancient and modern, all agree in the fame account: and if any are delirous of feeing die matter deduced more at large, they may be referred to a dillertation upon the independency of the Arabs by the learned authors of the U-niverfal Hiliory.
An author, who hath lately puli Died an account of Perfia, having occalion to fpeak of the Arabians, * lays, “ their ex-pertnels in the ufe of the lance and fabre, renders them fierce and intrepid. Their fkill in horfemanihip, and then* capacity of bearing the heat of their burning plains, give them a!-fo a iuperiority over their enemies. Hence every petty chief in his own diitruftconfiders himfelf as alovereigu prince, and as luch exabts cultoms from all palfengers. Their conduct in this relpe6l has often occafioned their being confidered in no better light than robbers, &c. They generally marry within their own tribe, ic. When they plunder caravans travelling through their territories, they confider it as repri-fals on the Turks and Perfians, who often make inroads into their country, and carry away their corn and their flocks.’*
Who can fairly confider and lay all thefe particulars together, and not perceive the hand of God in this whole aflair from the beginning to the end ? The facred hiltoriau faith, that thefe prophecies concerning IIhmael were delivered partly by the angel of the Lord, and partly by God hunlelf: and indeed who but God, or one railed and commiffioned by him, could deferibe fo particularly the genius and manners, not only of a Angle perfon before lie was bom, but of a whole people from the firft founder of the race to the prelent time ? It was fomewhat wonderful, and not to be foreieen by human fagacity or prudence, that a man’s whole polterity Ihould lo nearly referable him, and retain the lame inclinations, the lame habits, the lame cultoms throughout all ages. The waters of the purelt faring or fountain are loon changed and polluted in their courle; and the farther Hill they flow, the more they are incorporated and loft in other waters. How have the modern Italians degenerated from the courage and virtues of the old Romans? How are the French and Englifh polilhed and refined from the barbarifm of the ancient Gauls and Britons? Men and manners change with times: but in all changes and revolutions the Arabs have
* Hanway’s Travels, Vol. 4. Part 5. Chap. xxix. psg. 221, 5cc.
DISSERTATIONS ON
so
ftill continued the fame with little or no alteration. And yet it cannot be faid of them, as of fome barbarous nations, that they have had no commerce or intercourfe with the reft of mankind; for by their conquefts they over-ran a great part of the earth, and for fome centuries were matters of molt of the learning that was then in the world: but however they remained and ftill remain the lame fierce la-vage intra&able people, like their great anceitor in every thing, and ditlerent from molt of the world befides. llhmael was circumciled ; and fo are his potterity to this day : and as llhmael was circumciled when he was thirteen years old, fo were the Arabs at the fame age according to * Jofephus. He was born of Hagar, who was a concubine; and they ltill indulge themfeives in the ule of mercenary wives and concubines. He lived in tents in the wilderiiels, ihifting from place to place ; and lo do his dependents, particularly thofe therefore called f Seen ites formerly, and thole called Bedo-weens at this day. He was an archer in the wiidernels; and fo are they. He was to be the father of twelve princes or heads of tribes ; and they live in clans or tribes at this day. He was a wild man, his hand again It every man, and every man’s hand agamit him : and they live in the lame l'tate of war, their hand agamit every man, and every man’s hand againlt them.
This, I lay, is fomewhat wonderful, that the fame people fhould retain the lame difpofitiOns for fo many ages ; but it is ltill more wonderful, that with theie difpolitions, and this enmity to the whole world, they fhould ltill fublilt in Ipite of the world an independent and free people. It cannot be pretended, that no probable attempts were ever made to conquer them; ior the greatelt conquerors in the world have almoltali in their turns attempted it, and fome of them have been very near effecting it. It cannot be pretended that the dryneis or inaccelliblenefs of their country hath been their preieivation; for their country hath been often penetrated, though never ent ie y fjbdued. 1 know that X Diodorus
* See his Antiquities, Book I. Chap. xii. Se&. 2- page 29. in Hudton’s edition. And alfo Pocock’s .Specimen of Arabian Hifto-ry, page3|9.
t Scenites or Skenites,—wanderers, fo called from their tents, in Greek Skene, which lignifies a tent. See Pliny, Book VI. Chap, xxviii. Se&. 32. in Harduin’s edition. See alfo Pocock’s Specie men of Arabian Hiltory, page 87.
t See Diodoms Siculus, Book II. page 92. in Stephanus’ edi-
31
THE PROPHECIES.
Siculus accounts for their prefervation from the drynefs of their country,.that they have wells digged in proper places known only to themlelves, and their enemies and invaders through ignorance of thefe places perifti for want of water: but this account is far from being an adequate and juft reprefen tation of the cafe; large armies have found the means of fubliltence in their country ; none of their powerful invaders ever defifted on this account; and therefore that they have not been conquered, we muft impute to fome other caufe. When in ail human probability they were upon the brink of ruin, then (as we have before feen at large) they were fignally and providentially delivered. Alexander was preparing an expedition againli them, when an inflammatory fever cut him otf in the flower of his age. Pompey was in the career of his conquefts, when urgent affairs called him ellewhere. ^Elius Galius had penetrated far into the country, wrhen a fatal difeale deltroyed great numbers of his men, and obliged him to return. Trajan befieged their capital city, but was defeated by thunder and lightning, whirlwinds ■ and other prodigies, and that as often as he renewed his af-faults. Severus befieged the lame city twice, and was twxe repelled from before it; and the hiltorian Dion, a man of rank and character, though an heathen, plainly afcnbes the defeat of thefe two emperors to the interpofition of a divine power. We who know the prophecies, may be more allured of the reality of a divine interpolition : and indeed other-wife how could a Angle nation ltand out againft the enmity of the whole world for any length of time, and much more for near 4000 years together ? The great empires round them have all in their turns fallen to ruin, while they have continued the lame from the beginning 9>and are likely to continue the fame to the end: and this in the natural coujie of hiimaa affairs was fo highly improbable, if not altogether impo iibre, that as nothing but a diving preference could have fortTeen it, lb nothing but a divine power couid have accom-plilhed it.
Thefe are the only people befides the Jews, who have fub-fifted as a diltind peopie from the beginning ; and in fome relpebts they very much refemb.e each other. The Arabs as well as the Jews are defeended from Abraham, and both boalt of their defeent from that father of the faithful. The Arabs as well as the Jews arecircuincifed, and both profels
tion, page 131. in that of Rhodomanus, and Book XIX. page 722 in Stephanas' edition, and page 730. in that of Rhodomanus.

DISSERTATIONS O!T
to have derived that ceremony from abraham. The Arabs as well as the Jews had originally twelve patriarchs or heads of tribes, who were their princes or governors. The Arabs as well as the Jews marry among themfelves and in their own tribes. The Arabs as well as the Jews are Angular in feve-ral of their cuftoms, and are {landing monuments to all ages,
I of theexa&nefs of the divine 4predi6fcions, and of the veracity of fcripture billory. We may with more confidence believe the particulars related of Abraham and Iflimael, when we lee them verified in their pofterity at this clay. This is having as it were ocular demonftration for our faith. Tills is proving by plain matter of fa6t, that the mojl High ruleth in the kingdoms of men, and that his truth, as well as his mercy, endureth for ever•
III.
The prophecies concerning Jacob and Esau*
AS it pleafed God to dilclofe unto Abraham the ftate and condition of his pofterity by Iflimael, wThowas thefon of the bond-woman; it might be with reafon expe&ed, that lomething (hould be predi6ted concerning his poilerity alfo by Ilaac, who was the Ion of the free-woman. He was properly the child of promile, and the prophecies relating to him and his family are'much more numerous than thofe relating to Ilhmael: but we will lele6t and enlarge upon ■fiich only, as have reference to thefe later ages.
It was promifed to Abraham before Ilhmael or any fon .was bom to him, Gen. xii. 3. 4 In thee (hall all families of the earth be bleffed/ But after the birth ofllhmaei and Ilaac, the promife was limited to Ifaac, Gen. xxi. 12. 4 for in Kaac (hail thy feed be called/ And accordingly to Ilaac was the promife repeated, Gen. xxiv. 4. 4 In thy feed fhall all the nations of the earth be bleffed/ The Saviour of the world therefore v/as not to come of the family of Iflimael, but of the family of Ilaac; whidh^is anjirgument £qj . Jthe truth of the Chriftian religion in^prelefence to^^loham-an	f>romTfe macTe two
ftTTffiland years belore Chrift, and much more before Mohammed was born.
The land of Canaan was promifed to Abraham and his feed four hundred years before tliey took polfeffion of it.
THE 1*R0P»ECIS!.
SB
Gen. xv. It was promifed again to Ifaac, Gen. xxvi. 3.
*	Sojourn in this land, and I will be With' thee, and will blels thee: for unto thee and unto thy feed I will give all thefe countries, and I will perform the oath which I fware unto A braham thy father.* Now it is very well known, that it was not till after the death of Mofes, who wrote,thefe things, that the1 Israelites got pofieflion ofthe land under thfc command of Jofhua. They remained in pofieflion of it fe-veral ages in purfuance of thefe prophecies: and afterwards, when for their fins and iniquities they were to be removed from it, their removal alio was foretold, both the carrying away of the ten tribes, and the captivity of th two remaining tribes for feventy years, afid likewile their final captivity and difperfion into all nations, till in the fulnefs of time they /hall be reftored again to the land of their inheritance.
It was foretold to Abraham that his polterity Ihould be multiplied exceedingly above that of otners; Gen. xii.
*	I will make of thee a great nation;* and xxii. 17. * in blefling I will blefs thee, and in multiplying I will multiply thy ieed as the liars of heaven, and as the land which is upon the lea-fhore.* The lame promile was continued to Ilaac, Gen. xxvi. 4. * I will make thy feed to multiply as the itars of heaven.* And not to mention the vaft increafe of their other polterity, how foon did their defcendents by Jacob grow up into a mighty nation? and bow numerous were they formerly in the land of Canaan ? how numerous were they in other parts of the world according to the accounts of Philo and Jofephus? and after the innumerable mailacres and perfections which they have undergone, how numerous are they ftill in their prelent difperfion among all nations ? It is computed that there are as many Jews now, or more than ever there were, fince they have been a nation. A learned * foreigner, who hath written a hiltory ofthe Jews, as a fupplement and continuation of the hiltory of Jofephus, lays that “ it is impofiibie to fix the number ofperftms this nation is at prefent com poled of. But yet we have reafon to believe, there are itill near three millions of people, who profefs this religion, and as their phrale is, are witnefes of the unity of God in all the nations of the world " And who could foretel fuch a wonderful increafe and propagation of a branch only of one man’s family, but the lame divine power that could effect it ?
* See Bafnage’s Hiltory of the Jews, Book VIL Chap, xxxiii.
Sea. 15.
Vol. I. No. 1.	E
*4
DISSERTATIONS ON
But Ilaac had two fons, whofe families did not grow trp and incorporate into one people, but were feparated into two different nations: and therefore, as it had been ivceffary before to fpecify whether Ifhmael or Ilaac was to be heir of the promifes, fo there was a neceility for the fame diftinc-tion now between Efau and Jacob. Accordingly, when their mother had conceived, ‘ the children llruggled together within herGen. xxv. 22. and it was revealed unto her by the Lord, ver. 23. * Two nations are in thy womb, and two manner of people lhall be feparated from thy bowels; and the one people lhall be ltronger than the other people, and the elder lhall lerve the younger.’ The fame divine fpirit influenced and directed their father to give his final be* nedidion to the fame purpole: for thus he bleiled Jacob, Gen. xxvii. 28. 29. ‘ God give thee of the dew of heaven, and the fatnels of the earth, and plenty of corn and wine. Let people ferve thee, and nations bow down to thee; be lord over thy brethren, and let thy mother’s ions bow down to thee; curfed be every one that curleth thee, and bieiied be he that bielfeth thee :* and thus he bleiled Efau, ver 39, 40. * Behold, thy dwelling lhall be the fatnefs of the earth, and of the dew of heaven from above. And by thy fword fhalt thou live, and lhalt ferve thy brother; and it lhalt come to pals when thou lhalt have the dominion, that thou lhalt break his yoke from oft* thy neck.’ But for greater clearnefs and certainty a more exprefs revelation was afterwards made to Jacob ; and the land of Canaan, a numerous progeny, and the blefling of all nations, were promifed to him in particular, Gen. xxviii. 13, ;4. * I am the Lord God of Abra-ham thy father, and the God of Iirael; the land whereon thou lielt, to thee will I give it, and to thy feed. And thy feed lhall be as the dull of the earth; and thou lhalt 1‘pread abroad to the welt, and to the eait, and to the north, and to the fouth; and in thee, and in thy feed lhall all the families of the earth be bleiled.’
We have here a farther and more ample proof of what was afferted before, that thefe ancient prophecies were meant not lb much of (ingle perlons, as of whole people and nations defcended from the n. For what is here predifted concerning Efau and Jacob was not verified in tnemfelves, but in their pofterity. Jacob Was fo far from bearing rule over E-fau, tnat he was forced to fly his country for fear of Efau,* Gen. xxvii. He continued abroad feveral years ; and when he returned to his native coufntry, he lent a fupplicatory mel-fage to his brother Elau, Gen. xxxii. 5. ‘ that he might
THE PROPHECIES.
35
find grace in his fight.’ When he heard of Efeu’s coining to meet him with four hundred men, he ‘ was greatly afraid and diftrelied,’v. 7. and cried unto the Lord, v. 11. ‘ Deliver me, I pray thee, from the hand of my brother, from the hand of Efau.’ He lent a magnificent prefent before him to appeafe his brother, calling Efau his lord, and him-feif Efau s fervant, ver. 18. When he met him, he ‘ bowed himfelf to the ground feven times, until he came near to his brother,’ Gen. xxx. 3. And after he had found a gracious reception, he acknowledged, ver. 10. ‘ I have leen thy face, as though I had feen the face of God, and thou waft pleafed with me.’ Jacob then had no temporal fupe-riority over Efau ; and therefore we muft look for the completion of the prophecy among their pofterity. The prophet cy itfelf refers us thither, and mentions plainly two nations and two manner of people, and comprehends thefe feveral particulars; that the families of Efau and Jacob (hould grow up into two different people and nations; that the family of the elder (hould be fubject to that of the -younger.; that in fituationand other temporal advantages they (hould be much alike : that the elder branch ihould delight more in war and violence, but yet Ihould be fubdued by the younger; that however there (hould be a time when the elder (hould have dominion, and (hake olf the yoke of the younger; but in all fpiritual gifts and graces the younger (hould be greatlv fupe-r rior, and be the liappy initrument of conveying the blefting to all nations.
I. The families of Efau and Jacob (hould grow up into two different people and nations. ‘ Two nations are in thy womb, and two manner of people fliali be ieparated from thy bowels.’ The Edomites were the off spring of Elau, as the Ifraelites were of Jacob ; and who but the author and giver of life could forefee, that two children in the womb would multiply into two nations ? Jacob had twelve fans, and their defcendents all united and incorporated into one nation; and what an overruling providence then was it, that two nations Ihould arife from the two fons only of Ifaac ? But they were not only to grow up into two nations; but into two very different nations, and two manner of people were to be feparatcd from her bowels. And have not the Edomites and Ifraelites been all along two very different people in their manners and cuftoms and religions, which made them to be perpetually at variance one with another ? The children ftruggled together in the womb, which was an omen and token of their future difagreeinent: and when they were
E 2
66
DISSERTATIONs On
grown up to manhood, they manifefted very different in-clinations. Esau was a cunning hunter, and delighted in the sports of the field : Jacob was more mild and gentle, dwelling in tents, and minding his fheep and his cattle, Gen,
xxv.	27. Our Englifh tranflation, agreeably to the * Sep-ituagint and the vulgate, hath it that Jacob was a plain man; but he appears from his whole conduct to have been rather an artful than a. plain man. The jjword in the j>riginal fignifies perfect, which is a generaPterm ; buT oppolTtion to the SJTna ^	of Hau, it mutt
pmicuIarTy import that Jacob was more humane and gentle, as J Philo the Jew underltands it, and as Le Clerc tranflates U. Efau flighted his birth-right and thofe lacred privileges ©f which Jacob was defirous, and is therefore called Heb. xii. 16. the profane Efau: but Jacob was a man of better faith and religion. The like diverfity ran through their poiverity. The religion of the Jews is very well known ; but whatever the Edomites were at firft, in procefe of time they became idolaters. Jofephus § ment ons an Idurnean deity named Koze: and Amaziah king of J udah, after he had overthrown the Edomites, 2 Chron. xxiv. 14. ‘ brought their gods, and fet them up to be his gods, and bowed down himleit before them, and burned incenfeunto them which was mon-flroufly abfurd, as the prophet remonftrates, ver. 15. ‘ Why halt thou fought after the gods of the people, which could gotdeliver their own people out of thine hand? Uponthefe religious diflerences and other accounts there was a continual grudge and enmity between the two nations. The king pf Edom would not fuller the Ifraelites in their return out of Egypt, fo much as to pafs through his territories : Numb, xx. and the hiitory of the Edomites afterwards is little more than the hiitory of their wars with the Jews.
If. The family of the elder lhould he fubjeft to that of the younger. ‘ And the one people (hall be itronger than
* *1 Aplastos,” in the Septuagint verfion, and “ fimplex,” in the Vulgate, both of which fignify, plain, fimple, or without deceit.
*f* M Tam,” a Hebrew word, which fignifies entire or perfect. In the Syriac and Samaritan, this word is rendered entire, by Onkelos it is tranflated perfect, and in the Arabic, perfe6t in virtues.
X See Le Clerc on the paffage. “ Jacob truly was mild, meek or gentle.”
$ Koze, was a divinity worfhipped by the Edomites. See Antiquities, Book XV. Chap. vii. $e£t. $. PaSe 686. ^ Hudfon^ edition.
37
the priphecies
the Other people, and the elder (hall ferve the younger/ or as the words may be rendered, the greater fhaU ferve the lef~ Jer. The family of Efau was the elder, and for lb me time the greater and more powerful of the two, there having been dukes arid kings in Edom, ‘ before there reigned any king over the children of ifrael, Gen. xxxvi. 31. But Davidand bis captains made an entire conqult of the Edomites, (lew leveral thoufands of them, 1 Kings, xi. If). and 1 Chron. xviii. 12. and compelled the relt to become his tributaries and fervants, and planted garrifons among them to fec,ure their obedience, 2 Sam. viii. 14. ‘ And he put garrifons in Edom; throughout all Edom put he garrifons, and all the/ of Edom became David’s fervants/ In this ltate of fervi-tude they continued about * an hundred and fifty years, without a king of their own, being governed by viceroys orde-
Euties appointed by the kings of J udah. In the reign of Je-olhaphat king of J udah it is faid, that 4 there was then no king in Edom ; a deputy was king/ 1 King’s xxii. 47. But in the days of Jehoram his fon, they revolted, and recovered tiieir liberties, * and made a king over themfelves/ .2 Kings viii. 20. But afterwards Auiaziah king of Judah ‘ flew of Edom in the valley of fait ten thoufand, and took Se-lah by war, and called the nameofit Joktheel unto this day/ fays .the facned hillorian, 2 Kings xiv. 7. 4 And other ten thoufand left alive, did the children of Judah carry away captive, and brought them unto the top of the rock/ whereon belah was built, 4 and call them down from the top of the rock, that they were broken all in pieces/ 2 Chron. xxv.
12.	His fon Azariah or Uzziah like wile took from them Elah, that commodious haven on the Red Sea, and fortified it anew, f and rellored it to Judah/ 2 Kings xiv. 22. 2 Chron..xxvi. 2. Judas Maccabaeus attacked and defeated them leveral times, killed no fewer than twenty thoufand at one time, and mare tkan twenty thoufand at another, and took their chief city of Hebron, and the towns thereof, and pulled down the fortrefs of ?/, and burnt the towers thereof round about? 1 Macc. v. 2 Macc. x. At laft his nephew, t Hyrcanus the fon of Simon, took others of their cities, and reduced them to the necellity of embracing the Jewilh reli-
* From about the year of the world 2960 before Chrift 1044 to about the year of the world 3115 before Chrift 889. See Ufher’j Annals;
f See Jofephus* Antiquities, Book IX. Sett. 1. page 584. in Hudfon’s edition.
$8
BMSERTATI0N8 OV
gion, or of leaving theiT country and leekingnew habitations ellewhere, whereupon they lubmitted to becircumciled, and became proielytes to the Jewifh religion, and ever after were incorporated into the Jewifh church and nation.
III.	In fituation and other'temporal advantages they (hould be much alike. For it was faid to Jacob> VGod give thee of the dew of heaven, and of the fatnefs of the earth, and plenty of com and wine and much the lame is laid to Elan, * Behold thy dwelling fhall be of the fatnels of the earth, and of the dew 4of heaven from above.’ In this manner the latter claule is tranilated in * Jerome’s and the old verfioits: but fome modem commentators, (f Caltalio, le Clerc, &c.) render it otherwife, that his dwelling Ihould be far from the fatnefs of the earth, and from the dew of heaven: and they fay that Idumea, the country of the Edomites,’ was a dry, barren, and deiert country. But it is not probable, that any good author Ihould ufe the J very fame words with the very lame pra'pofitions in one fenfe, and within a few lines after in a quite contrary fenle. Belrdes Efau foliated for a blefhng ; and the author of the epiltle to the Hebrews laith, x*i. 20. that Ifaac blejfed Jacob and Efau; whereas had he conligned Kiauto fuch a barren and wretched country, it would have been a curfe rather than a blel-fing. The fpiritual bleding indeed, or the promile of the blelfed feed could be given only to one; but temporal good things might be communicated and imparted to both. Mount Seir and the adjacent country was at lirlt the pollef-lion of the Edomites; they afterwards extended themfelves farther into Arabia ; as they did afterwards into the fouthem parts of Judea. But wherever they were fituated, we find in fa& that the Edomites in temporal advantages wer^ little inferior to the Ilraelites. Efau had cattle, and beajts, and fubjtance in abundance, and he went to dwell in Seir of his own accord, and he would hardly have removed thither
* In the fatnefs of the earth, and in the dew of heaven from above.
■f He fliall be at a diftance from the fatnefs of the earth. See Ca-ftalio. His habitation fliall be rempte indeed from the fatnefs of the earth, nor (hall it be fertilized by the dew of heaven. And truly, the land of Edom was not rich, fertile, or well watered. See Le Clerc on the palfage.
f Ver. 23. Mittal hafhamaim umiflimanne haaretz of the dew of heaven	and of the fatnefles of the earth.
Ver. 39. Miflimanne haaretz	umittal hafhamaim	mignal
of the fatnefles of the earth and of the dew of heaven from above.
TUE FltOPHECIEf*
*0
With fo many cattle, had it been fuch a barren and defolate country, as fome would reprelent.it. Gen. xxxiv* <*. 7.9+ The Edomites had dukes and kings reigning over them, while the Ifraelites were (laves in Egypt. In their return out of Egypt when the Ifraelitesdefired leave to pafk through the territories of Edom, it appears that the country abounded with fruitful tields and vineyards; ‘ Let us pafs, I pray thee, through thy country; we will not pals through the fields, or through the vineyards, neither will we drink of the water of the wells/ Numb. xx. 17. And the prophecy of Maiachi, i. 2. which is commonly alledged as a proof of the barrennefs of the country, is rather an argument to the contrary : ‘ And I hated Efau, and laid his mountains and his heritage waftc, for the dragons of the wildejrnefsfor this implies that the country was fruitful before, and that its pre-font unfruitfulnefs was rather an elfect of war and devolution, than any natural defect and failure in the foil. If the country is barren and unfruitful now, fo neither is Judea what it was formerly. The face of any country is much changed in a long courie of years : and it is totally a different thing, when a country is regularly cultivated by inhabitants living under a fettled government, than when tyranny prevails, and the land ts left defolate. It is alfojrequentiy ieen that God, as the Pfalmift faith, evil. 34. ‘ turneth a fruitful l^nd into barrennefs for the wickedueis of them that dwell therein.'
IV.	The elder branch fhould delight more in war and violence, but yet fhould be fubdued by the younger. 4 And by thy l’word (halt thou live, and (halt lerve thy brother.’ Elau himfelf might be faid to live much by the (word, for he 4 was a cunning hunter, a man of the field,’ Gen. xxv. 27. He and his children got poUeHion of mount Seir by force violence, by deftroying and expelling from thence the Hontes, the former inhabitants, Deut. ii. 22. We have no account, and therefore cannot pretend to lay, by what means they fpread themfelves farther among the Arabians? but it * appears, that upon a fedition and reparation many of the Edomites came, and leized upon the fouth-weit parts of Judea during the Babylonilh captivity, and fettled there ever afterwards. Both before and after this, they were almoft continually at war with the Jews; upon every occafion they were ready to join with their enemies; and when Nebuchadnezzar belieged Jerulalein, they encouraged him utterly
* See Strabo Book XVI. pag. 1103. in the Amilerdam edition of 1707. And Prideaux’ Connections Part I. Book I. in the year 740,
40	BWJtBUTATicmS (TH
to deftroy the city, laying, * Rafe it, rife it, even to the foundation thereof,’ Pial. cxxxvii. 7. Even long after they were fiibdued by the Jews, they Hill retained the fame martial (pint, for * Jofephus in his time giveth them the character of “ a turbulent and diforderly nation, always ere6t to commotions and rejoicing in changes, at the lealt adulation I of thole who befeech them beginning war, and haitening to battles as it were to a feaft.” Agreeably to this character, a little before the laft fiege of Jerulalem, they came at the entreaty of the zealots to aflift them againlt the prielts and people, and there together with the zealots committed unheard-of cruelties, and barharoully murdered Ananus the hfgh-prieft, frorr_ whofe death Jofephus dateth the deltruc-tion of the city.
V.	However there was to be a time when the elder fhould have dominion, and fhake off the yoke of the younger. * And it fliall come to pafs when thou fhalt have dominion, that thou lhalt break hie yoke from off thy neck.’ The word which we tranllate have dominion is capable of various interpretations. Some render it in in the ienfe of laying down or Jhaking off, as the t Septuagint and the Vulgar Latin, And it /hall come to pafs that thou fhalt fhalte off, and fhalt loofe his yoke from off thy neck. Some again render it in the Ienfe ©f mourning or repenting, as the + Syriac, But if thou (halt repent, his yoke fhall pafs front off thy neck. Rut the molt common rendering and mod approved js, when thou fhalt have dominion; and it is not laid or meant, that they lhoirld have dominion over the feed of Jacob, but firhply have dominion, as they had when they appointed a king of their 6wn. The § Jerufalem Targum thus paraphrafeth the * * * §
* 'rfiey were a turbulent and diforderly nation, always inclined to commotions, and delighting in changes, eafily flattered to take up arms and haftening to battles as if they were going to a feaft. See the Jewifli wars, Book IV. Chap. iv. Se&. J. pag 1177.*in Hudfon’s edition. Confult alfo the following chapter.
f ‘ Eftaide henika ean katheles, kai eklufes ton Zugon antou ap* ton trachelou fou.*, Septuagint. That is, It (the times) fhall be, when thou mayefl fhake off and loofe his yoke from thy neck. Tempufque* veniet cum excutias et folvas jugum ejus de cervicibus tuis. Vulgate Verlion. That is the time will come when thou mayeft (hake off and loofe his yoke from thy necks.
J But if thou (halt exercife repentance, his yoke (hall pafs off from tliy neck.
§ And it fhall come to pafs when the children of Jacob fhall labour Fn the law and keep the commandments, they fhall put a yoke ©f
THE PROPHECIES.	41
whole, “ Arid it ftiall be when the fons of Jacob attend to the law, and obferve the precepts, they ftiall impole the yoke of fervitude upon thy neck ; but when they ftiall turn themi felves away from ftudying the law, and neglect the precepts, behold then thou (hake off the yoke of fervitude from thy neck.* David impoled the yoke and at that time the Jewilh people obferved the law. But the yoke was very galling to the Edomites from the firft : and toward the latter end of Solomon’s reign, Hadad the Edomite of the blood royals who had been carried into Egypt in his childhood, returned into his own country, and railed feme dilturbances, 1 Kings xi. but was not able to recover his throne, * his fubje&s being overawed by the garrifons which David had placed among them. But in the reign of Jehqram the fon of Jeho-fliaphat kingsof Judah, ‘ the Edomites revolted from under the dominion of Judah, and made themfelves a king.’ Je-lioram made fome attempts to lubdue them again, but could not prevail. ‘ So the Edomites revolted from under the hand of Judah unto this day, lajtli the Author of the books of Chronicles : 2 Chron. xxi. 8, 10. and hereby this part of the prophecy was fulfilled about nine hundred years after it Was delivered.
VI.	But in all fpiritual gifts and graces the younger fliould be greatly luperior, and be the happy inftrument of convey* ing the blefiing to all nations. ‘ In thee and in thy feed ftiall all the families of the earth be bleffed and hitherto arc to be referred in their full force thofe expreffions, ‘ Let people ferve thee, and nations bow down to thee; Curfed be every one that curfeth thee, and blefled be he that blelfeth thee.’ The lame promife was made to Abraham in the name of God, ‘ I will blefsthem that blefs thee, and curfe him that curfeth theeGen. xii. 3. and it is here repeated to Jacob, and is thus paraphrafed in the f Jerulalem Tar* gum, “ He who curfeth thee, ftiall be curfed, as Balaam the Ion of Beor; and he who blelfeth thee, lhall be bletfed, a*
bondage upon thy neck; But when the children of Jacob fllall turn away themfelves from ftudying the law, and from keeping .the commandments, behold then thou ftialt break off their yoke of bondage from thy neck. See the Jerufalem Targum.
* See Jofephus’ antiquities, Book VlII. Chap. vii. Sedt. 6. pag; 361. in Hudfon’s edition.
f Jacob my fon, whofoever (hall curfe thee, ftiall be curfed, like Balaam the fon of Beor; but whofoever bleffeth thee, fhall be bleffed like Mofes the prophet, the Ifraelitifh lawgiver. See Jerufalem Targum.
Vol. L No. 2.
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DISSERTATIONS ON
Mofes the prophet, the law-giver of Ifrael.’ It appears that Jacob was a man of more religion, and believed the divine promifes more than Efau. The poiterity of Jacob likewife preferved the true religion and the worlhip of one God, while the Edomites were funk in idolatry. And of the feed of Jacob was bom at laft the Saviour of the world. This was the peculiar privilege and advantage of Jacob, to be the happy inltrument of conveying thefe lpiritual blellings to all nations. This was his greatelt fuperiority over Efau ; and in thisfenfe St Paul underltands and* applies the prophecy, the elder (hallferve the younger. Rom. ix. 12. The Christ, the Saviour of the world, was to be bom of fome one family : and Jacob’s was preferred to Efau’s out of the good plcature • of almighty God, who. is certainly the belt judge of fitnefs and expedience, and hath an undoubted right to difpenfehis favours as he lhall fee proper; ‘ for he faith to Mofes,’ (as the apoftle proceeds to argue ver. 15.) ‘I will have mercy on whom I will have mercy, and I will have compaifion on whom I will have companion.’ And when the Gentiles were converted to Chriltianity, the prophecy was fulfilled literally, ‘ Let people ferve thee, and nations bow down to thee;’ and will more amply be fulfilled, when ‘ the fulnels of the Gentiles iliall come in, and all Ifrael Avail be laved.’ We have traced the accomplifhment of the prophecy from the beginning; and we find that the nation of the Edomites hath at feveral times been conquered by and made tributary to the Jews, but never the nation of the Jews to the Edomites, and die Jews have been the more confiderable people, more known in the world, and more famous in hittory. We know indeed little move of the hiftory of die Edomites, than as it is connected with that of the J ews : and where is the'name or the nation now ? They were fwallowed up and loll, partly among the .Nabathaean Arabs, and partly among the Jews ; and the very name was * aboliihed and diluted . about the end of the firft century after Chrilt. Thus were they rewarded for intuiting and oppreliing their brethren the Jews, and hereby other prophecies were fulfilled of Jeremiah, xlix. 7. &c. of Ezekiel, xxv. 13. &c.of Joel, iii. 19. Amos, i. 11. &c. and Obadiah. And at this day we fee the Jews liiblifting as a ditlindl’people, while Edom js no more. For agreeably to the words of Obadiah, ver. 10.	‘ For thy vio-
lence againft thy brother Jacob, thame fhall cover thee, and thou (halt be cut off for ever :’ and again, ver. 18. ‘ there
* See Prideaux* Connedt. Part 1. Book V. Anno 129.
THE PROPHECIES* -
43
shall not lie any remaining of the house of Esau, for the Lord hath lpoken it/
IV.
Jacob’s prophecies concerning his fans, particularly Judah*
IT is an opinion of great antiquity, that the nearer men approach to their diiiblution, their lbuls grow more divine, and dilcern more of futurity. We find this opinion as early as * Homer, for he reprefents the dying Patrocius foretelling the fate of Ile&or, and the dying Hedor denouncing no le(s certainly the death of Achilles. Socrates in his A-pology to the Athenians, a little before his death t aflerts the lame opinion. “ But now, faith he, I am defirous to prophely to you who have condemned me, what wih happen hereafter. For now I am arrived at that ftate, in which men prophely moft, when they are about to die.” His icholar J Xenophon introduces the dying Cyrus declaring in Jike manner, “ that the foul of man at the hour of death appears molt divine, and then forelees lomething of future events.” Diodorus Siculus § alledgeth great authorities upon this fubjed: M Pythagoras the Samian and fome others ot the ancient naturalilts liave demonftrated that the fouls of men are immortal, and m conlequence of this opinion that they alfb foreknow future events, at the time that they are j making their reparation from the body in death.” Sextus] * * * §
* See Homer’s Iliad, Book XVI. Line 852. and Book XXII, Line 358.
j Truly I feel a ftrong defire'to prophefy, to you who have condemned me, as to thofe things vhich (hall happen hereafter, for now that I am about to die, I am arrived at that period of time when ' the prophetic faculty is moll energetic. See Plato’s Apology for Socrates, Vol. II. of his works page 39. in the edition <*f Serranus.
J The foul of man (at the point of death) feemsmoft divine, and then forelees fomething of futurity. See Xenophon’s Cyropedia Book VII. near the bottom of page 140? in the edition of Henry Stephens printed 1581.
§ Pythagoras the Samian and fome others of the ancient naturalilts have demonftrated the immortality of the foul, as a confequence from this fentiment, that it has a foreknowledge of future events at the time of its feparation from the body. See the beginning of Book XVIII. pag* 586. in Rhodomanus’ edition.
44	DISSERTATIONS Oil
Empiricus * confirms it likewife by the authority of Ariftotle;
■ ‘ the foul, faith Ariftotle, forefees and foretelafuture events, when it is going to be leparated from the body by death/’ We might produce more teftimonies to this purpofe from Cicero, and Euftathius upon Homer, and from other au<* thors, if there wasoccafion ; butthefe are fufticient to fliow the great f antiquity of this opinion. And it is poflible, that t old experience may in iome cafes attain to fomething like
Srophecy and divination. In fome initances alfo God may ave been plealed to comfort and enlighten departing fouls with a pretcience of future events. But what I conceive might principally give rife to this opinion, was the tradition pf lome of the patriarchs beiitg divinely infpired in their lali moments to foretei the hate and condition of the people defended from them; as Jacob upon Kis death bed fummoned his fons together that he might inform them of what fhould befall them in the latter days or the loft days; by which phrafe fome commentators und'erftand the times of the Mef-liah, or the lad great period of the world ; and Mr Whilton particularly § allerts, that it is generally, if not always, a charatteriftic and criterion of prophecies not to be fulfilled till the coming of the Melliah; and accordingly he fuppofes that thefe prophecies of Jacob more properly belong to tne fecond coming of the Mefliah, at the reltoration of the twelve tribes hereafter. But the phrafe of the latter days or lajl days in
* Ariftotle faith, the foul divines and foretels future events, when it is about to be feparated from the body by death. Againft Maf-hein, page 312.
f Shakefpear alludes to this notion in Henry IV. Firft Part.
-----O, I could prophefy,
But that the earthy and cold hand of death Lies on my tongue.
The fame notion is alfo happily exprefled in a moll excellent Latin poem on The Immortality of the Soul, which is deferring of a place among claflic authors. In richnefs of poetry it equals Lucretius, and in cleamefs and .ftrength of argument it exceeds him. The following is a. profe tranflation of four of its lines.
For when the joints grow ftiff at the approach of death, the mind pofleffeth a keener perception, and a vivacity more divine. At no time do men difcover an eloquence more graceful, thjm when about to die, they open their prophetic lips.
J Alluding to thefe lines of Milton,
Till old experience do attain To fomething like prophetic ftrain.
} Boyle’s Lectures, Vol. 2. p. 31
THE PROPHECIES*
4$
the Old Teftament fignifies any time that is yet to come, though fometimes it in^iy relate to the times of the Melfiah in particular, as it comprehends all future time in general: and hence it is ufed in prophecies that refpecl different times and periods. ‘ I will advertiie thee,’ laith Balaam to Ba-lak, Nuiub. xxiv. 14. ‘ what this people lhall do to thy people in the latter days:’ but what the Iifaelites did to the Moabites, was done long before the times of the Melliah. * I know,’ faitli Modes, Deut. xxxi. 29. ‘ that after my death ye will utterly corrupt yourlelves, and turn afide from the way which I have commanded you, and evil will befal you in the latter dayswhere the latter days are much the lame as the time after the death of Moles. ‘ There is a God in heaven,’ laith Daniel, ii. 28. * that revealeth fecrets and maketh known to the king Nebuchadnezzar, wljat fhall be in the latter daysbut leveral particulars are there foretold of the four great monarchies of the earth, which were fulfilled before tne coming of the Melliah. A nd in like manner thele prophecies of Jacob were, many or molt of them, ac-complilhed under the Mofaic ceconomy, leveral ages before the birth of our Saviour.
Jacob as we have leeq, received a double bleffing, temporal and lpiritual, the promile of the land of Canaan, and the promile of the feed m which ail the nations of the earth, Ihoukl be hlelied ; which promifes were lirit made to Abraham, and then repeated to Ilaac, and then confirmed to Jacob ; and Jacob a little before his death bequeaths the lame to his children. The temporal blelling or inheritance of the land of Canaan might be lhared and divided among all his fons, but the blelfed lecd could delcend only from one: and Jacob accordingly afligns to each a portion in the pro-mifed land, but limits the aefcent of the blelled feed to the tribe of Judah, and at the fame time flcetches out the characters and fortunes of qll the tribes.
He adopts the two fons of Jofeph, Manaffeh and Ephraim, for his own, but, foretelg that the younger fiiould be the greater of the two ; Gen. xlviii. 19. and hath not t^e prediction been fully jufiilied by the event? The tribe of E-phraim grew to be fo numerous and powerful, that it is
fometimes put for all the ten tribes of Ilrael.-Of Reuben
it is faid, Gen. xlix. 4. ‘ (Jnllable as water, thou lhalt not excel :* and what is recorded great or excellent of the tribe of Reuben? In number, Numb. i. and power they were inferior to leveral other tribesv--Of Simeon and Levi it is
|aid, ver. 7. 41 will divide them in Jacob, and lcatter them
45
DISSERTATIONS ON
in Ifrael :A and was hot this eminently fulfilled in the tribe of Levi, who had no portion or inheritance of their own, but were difperied among the other tribes? Neither had the tribe of Simeon any inheritance properly of their own, but only a portion in the midlt of the tribe of JudahJoih. xix. 1^—9. from whence ieveral of them afterwards went jn quell o^new habitations, 1 Chron. iv. 39, &c. and lo were divided from the reft of their brethren* A conftant tradition too * hath prevailed among the Jews which is alfo confirmed by the Jerufalem Targum that the tribe of Simeon were fo ftrait-ened in their fituation and circumftances, that great numbers were neceflitated to leek a fubfiftence among the other tribes, by teaching and inftrubting their children.—Of Ze* bulun it is laid, ver. 13. ‘ He fhall dwell atthe haven of the lea; and lhall be for an haven of Ihips:’ and accordingly the tribe of Zebulun extended from the fea of Galilee to the Mediterranean, Jolh. xix. 10, &c. where they had commodious havens for (hipping. And how could Jacob have fore told the iituation of any tribe, which was determined 200 years afterwards by calling of lots, un lei's he had been directed by that divine Spirit, who difpoleth of all events ?—Of Benjamin it is laid, ver. 27. ‘ He (hall ravin as a wolf:’ and was not that a fierce and warlike tribe, as appears in feveral in-itances, and particularly in the cafe of the Levite’s wife, Judg. xx. when they alone waged war agairilt all the other tribes, and overcame them in two battles ?
In this manner he characterizes thefe and the other tribes, and foretels their temporal condition, and that of Judah as well as the reil: 4 Binding his foie unto the vine, and his afl'es colt unto the choice vine, he waihed his garments in. wine, and his clothes in the blood of grapes. H is eyes (hall be red with wine, and his teeth white with milk ;* ver. 11, 12. and not to mention the valley of Elhcol and other fruitful places, the mountains about Jerufalem, by the accounts of the belt travellers, were particularly lit ted for the cultivation of the vine, and for the feeding of cattle. “ The blefling, lays f Dr Shaw, that was given to J udah, was not of the fame kind,
* The Jews alfo have a tradition that the writers, tutors, School* mailers and teachers of youth were almoil all of the tribe of Simeon. That they might procure a fubfiftence, they were forced to live Separately, in the towns and villages of their brethren. This opinion ia embraced by thfr author of the Jerufalem Targum, by Fagius and others.
f Shaw’s Travels, p. 366,367<
*' THE PROFHECIBfl.
with the blefling of After or of Iffachar that his bread fhould be fat, or his land fhould be pfcafant, but that his eyes fhould be red with wine, and his teeth fhould be white with milk.” He farther obferves, that 44 tiie mountains of the country a-bound with'fhrubs and a delicate fhort grafs, both which the cattle are more fond of, than of fuch plants, as are common to fallow grounds and meadows. Neither was this method of grazing peculiar to th‘19 country; inafmuch as it is hill prac-tifed all over mount Libanus, the Caftrav^n mountains and Barbary; in all which places the higher grounds are let apart for this ufe, and the plains and vallies for tillage. ’ For bolides the good management and (economy, there is this farther advantage, that the milk of cattle fed in this manner is far more rich and delicious, as their flefh is more l\veet and nourifting.—It may be prefumed like wife, that the vine was not neglected, in a foil and expofitiou lb proper for it to thrive in.’*- He mentions particularly 44 the many tokens which are to be met with, of the ancientvineyards about Je-rulklem and Hebron,” and “ the great quantity of grapes and raifins, which are from thence brought daily to the markets of Jerufalem, and lent yearly ter Egypt.”
But Jacob bequeaths to Judah particularly the fpiritunl blefling, and delivers it in much the lame form of words that it was delivered to hir*. Ifaachad faid to Jacob, Gen. xxvii.
4 Let people ferve thee, and nations bow down to thee; be lord over thy brethren, and let thy mother’s Ions bow down to thee :* and here Jacob faith to Judah, ver. 8.
* Thou art he whom thy brethren Avail praife ; thy hand /hail be in the neck of thy enemies; thy father’s children Avail bow down before thee.* And for greater certainty it is added, ver. 10. 4 The feepter Avail not depart from Judah, nor a law-giver from between his feet, until Shiloh come, and unto him fhali the gathering of the people be.* I will not trouble the reader or myfelf with a detail of the various interpretations which have been put upon this paflage-, but will only offer that which appears to me the plaineft, eafieft, and belt; I will Aril explain* the words and meaning of the prophecy, and then ftow the full and exact completion of it. They who are curious to know the various interpretations of the learned, may find an account of them in * Huetius and t Le Clerc : but no one hath treated the fubje6t in a more
* See Eufebrns* Evangelical preparation, Prop. IX. Chap. IV. f See Le Clerc’s commentary on the paflage.
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. DISSERTATIONS ON
mafterly manner than the prefent * Lord Bifliop of London; and we lhall principally tread jn his footfteps, as we cannot follow a better guide.
I. 4 The lcepter fhall not depart from Judah/ The word fkebet, which we tranflate a Jeep ter, fignities a rod orofany kind ; and particularly the rod or ftaff which 11 belonged to each tribe as an enfign of their authority; and thence it is transferred to fignify a tribe, as being united under one rod or ftaff of government, or a ruler of a tribe ; and in this fenfe it is twice uled in this very chapter, ver. 10\ c Dan fhall judge his people as one of the tribes or rulers of Ifrael and again ver. 28. 4 All thele are the twelve tribes or rulers of Ifrael/ It hath the fame fignification in 9 Sam. vii. 7,' 4 In all the places wherein I have walked with all the children of Ifrael, lpake-I a word with any of the tribes or rulers of Ifrael/ (in the parallel place of Chronicles,
1 Citron, xvii. 6\ it is judges of I/raelJ 4 whom I commanded to feed my people Ifrael, faying, Why build ye not me an houfe of cedar?' the word doth indeed iometimes fig-nify a jeepter, but that is apt to convey an idea of kingly authority, which was not the thing intended here : and the J Seventy tranflate it4 archon’, a ruler, which aniwers better to a laic-giver in the following claufe. It could not with any tort of propriety be laid, that the feepter fhould not depart from Judah, when Judah had no lcepter, nor was to have any for many generations aftertenvards: but Judah had a rod or ftaff of a tribe, for he was then conftituted a tribe as well as the reft of his brethren. The very lame expreflion occurs in Zechariah, x. 11. 4 and the feepter of Egypt fhall depart nway/ which implies that Egypt nad a feepter, and that that lcepter (hould be taken away: but no grammar or
* See the 3d DifTertation in Bifhop Sherlock’s Difcourfes of the v Ufe and Intent of Prophecy.
f Bifhop Sherlock hath cited to this purpofe Menochius on the Hebrew Republic Book I. Chap. IV, where he faith, the name (of a rod) hath been transferred to denote a tribe, becaufe each tribe was in pofleffionof its peculiar rod, with its name inferibed thereon, which the princes of the tribes ufed to carry in their hand. When the Lord addreffeth. Aaron in thefe words, but take thou with thee, 'both thy brethren of the tribe of Levi and the rod of thy father, we are to underhand both the rod itfelf and the whole tribe, which was thereby fignificd and ruled.
+ Ouk ekleipfei archon ex Juda. Septuagint. That is a rul^r out of Judah fhall not be wanting.
THE PROPHECIES.
49
language could juftify the faying that Judah's fcepter (lioulcl depart or be taken away, before Judah was in poffeffion of any fcepter. Would it not therefore be better, to fubftitute the word fiaff or ruler inftead of 'fcepter,unlefs we reftrain the meaning of a fcepter to a rod or ftalf of a tribe, which is all that is here intended ? The fiaff or ruler fliall not de~ partfrom Judah. The tribelhip [hall not depart from, Judah. Such authority as Judah had tnen, was to remain with his pofterity. It is not laid or meant, that he fhould not ccale from being a king or having a kingdom, for , he was then no king, and had no kingdom; but only that he (hould not ceafe from being a tribe or body politic, naving rulers and governors of his own, till a certain period here foretold.
‘ Nor a law-giver, from between his feet.’ The fenfe of the word fcepter will help us to fix and determine the meaning of the other word mechokek, which we tranflate a law-giver. For if they are not fyiionimous, they are not very different. Such as the government is, fuch mull be the law-giver. The government was only of a Angle tribe, and the law-giver could be of no more. Nor had the tribe of Judah at any time a legiilativc authority over all the other tribes, no, not even in the reigns of David and Solomon. When David appointed the officers for the fervice of the temple ; 1 Chron. xxv. 1. Ezra viii. 20. and when Solomon was appointed king, and Zadok the prieit; 1 Chron. xxix. 22. thefe things were done with the content and approbation of the princes and rulers of Ifrael. Indeed the whole nation had but one law, and one law-giver in the ltrift fenfe of the word. The king himfelf was not properly a law-giver; he was only to have ‘ a copy of the law, to read therein, and to turn not afide from the commandment, to the right hand or to the left,* Deut. xvii. 18, &c. Moles was truly, as'he is ftiled, the law-giver \ Numb. xxi. 18. Deut. xxxiii. 21. and when the word is applied to any other perfon or perfons, as Judah is twice called by the Pialmiff, Pfal. xl. 7« cviii. 8.
! my law-giver, it is ufed in a lower fignification. For it fignifies not only a law-giver, but a judge : not only one who maketh laws, but likewife one who exercifeth jurifdiction : and in the * Greek it is tranflated ‘ hegousmenos,’ a leader oxprejident, f
* ‘ Kai iiegoilmenos ek ton meron autou/ Septuagint. That is a ruler cut of his loins.
f Nor a Scribe from his children’s children. See the Chaldee, verfion.
Vol. I. No. 2.
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DISSERTATIONS ON
in the Chaldee a fcribe, in the * Syriac an expofitor, and in our Engliih bible it is elfewhere tranflated a go-vemor, as in Judges v. 14. • Out of Machir came down governors, and out of Zebulun they that handle the pen of the writer.* The taw-giver therefore is to be taken in a re-ftrained fenfe as well as the fcepter: and perhaps it cannot l)e tranflated better than judge: Nor a judge from between 'his feet. Whether we underhand it, that a judge from between his feet fit all not depart from Judah, or a judge Jh all not depart from between his feet, I conceive the meaning to be much the fame, that there fhould not be wanting a judge of the race and poiterity of Judah, according to the Hebrew plirafe of children’s coming from between the feet. They who expound it offitting at the feet of Judah, leem not to have confidered that this was the place of fcholars, and not of judges and doctors of the law. As Danve r. 16. was to judge his people as one of the tribes or rulers of Ifrael; fo was Judah and with this particular prerogative that the ftaff or ruler (liould not depart from Judah, nor a judge from between his feet, until the time here foretold, which we are now to examine and afeertain.
* Until Shiloh come,* that is, until the coming of the Mefliah, as almoft air interpreters, both ancient and modem, agree. For howfoever they may explain the word, and whencefoever they may derive it, the Mefliah is the perfon plainly intended.—The f Vulgar Latin tranfiates it Qui mit-tendus eft, He who is to be fen t; and to favour this verfion that pallage in St John’s Got pel, ix. 7. is ufually cited, Go wafh in the pool of Siloam, which is by interpretation font: And who was ever fent with fuch power and authority from God as the Mefliah, who frequently fpeaketh of himfelf in the gofpel under the denomination of ‘ him whom the Father ' hath lent?’—The J Seventy tranflate it ‘ taapokei menu auto,’ the things referved for him, or according to other copies ‘ho apokei tai* heforw horn it is referved: A nd what w as the great treafure referVed for Judah, or who was the perfon for whom all things were referved, but the Mefliah, w7hom we have declaring in the gofpel, Matt. xi. 27. 4 AH things are deli-
* And an expofitor from between bis feet.,
f As if St Jerome had read Shiloch inftead of Shiloh, and derived it from Shalach he fent. The fetter in Hebrew made ufe of to exprefs the found of ch, is nearly of the fame form with the letter anfWering to our h.
J Deriving it from sh fignifying which or what, and lo, to him.
THE PROPHECIES.
SI
Tered unto me of my Father,’ and again, xxviii. 13. * All power is given tin to me in heaven and in earth?’—The Syriac tranflates it to the fame purpole is cujus i/lnd eft, he whoje it is, I fuppole meaning the kingdom ; and the Arabic cujus ipfe eft, whoje he is 1 fuppofe meaning Judah : And whole was Judah, or whofe was the kingdom fo properly as the Mefliah’s, who is fo many times predicted under the character of the king of Ifraelf—Junius and Tremellius with others * tranllate it ftlius ejus, his Jon: And who could be this fon of Judah by way of eminence, but the Mefliah, ‘ the feed in which all the nations of the earth fliall be bleifed ?’— In the Samaritan text and verfion it is pacfus, the peacemaker; and f this perhaps is the belt explication of the word: And to whom can this or any the like title be lb jultly applied as to the Mefliah, who is emphatically ftiled, If. ix. 6. ‘ the prince of peace,’ and at whole birth was lung that heavenly anthem, Luke ii. 14. ‘ Glory to God in the highelt, and on earth peace, good will towards men ?*
Thefe are the principal interpretations, and which ever of thefe you prefer, the per Ion under! tood mult be the Mefliah. But the learned Mr Le Clerc would explain the text in fuch a manner as utterly to exclude the Mefliah: and he was a very able commentator, the belt perhaps upon the Pentateuch ; but like other learned men, he was lometimes apt to indulge ftrange unaccountable fancies. Of this kind, I conceive, is his interpretation of this prophecy ; for he f fays that Shiloh lignifies finis ejus aut ceftatio, his end or ceajing, and that it may be referred to the law-giver, or to the J'cepter, or even to J udah himleif. But if it be referred to the lawgiver, or to theJcepter, what is it but an unmeaning tautology. * There lhall be a law-giver as long as there, lhall be a law-giver, There lhall not be an end of the fcepter till the
* As if it was derived from Shil an iflue of blood, or Shilojah, the fecundines, that wherein the infant is wrapt, and thence by a metony* my, the infant itfelf.
f I look upon tlie word Shiloh to be derived from the verb Shalah, he was tranquil or peaceful, in the fame manner as Kitor fmoke is formed from Katar he made fmoke underneath ; and there are other words of that formation.
f He fays that Shiloh is the fame as Shilo, and Shil may be derived from Shul,' and Shul is the fame as Shalah, which in Chaldee figni-lies to ceale, to end. It may be tranflated the end or ceafmg. This being fuppofed, his end may be referred to law-givers, to fcepter, or even to Judah. See his Commentary on the paifage.
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52
DISSERTATIONS OH
e id ©f the fcepter come ? If it be referred to Judah or the tribe of Judah, the thing is by no means true; for the tribe of Judah fubfiited, long after they had loft the kingdom, and were deprived of all royal authority., Not many readers, I imagine, will concur with this learned pommentator. The generality of interpreters, Jewilh as well as Chriftian, have by Shiloh always underltood the Mefliah. The Targum of Onkeios is commonly * fuppofed to have been made before our Saviour’s time, and he t thus exprelfeth the lenfe of the palfage, V There (hall not be taken away one having the principality from the houie of Judah, nor a lcribe from his children children, till Melbas cpme whofe is the kingdom.M And* with him agree the other Targums or Chaldee para* phrales, and the authors of the Talmud, and other ancient and modeni Jews, whom the reader may fee eite4 in Buxtorf upon the word. So that, I think, no doubt can remain, that by the coming of Shiloh, is meant the coming of the Mefliah.
* And unto him (hall the gathering of the people be / or obedience of the people, as it is ptherwile tranllated. Thele words, are capable of three different conltru&ions; and each fo probable, that it is not ealy to lay which was certainly intended by the author. For 1. theyjnay relate to Judah, who is the main fubjeft of the prophecy, and of the difcourle preceding and following; and by the people we may under-ftand the people of Ifrael: and then the meaning will be, that the other tribes ftiouid be gathered to the tribe of J udah; which fenfe is approved by Le Clerc and fome late commentators . Or L2. they may relate to Shiloh, who is the peribn mentioned immediately before; and by the people we may underlland the Gentiles: and then the meaning will be, that the Gentiles (hould be gathered or become obedient to the Mefliah; which fenfe is confonant to other texts of fcripture and is confirmed by the authority of moft ancient interpreters; only i fome of them'render it, and lie fhhll be the expectation of the nation. Or 3. they may ftill relate to Shiloh, and yet not be confidered as a diltinft- claufe* but be joined in con-ltru6tion with the proceeding words, until Shiloh come, the
$ See Prideaux’ Connexions, Part 2.' Book VIII. and year 37.
*f There (hall not be taken away one, having the chief rule* from the tribe of Judah, nor a Scribe from his children’s children, even for ever ; till Mefliah come, whole is the kingdom.
J And he (hall be the expeXation of the nations. the Vulgats following the Septuagint, doth tranflate.
THE PROPHECIES.
$3
word until being common to both parts;. and then the fen-tence will run thus, until Shiloh come and to him the gathering or obedience of the people* that is, until the Meffiah come, and until the people or nations be gathered to his obedience ; which lenfe is preferred by the molt learned * Mr Mede and fome others. And each of thele interpretations may very well be jultified by the event.
II.	Having thus explained the words and meaning of the prophecy, I now proceed to lhow the full and exa£tcomplex tion of it. The twelve Ions of Jacob are here conftituted twelve tribes or heads of tribes, ver. 28. * All thele are the twelve tribes of Ifrael; and this is it that their father fpake unto them, and blelfed them; every one according to his blefling he blelled them.’ To Judah particularly it was pro-miled, that the fcepter or rod of the tribe fhould not depart from him nor a judge or law-giver from between his jeet; his tribe fhould continue a diltind tribe with rulers and judges and govenors of its own, until the coming of the Melftah. The people of Ifrael after this fettlement of their government were reckoned by their tribes, but never before. It appears that they were reckoned by their tribes and according to their families, whiie they fojotfmed in Egypt: and the tribe of Judah made as conliderable a figure as any of them. * In number it was fuperiojr to the others: Numb. i. and xxvi. it had the firlt rank in the armies of Ifrael; Numb. ii. it marched fir ft againft the Canaan ites: Judg. i. and upon all pccalions manitefted liich courage as fully anlwered the character given of it, ver. 9. * Judah is a lion’s whelp; from the prey,myfon, thou art gone up: he (looped-down, he couched as a lioii, and as an old lion, who lhall route him up ?’ If the firlt king of Ifrael was of the tribe of Benjamin, the fecond was of the tribe of Judah ; and from that time to the Babylonilh captivity Judah had not only the fcepter ofa^ tribe, but likewife the fcepter of a kingdom. Wheu it was promifed to Judah particularly that the fcepter fiiould not depart from him, it was implied that it fhould depart from the other tribes: and accordingly the tribe of Benjamin became a fort of appendage to the kingdom of Judah ; and the other ten tribes were after a time carried away captive into
* See Mede’s Difcourfe VIII, and Gothofredus Valandus5 Dif-fertationj entituled, a leader not to depart from the midft of the citizens of Judah, before the universal empire of Mefliah. See Col-le&ion of Differtaticns, VoL. 1. and Mana’s critical note on the
paffage,
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DISSERTATIONS ON
AfFyria, from whence they never returned. The Jews alfo Were carried captive to Babylon, but returned after ieventy years: and during their captivity they were far from being treated as Haves, as it appears from the prophet’s advice to them ; Jerem. xxix. 5, <£c. ‘ Build ye houfes, and dwell in them; and plant gardens, and eat the fruit of them, See.* Qttd many of them were lb well fixed and ieltled at Babylon, ind lived there in luch cafe and affluence, that they refufed to return to their native country. In their captivity they were Hill allowed to live as a diitinbt people, appointed fealts and falls for themfelves, and had rulers and governors of their own, as we may collebl from feveral places in Ezra and Nehemiah. When Cyrus had ilfued his proclamation for the rebuilding of the temple, * then role up the chief of the fathers,’ fkith Ezra; i. 5. fothat they had chiefs and rulers among them. Cyrus ordered the velfels of the tern* pie to be delivered to the prince of Judith ; Ezra i. 8. lb that they had then a prince of Judah. And thele princes and rulers, who are often mentioned, managed their return and iettlement afterwards. It is true that after the Babylonilli captivity they were not lb free a people as before, living under the dominion of the Perfians, Greeks, and Romans; but frill fhey lived as a diltinft people under their own laws. The authority of their rulers ami elders fubfifted under thefe foreign miters, as it had even white they were in Egypt. It fubfitted under the Alinonean princes, as it had undeF the government of the Judges, and Samuel, and Saul; for in the books of Maccabees there is frequent mention of the rulers and elders and council of the Jews, and of public acts and memorials in their name. It lublifted even in our Saviour’s time, for in the golpels we read often of * the chief prielis and the leribes and the elders of the people,’ Their power indeed in capital caules, efpecially fuch as related to the ftate, was abridged in lome mealure; they might judge, but not execute without the content of th<2 Roman governor, as I think we mult infer from this paliage, John xviii. 31.
• Then laid Pilate unto them, Take ye him, and judge hina according to your law : the. Jews therefore faid unto him, It is not lawful for us to put any man to death.* The Icep-ter was then departing, and in about forty years afterwards it totally departed. Their city was taken, their temple was deltroyed, and they themfelves were either flain with the ivvord, or fold for Haves. And from that time to this thev have never formed one body or lociety, but have been dii perled among all nations; their tribes and genealogies have
THE PROPHECIES*
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been all confounded, and they have lived without a ruler, without a law-giver, ancl without lupreme authority and government in any part of the earth. And this a captivity not for levelity years, but for feventeen hundred. “ Nor will they ever be, able (as the learned* prelate exprefleth it) after all their pretences, to Ihow any figns or marks of thefcepter among them, till they dilcover the unknown country, where never mankind dwelt, and where the apocryphal Elbrus lias placed their brethren of the ten tribes.” 2 Eitlras xiii. 41.
We have feen the exaft completion of the former part of the prophecy, and now let us attend to that of the latter
f art, ‘ And unto him lhall the gathering of the people be/ f we underhand this of Judah, that th$ other tribes fhould be gathered to that tribe, it was in lome mealwre fulfilled by the people’s going up lb frequently as they did to Jeruialem, which was in the tribe of Judah, in order to obtain juit ice ia dilficult cales, and to worth ip God in his holy temple. ‘ Whither the tribes go up,’ faith the Plalmilt exxii. 4. <>. ‘ the tribes of the Lord ; unto the teii imony oflfraei, to give thanks unto the name of the Lord. For there are fet thrones of judgment; the thrones of the houle of David.’ Upon the divilion of the kingdoms oflfraei and Judah, the tribe of Benjamin, and the priefts and Levites, and ieveral out of all the other tribes, 2 Chrop. xi. 13, 10. went over to Ju-,dah, and were fo blended and* incorporated together, that they are more than once fpoken of under the notion of one tribe: 1 Kings xi. 13, 32, 30. and itisfaid exprefly, 1 Kings xii. 20. * there was none that followed the houfe of David, but the tribe of Judah only all the reft were lwallowed up in that tribe, and conlidered as parts and members of it. In like manner, when the lfraelites were carried away captive into Afiyria, it is faid 2 Kings xvii. IS * there was none left but the tribe of Judah only	and yet we know that the
tribe of Benjamin, and many of the other tribes remained too, but they are reckoned as one and the fame tribe with • Judah. Jtfay at this very time there was a remnant of Ifraef, that efcaped from the Ailyrians, and went and adhered to Judah : for we find afterwards, that in.the rei^n of Jofiah there was lome ‘ of Manafifeh and Ephraim and of the remnant of Ifrael/ who contributed money to the repairing of the temple, as well as ‘ Judah and Benjamin:* 2 Chron. xxxiv. and at the folemn celebration of the palfover fome * of Ifrael were prefent’ as well as 4 all Judah and the inha-*
* Bifliop Sherlock’s Diflertat. 3d. pag. 35L Edit. 5*
Sfi
DISSERTATIONS ON
bitants of Jerulalem/ When the people returned from the Babylonilh captivity, then again leveral of the tribes of Ifrael affociated themfelves, and returned with Judah and Benjamin ; ‘ and in Jerufalem dwelt of the children of Judah, and of the children of Benjamin , and of the children of Ephraim and Manaffeh/ 1 Chron. ix. 3. At lb many times, and u-pon fuch different occafions, the other tribes were gathered
this tribe, infomuch that Judah became the general name of the whole nation ; and after the Babylonilh captivity they were no longer called the people of Ifrael, but the people of Jud&h or Jetts.
Again; if we underftand this of Shiloh or the Mefiiah, that the people or Gentiles Ihould be gathered to his obedience, it is no more then is foretold in many other prophecies of fcripture, and it began to be fulfilled in Cornelius the centurion whofe converfion, Acts x. was as I may lay the firlt fruits of the Gentiles, and the harveft afterwards was very plenteous. In a few years the gofpel was difleminated, and 6 took root downward, and bore fruit upward* in the moft conliderable parts of the world then known : and in Conftantine’s time, when the empire became Chriftian, it might with lorne propriety be faid, ‘ the kingdoms of this wTorld are become the Kingdoms of our Lord, and of his Chrift, and lie (hall reign for ever and ever,’ Rev. xi. 15. We ourfelves were of the Gentiles, but are now gathered unto Chrift.
Laftly if we join this in conftruftion with the words preceding until Shiloh come, two events are fpecified as fore-runners of the feepter’s departing from Judah, the coming of the Mef-fiah, and the gathering of the Gentiles to him ; and thele together point out with greater exaftnefs the precife time of the feepter’s departure. Now it is certain that before the deftruc-tion of Jerufalem, and thediffolution of the Jewilh commonwealth by the Romans, the Mefiiah was not only come, but great numbers likewile of the Gentiles were converted to him. The very fame thing was predi£led by our Saviour himfelf, Mat. xxiv. 14. ‘ This gofpel of the kingdom (hall be preached in all the world, for a witnefs unto all nations, and then /hall the end come/ the deftruccion of Jerufalem, and end of the Jewilh conftitution. The Jews were not to be cut off, till the Gentiles were grafted into the church. And in fa<5t we find that the apoftles and their companions preached the gofpel in all the parts of the world then known, * Their found/ as St Paul applies the laying, Rom. x. 18. ‘ went into all the earth ; and their words unto the ends of the world*/ And then the end came> then an end was put to the Jewilh polity
*HE PROPHECIES.
if
church arid ftate. The government df the tfibd of Judah had fubfifted in some form or other from the death of Jacob to the laft (ieftru&ion of Jerulafem : but then it wag utterly* "broken and ruined; then the fcepter departed, and hath been departed ever fittce. And how even tne dhtin6tion of tribes is in great meafare loft among them; they are catted Jews* but the tribe of Judah is fo far from bearing rule, that they* know not for certain which is the tribe of Judah ; and ail the world is witnefs, that they fcxereile dominion no where; but every where live in fubje&ion.
Before we conclude, it may not be improper to add a juft obfervation of the learned prelate before cited. As the tribe of Benjamin annexed itfelf to the tribe df Judah as its head, (b it ran the fame fortune with it; they went together into captivity, they returned home together, and were both in being when Shiloh cattle. This alfo was foretold by Jacob ver. 27. ‘ Benjamin ftiall ravin as a wolf; in the morning he (hall devour the prey, and at night he ftiall divide the fpoil.’ The morning and night here can be nothing elfe but the * morning and night of the Jewifti (late ; for this (late is the fubjeft of all Jacob’s prophecy from one end to the other: and confequently it is here foretold of Benjamin that he (hould continue to the very laft times of the Jewifti ftate; This interpretation is confirmed by Moles’ prophecy, for the prophecy of Mofes is in truth an expofitioii of Jacob’s prophecy. Benjamin, faith Mofes, I>eut. xxxiii. 12. ‘ (hall dwell in (kfety; the Lord ftiall cover him all the day long.’ What is this all the day long ? The (ame certainly as the momr ing and flight. Does not this import a promife of a longer continuance to Benjamin, than to the other tribes ? Arid was it not mod exactly fulfilled ?
To conclude. This prophecy and the completion of it will furnifti us with an invincible argument, not only that the Melfiah is come, but alfo that Jefus Chrift is the perfon. For the fcepter was not to depart from Judah, until the Meffiah /hould come : but the fcepter hath long been departed, and confequently the Meffiah hath been long come. The lcepter departed at the final deftru6lion of Jerufalem, and hath been departed feVenteen centuries; and confequently the Meffiah
* Thus fome Jewifti interpreters, referred to by Boehart, under-ftood the expreflion 5 In the morning, that is, in the firft or early times of the Ifraelitilh kingdom.—In the evening, that is, after the time of the* Babylonilh captivity. See Boehart’s Hierozoicbn, firft Part, Book IIL Chap. x. Col. 828.
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DISSERTATIONS ON
came a little before that period : and if the Mefiiah came a* little before that period, prejudice itfelf cannot long make any doubt concerning the perfon. All confiderate men mud fay as Simon Peter faid to Jelus, John vi. 68, 69. ‘ Lord, to whom fhall we go? thou haft the words of eternal life. And we believe and are fure that thou art the Chrift, the fon of the living God.*
Balaam’s prophecies.
WONDERFUL as the gift of prophecy was, it was not always confined to the chofen feed, nor yet always imparted to the belt of men. God might fometimes, to convince the world of his fuperintendence and government of the world, difclofe the purpofes of his providence to heathen nations. He revealed himfelf to Abimelech, Gen. xx. to Pharaoh, Gen. xli. and to Nebuchadnezzar, Dan. ii. and we have no reafon to deny all the marvellous ftories which are related of divination among the Heathens ; the pofiibility and credibility of which is argued on both fides by Cicero in his two books of Divination, his brother Quintus afferting it in the firft book, and himfelf labouring to difprove it in the lecond ; but I think all unprejudiced readers muft agree, that the arguments for it are ltronger and better than thole urged a-gainft it. Neither was there any neceflity, that the prophets ihould always be good men. Unworthy perlons may lome-times be polleffed of fpiritual gifts as well as of natural. Aaron and Miriam, who were infpired upon lome occafions, yet upon others mutinied againft Mofes, and rebelled againft God. Jonah for his difobedience to God was thrown into the fea. In the 13th chapter of the firft book of Kings we read of two prophets, the one a liar and afterwards infpired, the other infpired and afterwards difobedient to the word of the Lord. Yea our Saviour himfelf hath affured us, Matt. vii. 22, 23. that ‘ in the laft day many will lay unto him, Lord, Lord, have we not prophefied in thy name ? and in thy name have calt out devils ? and in thy name done many wonderful works ? and yet will he profels unto them, I never knew you; depart from me, ye that work iniquity.’
Balaam was a remarkable inftance of both kinds, both of a prophet who was a heathen, and of a prophet who was an immoral man. He came from Aram or Mefopotamia, out of the mountains of the eaft: Numb, xxiii. 7. Deut. xxiii. 4.
“the prophecies.	59
and the eaft was jnf&mous for foothfayers and diviners. If. ii. 6. However he was a worfhipper of the true God, (as were alfo Melchizedeck, and Job, and others of the heathen nations) and this appears by his applying to God, Numb, xxii. 8. * I will bring you word again, as the Lord (hall fpeak unto me/ and by his calling the Lord his God, ver. 18. ‘I con not go beyond the word of the Lord my God to do lefs or more.’ But his worihip was mixed and debafed with fuperfti-tion, as appears by his building Jeven altars, and facrificing on each altar, Numb, xxiii. 1, 2. and by his going to 'Jeek for inchantments, whatever they were, Numb. xxiv. 1. He appears too to have had fome pious thoughts and refolutions, by declaring ‘ I cannot go beyond the word of the Lord my God to do lefs or more •/ and by fo earneftly wilhing * Let me die the death of the righteous, and let my laftend be like his/ xxiii. 10. But his heart was unlound, was mercenary, was corrupt; he * loved the wages of unrighteoufnefs/ 2 Pet. ii. 15. and f ran greedily after rewards/ Jude 11. his inclinations were contrary to his duty ; he was ordered to ftay, but yet he wifljed to go ; he was commanded to blefs, but yet he longed to curie ; and when he found that he was over-ruled, and could do the people no hurt as a prophet, he (till contrived to do it as a politician, and taught Balak to call a (tumbling-block before the children of Ifrael, to eat things Sacrificed unto idols, and to commit fornication/ Rev. ii. 14. So that he was indeed a lirange mixture of a man ; but fo is every man more or lels. There are inconfiltencies and contradictions in eveiy character, though n'otfo great perhaps and notorious as in Balaam. If he is called a Jboth-fayer in one part of lcripture, Jolh xiii. 92. in another part he is called a prophet: 2. Pet. ii. 16/and his name mult have been in high credit and eftimation, that the king of Moab and the elders of Midian (hould think it worth their while to fend two honourable embaflies to him at a coniiderable diltance, to engage him to come and curie the people of Ifrael. It was a fuperititious ceremony in ufe among the Heathens to devote their enemies to deftru&ion at the beginning of their wars, as if the gods would enter into their pallions, and were as unjuit apd partial as themfelves. The Romans had public officers to perform the ceremony, and* Macrobius hath preferved the form of thefe execrations. Now Balaam being a prophet of great note and eminence, it was believed that he was more intimate than others with the heavealy powers*
* In his Saturnalia, Book III. Chap. ix.
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and cpnfequently that fos imprecation^ wepld he more effect tual; for as Balak laid unto him, Numb; xxii. 6. ‘ I wot that he whom thou blefleft is bfoffedi, and he whom thou piirfeft is curfed.’
But the ftrangeft incident of all is the part of Balaam?s afs. This ufuaily is made the grand objection to the truth of the story. The speaking ass from that time to this hath been the (bmding jeft of every infidel brother. Philo the Jew feemeth to have been afliamed pf this part of the ftory : for |n the firft hook of his fife qf IVJofps, wherein he hath given an account of Balaam, he hath purpofely omitted this partir cuiar of the ats’s fpeaking, I fuppofe npt to give offence to the pen tiles; but lie needpd pet \o have been fo cautious of offending them, for fimilar ftories were current among them. The learned * Bochart hath collected feveral inftances, the afs of Bacchus, the ram of Phrixus, the horfe of Achilles, and the like, not only from the poets and mythologifts, but alfo from the graveft hiftorians, fuch as ]Livy and Plutarch, who frequently affirm that oxen have fpoken. The proper pfe of citing iuch authorities is not tp prove, that thofe in-Jtances and this of Balaam are upon an equal footing, and equally true; but only to prove, tjiat the Gentiles believed fuch things to bp true, and to lie within the power of their gods, and cpnfequently could not ebjeft tothe truth of fcrip-ture-hiftory on this account. Majmonides and others have conceived, that the matter was tranfa&ed in a vifion: and it Biuft bp confplfed that many things in the writings of the prophets are fpoken of as real transactions, which were only yifionarv V ana thefe vifions made as ftrpng impreftiops upon the minds gfthe prophets as realities. But it appears rather more probable from the whole tenor of the narration, that this was no vippnary, but a rpal t ran faction. The words of St Peter ftiow, that it is to bp underitood, as he himlelf un-derjtood it, literally: % Pet. ii. JJ.4, 15, 16. ‘ Curfed children : Which have forfaken the right way, and are gone a-fitray, following the way of Balaam the Ipn of Bofor, who Joved the wages of unrighteoufnels ; but was rebuked for his iniquity; toe dumb als fpeaking with man’s voice, for^ bad the madnefsof the prophet.’ The afs was enabled to utter fuch and fuch founds, probably, as parrots do, without underhanding them : and fay w hat you will of the conftruc* tion of the afs’s mouth, of the formation of the tongue and jaws being unfit for fpeaking, yetaii adequate caufe is affign-
* Sec the firft part of the Hierojsoicon, B99k If. Chap, xiv,
the prophecies
* «n
*d for this wonderful effect, for it is faid expreftly, * that the Lord opened the mouth of the afsand no one who believes a God, can doubt of his having power to do this, and much more. If the whole tranla&ion was vilrouary, no reafoncaa fee givpn why it was faid particularly that ‘ the Lord opened the mouth of the afs.’ But it is thought llrunge that Balaam fhould exprefe no furprite upon this extraordinary oc-cafion: but perhaps he had been accultomed to prodigies with his inchantments; or perhaps believing the eaftem doctrine qf the tvanfmigration of human fouls into the bodies of brutes, he might think fuch a humanized brute not incapable of fpeaking: or perhaps he might not regard, or attend to the wonder, through excefs of rage and madnej's, as the word is in St Peter; or perhaps (which is the molt pro* bable of all) he might be greatly difturbed and aftoniihed. as * Jofephus affirms he was, and yet Mofes in his Ihort history might omit this circumftance. The miracle was by no means needlefs or fuperfluous; it was very proper to convince Balaam, that the mouth and tongue were under God’s di reft ion, and that the fame divine power which caufedthe dumb afs to fpeak contrary to its nature, could make him in like manner utter blefl'mgs contrary to his inclination. And accordingly he was over-ruled to blels the people, though hs came prepared and difpofed to curie them, wiiich according to f Bochart was the greater miracle of the two, for the at* was merely pafiive, hat Balaam refilled the good motions of God. We may be the more certain tliat he was influenced to fpeak contrary to his inclination, becaufe after he had done propliefying, though he had been ordered in anger to depart and jiee to Iiisplace; Numb, xxiv. 10, 11. yet he had the
* See Antiquities, Book IV. Chap. VI. Se&. 2. But whilft he was aftonilhed and confounded by the afs addrefling him in a human voice, &c. See page 150. of Hudfon’s edition.
f Rabba in his twentieth fe&ion on the book of Numbers, affirm* that God opened the mouth of Balaam’s afs, to teach him, that the mouth and the tongue were in his power, and fo thofe of Balaam himfelf, if he fhould go about to curfe Ifrael. And indeed, the event itfelf (hewed the fame*’thing, feeing Balaam in fpite of all that could be done, blelfed the very perfons, whom with fo much parade, it was intended that he fhould curfe. This was even a greater miracle than when the afs fpake. For the afs was merely pafilve, whereat Balaam to. the utmoft oppofed himfelf to the influences of God, as Saul did when he prophelied. See the firil part of HierozoicUa* Book II. Chap, xiv.
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meannefsto flay, and gave that wicked coimfel, whereby the people were enticed ‘ to commit whoredom with the daugh-* ters of Moab, and twenty and four thoufand died in the plague/ Numb. xxv.
This miracle then was a proper (ign to Balaam, and had a proper £ffe&; and we may the more eafily believe it, when ive find Balaam afterwards infpired with fuch knowledge of futurity. It was not more above the natural capacity of the afs to (peak, than it was above the natural capacity of Balaam to foretel fo many diftant events. The prophecies render the miracle more credible; and we fha.ll have lei's reafon to doubt of the one, when we fee the accomplifhment of the others. His predictions are indeed wonderful, whether we confider the matter or the ftile, as if the fame divine fpirit that infpired his thoughts, had alfo raifed his language. They are called parables in the facred text: he took up his f)arabley and Jaid. The fame word is ufed after the fame manner in the book of Job, xxvii. 1. xxix. I. Moreover Job continued his parable, and /aid. It is commonly tranfla-ted parable or proverb. Le Clerctranflates it figuration ora-tionem; and thereby is meant a weighty and folemn fpeech delivered in figurative and majeftic language. Such, remark-ably luch * are the prophecies or parables of Balaam. You cannot perufe them without being ftruck with the beauty of
* See to this purpofe Bifhop Lowth’s Prelections, particularly the fourth, page 41, and eighteenth, page 173, and his ingenious verfion of Part of Balaam’s prophecies into Latin verfe. See Pre-le&ipn XX. page 206. The reader will not be difpleafed to fee here a profe tranflation of it. How glorious in thine encampment O Jacob ! and in thy ftandards O Ifrael! Thou art like a well watered valley, ftretching out its fertile fides, or as a garden abounding with ftreams. Thou art like the fpicy plants in Eden’s confecrated ground, always verdant and flourifliing, or like trees planted by the rivers, whofe moift branches drop by reafon pf copious dews, and whofe fruit is nourifhed by perennial waters. Thy king always victorious over thine enemies, lhall extend and perpetuate thy dominion. Thy God having triumphed glorioufly, over the Egyptians, hath been thy leader from the banks of the Nila, daily renewing thy flrength. Thou art like an unicorn, that has. efcaped from the toils of the hunter, which elated carries its horn aloft. It devours its enemies, crufhes their bones, and breaks in pieces the fpears of its afiail-ants. Thou art like a lion ftretched out and lying at his eafe, or Eke a Eonefs couching, who dare roufe thee ? May every one be enriched with bleffings who prays for thy profperity, and may he be overwhelmed with calamities who prays for thy hurt.
THE PROPHECIES.	6$
them. You will perceive uncommon force and energy, if you read them only in our Engiifh tranflation. We (hall fe-le6t only fuch parts as are more immediately relative to the defign of thefe difcourfes.
After he had offered his firft facrifice, Numb, xxiii. he went to feek the Lord, and at his return he declared among* other things, ‘ Lo, the people (hall dwell alone, and (hall not be reckoned among the nations,* ver. 9. And how could Balaam upon a diftant view only of a people, whom he had never feen or known before, have difcbvered the genius and manners not only of the people then living, but of their posterity to the lateft generations ? What renders it more extraordinary is the Angularity of the character, that they (hould differ from all the people in the world, and (hould dwell by themfelves among the nations, without mixing and incorporating with any. The time too when this was affirmed in-creales the wonder, it being before the people were well known in the world, before their religion and government were eftablilhed, and even before they had obtained a fettle-ment any where. But yet that the charader wras fully verified in the event, not only all hiftory teitifies, but we have e-ven ocular demonftration at this day. The Jews in their religion and laws, their rites and ceremonies, their manners andcultoms, were fo totally different from all other nations, -that they had little intercourfe or communion with them. An * eminent author hath ftiown, that there was a general intercommunity amongft the Gods of Paganifm ; but no fuch thing was allowed between the God of Ifrael and the Gods of the nations. There was to be no fellow/hip between Goff and Belial, though there might be between Belial and Da-gon. And hence the Jews were branded for their inhuman nity and unfociablenefs; and they as generally hated, as they were hated by the reft of mankind. Other nations, the conquerors and the conquered, have often affociated and u-nited as one body under the fame laws; but the Jews in their captivities have commonly been more bigotted to their own religion, and more tenacious of their own rites and cuftoms, than at other times. And even now, while they are difper-fed among all nations, they yet live diltinft and feparate from all, trading only with others, but eating, marrying and converting chiefly among themfelves. We fee therefore how exactly and wonderfully Balaam chara&erized the whole race
* See the Divine Legation of Mofes. Book. 1L Se£t. 6. and Book V. Se£t. %
MSSERTATIOfrS Olf
fi'om the firft to the lad, when he faid, * Lo, the people lhall dwell alone, and (hall not be reckoned among the nations.’ In the conclufion too when he poured forth that pafhonate wilh, 4 Let me die the death of the righteous, and let my lad end be like his,’ ver. 10. he had in all probability fbme forebodings of his own coming to an untimely end, as he really did afterwards, being (lain with the five kings of Median by the fword of Ifrael. Numb. xxxi. 8.
After the fecond facrifice he faid among other things, Numb. xxii. 24. ‘ Behold, the people fhall rife up as a great lion* and lift up himfelf as a young lion: he fhall not lie down until he eat of the prey, and drink of the blood of the flam: ’ and again to the famepurpofe after the third lacri-fice, xxiv. 8, 0. c He fhall eat up the nations his enemies, and fhall break their bones, and pierce them through with his arrows: He couched, he lay down as a lion, and as a great lion; who fhall ftir him up ? Bleffed is he thatbleffeth thee, and curled is he that curieth thee/ Which paifages are a manifelt pFophecy of the victories which the Ifraelites flioukl gain over their enemies, and particularly the Canaan-ites, and of their fecure pofleflion and quiet enjoyment of the land afterwards, and particularly in the reigns of David and Solomon. It is remarkable too, that God hath here put into the mouth of Balaam much the fame things which Jacob had before predi6ted of Judah, Gen. xlix. 9. ‘ Judah is a lion’s whelp; from the prey* my fon, thou art gone up: he ftooped down, he couched as a lion, and as an old lion ; who fhxill roufe him up?* and Ifaac had predicted of Jacob, Gen. xxvii. 29. ‘ Curfed be every one that curfeth thee, and bleffed be he that bleffeth thee / there is fuch analogy and harmony between the prophecies of lcripture.
At the lame time Balaam declared, ver. 7* c His king lhall be higher than Agag, and his kingdom fhall be exalted. * Some copies have Gog inftead of Agag, which reading is embraced by the * authors of the Univerfal Hiftory, who fey that “ as the Samaritan, Septuagint, Syriac, and Arabic read Gog inftead of Agag, and Gog doth generally figni-fy the Scythians and northern nations, feveral interpreters have preferred this latter reading to the firlt, and not without good grounds/' But it is a miftake to fay, that the Syriac and Arabic read Gog: it is found only in the t Samaritan
* See the Univerfal Hift. Book I. Chap. Yii. Se£t. 2. Vol. 1. page 534. Fol. Edit. Note Y.
f And his king fhall be exalted above Gog. See the Samaritan
THE PftOfHECUp.
65
and the Septuagint,and in Symmachus according to Grotius: the * Syriac and Arabic have Agag as well as the Targum of Onkelos and the Vulgate, though this latter with a different fenle and conltrudtion of the words. Neither have we any account that Gog was a famous king at that time, and much lets that the king of Ifrael was ever exalted above him : and indeed the Scythians and northern nations lay too remote to be the proper fubjeCt of acomparifon. The reading of the Hebrew copies, his king fhall be higher than Agag, is without doubt the true reading: and we muft either fuppofe that Agag was prophefied of by name particularly, as Cyrus and Joliah were feveral years before they were born : or we mull lay with f Mofes Gerundenfis, a learned rabbi quoted by Munlter, that Agag was the general name of the kings of Amalek, which appears very probable, it being the culiom of thofe times and of thofe countries to give one certain name to all their kings, as Pharoah was the general name for the kings of Egypt, and Abimelech for the kings of the Philiftines. Amalek too was a neighbouring country, and therefore is fitly introduced upon the prefent occafion : and it was like-wile at that time a great and floui ilhing kingdom, for, in ver. 20. it is filled the firft of the nations ; and therefore for the king of Ifrael to be exalted above the king of Amalek was really a wonderful exaltation. But wonderful as it was, it was accomplilhed by Saul, who c frnote the Amalekites from Havilah, until thou Cornell toShur, that is over againli Egypt: and he took Agag the king of the Amalekites alive, and utterly deitroycd all the people with the edge of the lvvord /
1 Sam. xv. 7, 8. The fiiit king of Ilrael fubdued Agagthe king of the Amalekites, fo that it might truly and properly
verlion. “ And the kingdom of Gog (hall be exalted.*’ S?e the Sep-tuagint. “-And his kingdom (hall be exalted above Gog.* * See Symmachus as quoted by Grotius.
* “ He (hall be extolled above king Agag, and his kingdom fhall be exalted.” See the Syriac verlion. 44 More than Agag fhall his king be exalted, and his kingdom (hall be extolled.” See the Ara* J)ic verfion. “ His king fhall be ftrengthened more than Agag, and his kingdom fhall be lifted up.” See the verfion of Onkelos. “ His king fhall be taken away for the fake of Agag, and his kingdom fh ill be removed.” See the Vulgate verfior.
f And according to Mofes Gerundenfis, all the kings of the A-malekites were named Agag. For the name of the firft king was transferred to all that fucceeded him, in the throne of the kingdom ; as all the Roman emperors had the name of Caefar, from J uljus Cae-far, the firll who arrived at this dignity among that people.’ See Munfter.
Vol. I. No. 2.
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§6
DISSERTATIONS ON
be faid, his king fhall.be higher than A gag, and his kingdom jhall be exalted, as it was afterwards greatly by David and Solomon.
His latter prophecies Balaam ufhers in with a remarkable preface, * Balaam the fon of Beor hath faid, and the man whofe eyes are open, hath faid ; He hath (aid, which heard the words of God, which faw the vifion of the Almighty, (jailing into a trance, but having his eyes open,’ ver. 3, 4. and 15,16. Which hath occaiioned much perplexity and confufion, but the words rightly rendered will admit of an ealy interpretation. * Balaam the fon of Beor hath (aid, and the man whofe eyes are open hath faid It lhould be the man whofe eye. was (hut: for the word fhatam is ufed only here in Lamentations, iii. 8. and there it (igniiies to Jhut; and the word fatam which is very near of kin to it, I think, hath always that (ignification. St Jerome tranl-lates it cujus obturatis ejl oculus: and in the margin of our bibles it is rendered who had his eyes (hut, but with this addition but now open. It plainly alludes to Balaam’s not feeing the angel of the Lord, at the fame time that the afs faw him. * He hath (aid, which heard the words ofGod, which law the vifion of the Almightyfor in this dory we read le-veral times, that ‘ God came unto Balaam and faid unto him;’ and podibly he might allude to former revelations.
‘ Falling into a trance, but having his eyes openin the o-riginal there is no mention of a trance; the palfage (hould be rendered, falling and his eyes were opened, alluding to what happened in the way, to Balaam’s falling with his falling afs, and then having his eyes opened : ‘And when the afs law the angel of the Lord, (he fell down under Balaam. Then the Lord opened the eyes of Balaam, and he faw the angel of the Lord Handing in the way, and his fword drawn in his hand ; and he bowed down his head, and fell flat on his face,’ xxii. 27. &c. A contrail is intended between having his eyes fhui, and having his' eyes opened; the one an-ftvers to the other. The defign of this preface was to excite attention: and lb Balaam proceeds to advertife Balak what this people (hall do to his people in the latter days, by which phrale it meant the time to come, be it more oriels remote.
He begins with what more immediately concerns the Moabites, the people to whom he is fpeaking, ver. 17, 18, 19\
4 I (hall lee him, but not now, I (hall behold him, but not nighof rather, I fee him, hut not now ; I behold him, but not nigh ; the future tenfe in Hebrew being often ufed for the prelent. He faw with the eyes of prophecy, and prophett.
THE PROPHECIES
67
are emphatically filled feers.  There fhall come a ftar out of Jacob, and alcepter fhall rife out of and	metaphors 
lalfrlousTEi^ife^afHcu^^
princes of Moab according to other verlions. This was ex^ ecuted by David, for 4 he fmote Moab, and meafured them with a line, calling them down to the ground : even with two lines meafured he, to put to death; and with one full line, to keep alive:* that is he deliroyed two thirds, and fa-ved one third alive: 4 and fo the Moabites became David’s fervants, and brought gifts,’ 2 Sam. viii. 2.
4 And deltroy all the children of Sheth.* K by Sheth was meant the fon of Adam, then all the children of Sheth are all mankind, the polterity of Cain and Adam’s other fons ha->
. ving all perifhed in the deluge, and the line only of Sheth having been preferved in Noah and his family : but it is very harih to lay that any king of Ifrael would dejiroy all mankind, and therefore the * Syriac and Chaldee loften it, that he fhall fnhdite all the fons of Sheth, and rule overall the fons of men. The'word occurs only in this place, and in Ilaiah, xxii. 5. where it is uled in the fenfe of breaking down or de-t ftroying: and as particular places, Moab and Edom, are mentioned both before and after; lb it is reafonable to conclude that not all mankind in general, but fome particular perfons were intended by the exprelfion of the fons of Sheth. The f Jerufalem Targum tranllates it the Jons of the eq/t, the Moabites lying eaft of Judea. Rabbi Nathan £ lays that Sheth is the name of a city in the border of Moab. Grotius § imagines Sheth to be the name of fome famous king among the Moabites. Our Poole, who is a judicious and ufeful commentator, fays that 'Sheth 44 leems to be the name of fome then eminent, though now unknown, place or prince
* “ And he fhall fubjugate all the children of Seth.” See the Syr ac verfion. u And he fhall rule over all the children of men.” See the Chaldee.
f Hence the Jerufalem paraphraft rendereth it the children pf the Moabites dwelt on the eaft of Judea. See Le Clerc.
% Rabhi Nathan faith, that Seth was a city in the confines of Moab. See Lira and Drufius.
{ 'Nothing is more probable, than that Seth was feme diftinguilh* ed king among the,Moabites. See Gretiueu
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DISSERTATIONS ON
in Moab, where there were many princes, aS appears from Numb, xxiii. b\ Amos ii. 3: there being innumerable in* Hances of fuch places or perfons fonietimes famous, but now utterly loll as to all monuments and remembrances of them.** Vitringa in his commentary uponlfaiah, * connives that the Idumeans were intended, the word Sheth, fignitying a/oim-dation, or fortified place, becaufe they trulted greatly in their caftles and fortifications. But the Idumeans are mentioned afterwards; and it is probable that as two hemiftichs relate to them, two alto relate to the Moabites; and the realon of the appellation affigned by Vitringa is as proper to the Mo* abites as to the Idumeans. It is common in the ftile of the Hebrews* and efpecially in the poetic parts of leripture, and we mayoblerve it particularly in thefe prophecies of Balaam, that the fame thing in eflebl is repeated in other words, and the latter member of each period is exegetrcal of the former, as in the paflage before us; * I fee him, but not now ; I behold him, but not nigh and then'again, ‘ there fhall come a f'tar out of Jacob, and a feepter fhall rife out of lfrael :* and again afterwards, 4 And Edom fhall be a polleflion, Seir alfo fhall be a poffeflion for his enemies.’ There is great realon therefore to think, that the fame manner of lpeaking was continued here, and confecjuently that Sheth muft be the name of lorne eminent place or per Ion among the Moabites ; * and iliall lmite the princes of Moab, and dellroy all the fons of Sheth.’
‘ And Edom fhall be a poffeflion.' This wasalfo fulfilled by David ; for ‘ he put garrilons in Edom ; throughout all Jidom put he garrifons, and all they of Edom became David’s lervants,* 2 Sam. viii. 14. David himlelf in two of his pfalms hath mentioned together his conqueft of Moab and Edom, as they are alio joined together in this prophecy; * Moab is my wafh pot, over Edom will I call out my fhoe,’ Pfal. lx. 8. cviii. 9. ‘ Seir alfo fhall be a poffeflion for his enemies,’ that is for the Ifraelites. Seir is the name of the mountains of Edom, fo that even their mountains and fait-
* I am fully perfuaded that the word 4 karkar,’ in the fpeech of
Balaam fignifies deJlruSion, overthrow, devajlation, but I am in fome doubt about the phrafe, the children of Seth, whom from the circum* fiance of the place, I imagine to have been Idumeans. For I think that the word Seth ought to be underftood appellatively, as lignifying in general, a foundation or fortified place, becaufe the Idumeans placed the greateft truft in their caftles and fortifications. See Vitfinga’s Commentary on Ifaiah xxii. 5, page 641. Vok 1*
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THE PROPHECIES*
defies could not defend the Idumeans from David and his captains. * And Ifrael (hall do valiantly,’ as they did particularly under the command of David, feveral of whole victories are recorded in this fame 8th chapter of the 2d book of Samuel, together with his conqueft of Moab and of Edom,
‘ Out of Jacob (hall come he that (hall have dominion, and (hall deltroy him that remaineth of the city not only to defeat them in the field, but deftroy them even in their itrongeft cities, or perhaps (ome particular city was intended, as we may infer from Plal. lx. £). cviii. 10. 4 Who will bring me into the ftrong city ? who will lead me into Edom?* And we read particularly that Joab, David’s general, ‘ fmote e-very male in Edom: for fix months did Joab remain there with all Ifrael, until he had cut otf every male in Edom,’ 1 Kings xi. 15, 16.
We lee how exactly this prophecy hath been fufilled in the perfon and aCtions of David: but mod Jewifh as well as Chriltian writers apply it, primarily perhaps to David, but. ultimately to the Melliah, as the perfon chiefly intended, in whom it was to receive its full and entire completion. On-kelos, who isthemoft ancient and valuable of the Chaldee paraphralis, interprets it of the Melliah. “ When a prince, * fays he, (hall arifeof the houfe of Jacob, and Chriit (hall be anointed of the houfe of Ifrael, he (hall both (lay the princes of Mbab, and rule over all the fons of men and with him agree the Targutns or paraphraies. Maimonides, who js one of the raoft learned and famous of the Jewilh Doctors, underftands it partly of David, and partly of the Melliah : and \vith him agree other rabbies, whom you may find cited by the critics and commentators to this purpofe. It appears to have been generally underltood by the Jews, as a prophecy of the Median, becaule the faife Chriit, who appeared in the reign of the Roman emperor Adrian, f aflumed the title of Barchochebas or thefon of theft nr, in allufion to this prophecy and in order to have it believed that he was the ftar whom 1 Balaam had feen afar off. The Chriltian fathers, I think, are unanimous in applying this prophecy to our Saviour, and to the ftar which appeared at his nativity. Origen in particular faith that f in the law there are many typical and enigmatical
* When a king of the houfe of Jacob lhall arife, and Chriit of the houfe of Ifrael lhall be anointed; he lhall both kill the princes of Moab and bear rule over all the children of men. See Onkelos.
f See Bafnage’s Hift. of the Jews, Book 6. Chap. ix. Sedt. 12.
X Wherefore although in the law, there may be found many
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70	DISSERTATIONS ON
references to the Mefiiah: but he produceth this as one of. the plainelt and cleareit of prophecies: and both * *■ Origen and Eulebius affirm, that it was in confequence of Balaam’s prophecies, which were known and believed in the east, that the Magi upon the appearance of a new ftar came to Jerusalem to worfhip him who was bom king of the J ews. The stream of modem divines arid commentators runneth the lame way that is they apply the prophecy principally to our Saviour, and by Moab and Edom underftand the enemies and per-lecutors of the church. And it muft be acknowledged in favour of this opinion, that many prophecies of fcripture have a double meaning, literal ana myltical, reipeci Two eventsT
t^ei®TeITiah. If by dejlroying alt the children of Sheth be meant ruling over all mankind, this was never fulfilled in David. A liar did really appear at ojtir Saviour’s nativity, and in Scripture, he is lliled the day* Jiar, 2 Pet. i. ly. the morning-jiar, Rev. ii, 28. the bright and morning-ftar, xxii. 10. perhaps in allufion to this very
Khecy. Dr VVarburton, who improves every 1 object that andles, alfigns a farther realon. Speaking of the two forts of metaphor in the ancient ule of it, the popular and common, and the hidden and myiterious; he f fays that * ‘ the prophetic writings are full of this kind of metaphor. To inltance only in the famous predi&ion of Balaam—there (hall come a ftar out Jacob, and a fcepter (hall rife out of IfraeL This prophecy may pollibly in fome fenfe relate to David, but without doubt it belongs principally to Chrift. Here the metaphor of a Jcepter was common and popular to denote a ruler, like David; but the ftar, though like the other, it fignilied in the prophetic writings a temporal prince or ruler, yet had a lecret and hidden meaning likewile. A liar in the Egyptian hieroglyphics denoted $ God: (and how much
things, which typically and enigmatically have a reference to Chrift! yet at prefent I can think of none? which more plainly and mani* feftly have an allufion to him, than the pne now before us.
* See Origen againft Celfus, Book IX. Se<5t. 6Q. page 374*, of Vol. I. See his thirteenth homily on the book of Numbers,
7. page 3&1, of the Benedictine Edition. See Eufebius* Evangelical Demonftratkm, Book IX. Se£t. 1. page 4>17» of the edition pub-lilhed'at Paris in 1628.
f See the Divine Legation, &c. Book IV. Sedt. 4,	;	.
J A painted ftar w^s employed by the Egyptians to denote God. See Horapol. Hierog. Book II. Chap. i.
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THE PROPHECIES
hieroglyphic writing influenced the eastern languages we fhail lee prefently.) Thus God in the prophet Amos, reproving the Israelites for their idolatry on their firft coaming out of Egypt, lays, Have ye offered unto me facrifices md offerings in the wildemefs forty yeans, 0 house of Israel But ye have home the tabernacle of your Moloch and Chiun your images 9 the liar of your God whichyemade to yourselves. Amos v.- Id, 25'. The jtarof your God is here a nobiefigura-tive expreflion to lignify the image of your Gotl; for a far being employed in the hieroglyphics to lignify God, it is wfed here with great elegance to fignify the. material image of & God; the words tke ftar of your God being only a repetition (lo ulual in the Hebrew tongue) of the preceding—Chiun your images ; and not (as Some critics foppole) the fame with your God jtartfidus Deurn veftrum. Hence we conclude that the metaphor neve ufed by Balaam of n ftar was of that ab-llrufe mylterious kind, and lo to he underltood ; and confc-quently that it related only to Chrift, the eternal fon of’God.” Thus tar this excellent writer. But though for thefe realbns the Melliah might be remotely intended, yet we cannot allow that he was intended folely, becaufe David might he called a jtar by Balaam, as well as other rulers or govenors are by Daniel, viii. 10. and by St John: Rev. 1. 20. and we mutt infill upon it, that the primary intention, tire literal
Beaning of the prophecy refpebts the perlon and actions of avid; and for this realon particularly, becaule Balaam is here advertifing Balak, 4 Wnat this people lhould do to his people in tlte latter days,’ that is what the Ilraelites lliould do to the Moabites hereafter.
From the Moabites he turned his eyes more to the fouth and welt, and looked on their neighbours, the Amalekites; and 4 took up his parable, and.laid,’ ver. 20.	4 Amalek was
the firlt of the nations, but his latter end lhall be that he petilh for ever. Amalek was the firft of the nations,* the iirft and moft powerful o£ the neighbouring nations, or the firft that warred againli Ifrael, as it is in the margin of our bibles. The latter interpretation is propofed by * Onkelos and other Jews, I fuppole becaule they would not allow the Amalekites to be a more ancient nation than themlelves : but molt good critics prefer the former interpretation as more ealy and natural, and for a very good reafou, becaufe the Amalekites appear to have been a very ancient nation. They are reckoned among the moll ancient nations thereabouts,
* The wars of Ifrael commenced with Amalek. See Qnkeles*
DISSERT ATI ON S OF
T2
1 Sara, xxvii. 8.—‘ the Gefhurites, and the Gezrites, and the Amalekites; for thefe nations were of old the inhabitants of the land, as thou goeft to Shur, even unto the land of Egypt.’ They are mentioned as early as in the wars of Chedorlaomer : Gen xiv. 7. fo that they mult have been a nation before the times of Abraham and Lot, and confequent-ly much older than the Moabites, or Edomites, or any of the Rations delcended from thole patriarchs* And this is ade-monltrative argnment, that the Amalekites did not defcend from Amalek, the Ion of Eliphaz and grandfon of Elau, as many have 1‘uppofed only from the fimilitude of names; Gen. xxxvi. 12. butfprimg from lbme other ltock, and probably, as the Arabian writers affirm from Amalek or Amlak, the fon of Ham and grandlon of Noah. Anilak et Amlik, fils de Cham, fils de Noe—C’eft celuy que les Hebreux a impellent Amelec pere des Amalecitcs: fo lalth Herbelot; but it is to be wilhed that this valuable and uieful author had cited his authorities. According to the * Arabian hiltorians too, they were a great and powerful nation, fubdued Egypt, and held it in fuhje6tion feveral years. They mull certainly have been more powerful, or at lealt more courageous, than the neighbouring nations, becaule they ventured to attack the Ifraelites, of whom the other nations were afraid. But though they were the firft, the molt ancient and powerful of the neighbouring nations; yet * their latter end fhull be that they perilh for ever.* Here Balaam unwittingly confirms what God had before denounced by Mofes, Exod. xvii. 14.
‘ And the Lord laid unto Moles, Write this for a memorial in a book, and rchearfe it in the ears of Jolhua, for I will (or rather that I will] utterly put out the remembrance of A -malek from under heaven.’ Balaam had before declared, that the king of Ifrael Ihould prevail over the king of Amalek ; but here the menace is carried farther, and Amalek is configned to utter deftru&ion. This fentence was in great mealiire executed by Saul, who ‘ fmote the Amalekites, and utterly deitroyed all the people with the edge of the two id/ 1 Sam. xv. 7, 8. When they had recovered a little, ‘ David and his men went up and invaded them ; and David fmote tiie land, and left neither man nor woman alive, and took away the jfheep and the oxen, and theafies, and the camels, and the apparel,’ 1 Sam. xxvii. 8,9. David made a farther flaughtcr and conqueft of them at Ziklag: 1 Sam. xxx. and
* See Univerfal Hiftory, Book I. Chap. 3. page 281. of Vol. I. in the Folio Edition.
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at laft, c the fotis of Simeon, in the days of Hezekiah king of Judah, fmote the reft of the Amalekites that were efcaped*-and dwelt in their habitations/ 1 Chron. iv. 41, 42,43. And where is the name or the nation of Amalek fublifting at this day ? What hiftory, what tradition concerning them is re* mainingany where? They are but juft enough known and remembered to (how, that what God had threatened he hath punftually fulfilled ; * I will utterly put out the remembrance! of Amalek from under heaven; and his latter end (hall be that he perifli for ever/
Then * he looked On the Kenites: and took up his parable, and faid/ ver. 21, 22. ‘ ftrongis thy dwelling place, and thou putted thy neft in a rock. Neverthelefs the Kenite (hall be wafted, until Aslhur (hall carry thee away captive.’ Com* mentators are perplexed, and much at a lofs to fay with any certainty who thefe Kenites were. There are Kenites mentioned Gen. xv. 19. among the Canaanitilh nations, whole land was promifed unto Abraham; and * Le Clerc imagines that thofe Kenites were the people here intended : But the Canaanitilh nations are not tne lubje6t of Balaam's prophecies ; and the Canaanitilh nations wefe to be rooted out, but thefe Kenites were to continue as long as the Ifraelites them-felves, and to be carried captive with them by the Affyrians; and in the opinion of t Bochart, thofe Kenites as well as the Kenizzites became extin6t in the interval of time which paf-fed between Abraham and Mofes, being not mentioned by Jofliua in the diVifion of the land, nor reckoned among the nations conquered by him. The mod probable account of thefe Kenites I conceive to be this. Jethro, the father-in-law of Mofes, is called in one place the priejt of Midian f Exod.
iii.	i. and in another the Kenite, Judg. i. 16. We may infer therefore that the Midianites and the Kenites were the fame, or at lead that the Kenites were fome of the tribes of Midian. The Midianites are faid to be confederates with the Moabites in the beginning of the ftory, and the elders of Midiati as well as the elders of Moab invited Balaam to come and
* Here thefe more ancient Kenites are to be underftood. See Le Clerc on the paiTage.
f 1 am of opinion, that their names perifhed in that period, which intervened, between the times of Abraham and of Mofes. This however is certain, that their name was unknown to Jofhua. At lead in his divifion of the land, and in his enumeration of the nations fubdued by the Ifraelites, he no where makes mention of it. See Bochart’s phaleg, Book IV. Chap, xxxvi. Col. 397*
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DISSERTATIONS ON
curie Ifrael; arid one would naturally expefifc fome notice to be taken of them or their tribes in the courfe of thefe prophecies. Now of the Kenites, it appears, that part followed Ifrael: Judg. i. 16. but the greater part, we may prefume, remained among the Midianites and Amalekites. We read in 1 Sam. xv. 6. that there were Kenites dwelling among the Amalekites, and fo the Kenites are fitly mentioned here next after the Amalekites. Their fituation is faid to be ftrong and f ecu re among the mountains, ‘ Strong is thy dwelling-place, and thou putteft thy neltin a rockwherein is an alluiion to the name, the lame word in Hebrew figni-fying a neft and a Kenite. ‘ Neverthelefs the Kenite fliall be wafted, until Aslhur carry thee away captive.* The Amalekites were to be utterly deftroyed, but the Kenites were to be carried captive. And accordingly when Saul was font by divine comruiflion to deftroy the Amalekites, he ordered the Kenites to depart from among them. 1 Sam-
xv.	6. ‘ And Saul laid unto the Kenites, Go, depart, get you down from among the Amalekites, left I deltroy you with them: for ye fhewed kindnels to all the children of II-rael when they came up out of Egypt;’ for the kindnels which fome of them Ihewed to Ifrael, their pofterity was faved. * So the Kenites departed from among the Amalekites/ This Ihoweth that tliey were wafted, and reduced to a low and weak condition ; and as the kings of Aflyria carried captive not only the Jews, but alio tilt Syrians, 2 Kings
xvi.	9. and leveral other nations; 2 Kings xix. 12, 13. it is moft highly probable that the Kenites lhared the lame late with their neighbours, and were carried away bv the fame torrent; and efpecialiy as we find .fome Kenites mentioned among the Jews after their return from captivity. 1 Chron. ii. 55.
The next verfe, ver. 23. * And he took up his parable, and laid, Alas, who Ihali live when God doetli this ! is by leveral commentators referred to what precedes, but it relates rather to what follows, ‘ And he took up his parable, and laid this preface is ufed, when he enters upon fome new fubjeft. 4 Alas, who ihali live when God doeth this !' this exclamation implies, that he is now propheiying of very diltant arid very calamitous times. And flips, or rather for Ships, as the particle v often fignilies, and this initance among others is cited by * Noldius. * For Ihips lhail come from
* See Noldius on the Hebrew particle, ver. 37.
THE PROPHECIES.	75
the eoaft of Chittim, and fhall afflift Aslhur, and (hall afflift Eber, and he alfo (hall perilh for ever/ ver. 24.
Chittim was one of the fons of Javan, who was one of the fons of Japheth, by whole pofterity the ijles of the Gentiles % Gen. x. 5. were divided and peopled, that is Europe, and the countries to which the Aflatics palled by fea, for fuch the Hebrews called ijlands.	Chittim Is ufed for the defcen-
dents of Chittim, as Asfhur is put for the defcendents of Aslhur, that is the Allyrians : but what people were the defcendents of Chittim, or what country was meant by the the coajls of Chittim, it is not fo eafy to -determine. The critics and commentators are generally divided into two opU uions, tile one averting that Macedonia, and the other that Italy was the country here intended: and each opinion i? Recommended and authoriled by fome of the firft and greateft names in learning; as not to mention any others, * Grotius and Le Clerc contend for the former, f Bochartand Vitringa are ftrenuous for the latter. But there js no region why we may not adopt both opinions; and elpecially as it is very well known and agreed on all hands, tjiat colonies came frQm Greece to Italy; and as J Jofephus laith, that all iflands and molt maritime places are called Chetkim by the Hebrews; and as manifelt traces of the name are to be found in both countries; the ancient name of Macedonia having been § Macettio, and the Latins having before been called Cetiif What appears mod, probable is, that the fons of Chitting lettled firlt in Aha Minor, where were a people called Cetei% and a river called Cetium, according to Homer || and Strabo. From Afia they might pals over into the ifland Cyprus, which If Jolephus laith was polfelfed by Chethim, and called Chethima ; and where was alfo the city Cittium, famous for being the birth-place of Zeno, the founder of the tedt of the
* See Grotius and Le Clerc on the paflage, as alfo up<?n Gen, x. 4, f See Bochart's Phaleg, Book III, Chap/v, And Vitringa oq Ifai. xxiH. 1.
J And from it (namely Chittim) every ifland, and almoft every place on the fea coaft, is by the Hebrews called Chittim. See Jofe-phus’ Antiquities, Book I. Chap. vi. in the 17 page of Hudfon’s edition, Vol. I,
f See BQchart in the place above quoted.
|| See Homer’s Odyffey, Book XII. Line 520. and the Scholiaft upon it. See alfo Strabo’s Geography, Book XIII. pages 915, 916-in the fecond Volump of the Amfterdam edition of 1707.
<J[ But Chettim poflefled the ifland of Chittima, which isnew called Cyprus* See Jefephus in the place above quoted.
K 2
76
DISSERTATIONS ON
Stoics, who was therefore called the Cittiean. And from thence they might fend forth colonies into Greece and Italy. This plainly appears, that wherever the land of Chittim or the ifles of Chittim are mentioned in fcripture, there are evidently meant lome .countries or iflands in the Mediterranean.
j Ilaiah prophefying of the deftrufition of Tyre by Nebuchadnezzar, faith, xxiii. 1. * Howl, ye (hips of Tarlhifli/ that is the fhips trading from Tyre to Tarteffus in Spain ;
‘ for Tyre is laid walte : from the land of Chittim it is revealed to them the news is brought firft to the countries and iflands in the Mediterranean, and from thence it is conveyed to Spain; and afterwards, ver. 12. ‘ Arife pafs over to Chittim, there alfo (halt thou have no reft; the inhabitants might fly from Tyre, and pafs over to the countries and! iflands in the ^Mediterranean, but even there they fliould find no fecure place of refuge; God’s judgments fliould ftill purfue them. Jeremiah expoftulating with the Jews con* cerning their caufelefs revolt, faith, ii. 10. f Pafs over to the ifles of Chittim, and fee,’ that is the ifles in the Mediterranean which lay weftward of Judea4 and lend unto Kedar,* which was in Arabia and lay eaftward of Judea; * and con-fider diligently, and fee if there be fuch a thing ;* go fearch eaft and weft, and fee if you can find any fuch inftance of apoftalv as this of the Jews. Ezekiel delcribing the luxury of the Tyrians even in their (hipping, faith, xxvii. 6. actor-: ding to the true * reading and interpretation of the words, Vthey made their benches of ivory inlaid on box, brought put of the ifles of Chittim, ’ that is out of the ifles of the Mediterranean, and molt probably from Corfica, which was famous above all places for box, as Bochart hath proved by the teftimonies of Pliny, Theophraftus, and Diodorus. Daniel foretelling the exploits of Antiochus Epiphanes, faith, xi. 29, 30. that he fliould ‘ come towards the louth,' that is invade Egypt, * but the (hips of Chittim (hall come againft him, therefore he (hall.be grieved and return the flips of Chittim can be none other than the (hips of the Romans, whofe f embafladors coming from Italy tq Greece, and from thence to Alexandria, obliged Antiochus, to his great grief and dilappointment, to depart from Egypt without accom-
* See Bochart in the place above quoted, and the firft part of his Hierozpicon, Book II. Chap. xxiv.
f See Livy, Book.XLV. Chapters x, xi, xii. See alfo Polybius, page 915, and 916* in Cafaubon’s edition.
THE PROPHECIES*
77
plifhing his defigns, The author of the firft book of Maccabees, lpeaking of Alexander fon of Philip the Macedonian, faith, i. 1. that he came out of the land of Chittrm: and af-wards, viii. 5. Perfeus, the laft king of Macedon, he calleth king of the Cittims. By thefe inftances it appears, that the land of Chittim was a general name for the countries and i(lands in the Mediterranean: and therefore when Balaam laid that (hips Jhould come from the coaft of Chittim, he might mean either Grreece, or It^ly, or both, the particular names of thofe countries being at that time perhaps unknown in the eaft: and the pad age may be the better understood of both, becaufe it was equally true of both, and Greece and Italy were alike the fcourges of Alia.
*	And (hall afflict Aslhur.* Asfhur9 as we noted before, fignifies properly the defeendants of Aslhur, the Affyrians: but * their name was of as large extent as their empire, and the Syrians and Affyrians are often confounded together, and mentoined as one and the lame people. Now it is fo well known as to require no particular proof, that the Grecians under the command of Alexander the Great fiibdued all thole countries. The Remans afterwards extended their empire into the fame regions; and as f Dion informs us, Aflyria properly fo called was conquered by the emperor Trajan.
*	And (hall afflift Eber.* Two interpretations are pro? pqfed of the word Eb$r9 either the pofterity of a man fo called, or the people who dwelt on the other fide of the river Euphrates. If by Eber we underftand the pofterity of Eber, as by Asfhur the pofterity of Aslhur, which appears a very natural conftru&ion; then Balaam, who was commifliorted to blels Ifrael at firft, prophefied evil concerning them at laft, though under another name : but men and manners ufually degenerate in a long courfe of time ; and as the virtues of the progenitors might entitle them to a blefling, fo the vices of the defeendents might render them obnoxious to a curfe. However we may avoid this feeming incon-fiftence, if we follow the other interpretation, and by Eber underftand the people who dwelt on the other fide of the river Euphrates, which fenfe is given by X Onkelos, and is
*	This name extended as widely as their empire,—Many, of the ancients confider the Syrians and the Affyrians as the fame people. See Bochart*s Phaleg, Book II. Chap. iii. Col. 72.
f See Dion’s Roman Hiftory, Book LXVIII. pag. 78S. ill Lcunclavius’ edition printed at Hanover id 1606.
X ‘ And they (hall fubdue beyond the River Euphrates.* See Onkelos.
n	DISSERTATIONS ON
approved by feveral of the ancients, as well as by many of the molt able commentators among the moderns, and is particularly enforced by a learned * profeffor of eminent (kill in the oriental languages. The two members of the period would then better conne6t together, and the fenfe of the latter would be fomewhat exegetical of the former; and Jliall afflitit Asfkur and Jkatt ajjlkl Eber, (hall afflift the Al-lyfrians and other neighbouring nations bordering upon the river Euphrates, And this interpretation I would readily embrace, if I could fee any inftance of a parallel exprelfion. Beyond.the river, meaning Euphrates, is indeed a phrale that fometimes occurs in fcripture, and the concordance will fup-ply us with inltances: but where doth beyond alone ever bear that fignification ? I know Gen. x. 21. is ufually cited for this purpole ; but that text is as much controverted as this* and the queftion is the fame there as here, whether Eber he the proper name of a man, or only a prepofition fignifying beyond, and beyond fignifying the people beyond the river Euphrates: or in other words, whether the paffaga thould be tranflated the father of all the children of Eber, or the father of nil the children of the people on the other fide of the river Euphrates. Ifaiah’s manner of lpeaking of the lame people is ‘ by them beyond the river, by the king of Aflyria vii. 20. and one would expe& the like here, Jliall affiid Asfhur, and (hall ajfiidt them beyond the river. But which ever of thefe interpretations we prefer, the prophecy was alike fulfilled. If we underftand it of the people bordering upon the Euphrates, they as well as the Aiiyrians were lubdued both by the Grecians and Romans. If we underhand it of the pofterity of Eber * the Hebrews Vere afflicted, though not much by Alexander himfelf, yet by his fuccelfors the Seleucidye, and particularly by Antiochus Epi-plianes, who lpoiled Jerufalem, defiled the temple, and flew all thole who adhered to the law of Moles, 1 Maccab. i. They were worfe affli&ed by the Romans, who not only fubdued and opprefl’ed them, and made their country a province of the empire, but at lalt took away their place and na* tion, and fold and difperfed them over the lace of the earth*
‘ And he alfo (hall perifh for ever,’ that is Chittim, who is the main lubjeCt of this part of the prophecy, and whole fhips were to afflift Asfhur and to afflict Eber: but this not-withitanding, ‘ lie alfo (hall be even to perdition/ he alfo
* See Hyde’s Hiftory of the Religion of the ancient Perfians* Chap. 2. pag. 52—57.
THE PROPHECIES*
W
(hall be defWoyed as well as Amalek, for in die original the words are the fame concerning both. He in the (jugular number cannot well refer to both Asjhur and Eber. He mult naturally fignify Ckittim the principal agent: and if by Chittim be meant the Grecians, the Grecian empire was entirely fubverted by the Roman ; if the Romans, the Roman empire was in its turn broken into pieces by the incur-fion of tjie northern nations. The name only of the Roman empire and Caefarean majefty is l’ublilting at this day, and is transferred to another country and another people.
It appears then that Balaam was a prophet divinely infpi-red, or he could never have foretold fo many diftant events, fome of which are fulfilling in the world at this time * and what a lingular honour was it to the people of Ifrael, that a prophet called from another country, and at the fame time a wicked man, (hould be obliged to bear tettimony to their righteoufnefs and holinefs? The commendations of an enemy, among enemies, are commendations indeed. And Mofes did jultice to himfelf as well as to his nation in recording thefe tranfactions. They are not only a material part of his hiftory, but are likewile § ftrong confirmation of the truth of his religion. Balaam's bearing witnels to Mofes, is iomewhat like judas attefting the innocence of Jefus#
VL
Moses* prophecy of a prophet like unto himfelf*
MOSES is a valuable writer, as upon many accounts, lb particularly upon this, that he hath not only pre-lerved and tranfmitted to poftevity feveral ancient prophecies,, but hath likewile Ihown himfelf a. prophet, and inferted le-veml predictions of his own. Among thefe none is more memorable, than that of another prophet to be raifed like unto himfelf* He was now about to leave his people, and comforts them with the promife of another prophet. Deut. xviii. 15. 4 The Lord thy God will raile up unto thee a prophet from the midft of thee, of thy brethren, like unto me ; unto'him ye (hall hearken.' The lame is repeated at ver. IS, in the name of God, ‘ I will raile them up a prophet from among their brethren, like unto thee, and will put my words in his mouth, and he lhall lpeak unto them all that I lhall command him.' It is farther added at ver. 19. ‘ And
DISSERTATIONS #JT
«0
it (hall come to pafs that whofoever will not hearken unto my words which he (hall fpeak in my name, I will require it of him/ Plain as this prophecy is, it hath ftrangely been perverted and mifapplied : but I conceive nothing will be wanting to the right underftanding both of the prophecy and the completion, if we can (how firft what prophet was here particularly intended, if we (how fecondly that this prophet refembled Mofes in more refpe&s than any other perfon ever did, and if we (how thirdly that the people have been and ftill are feverely punilhed for their infidelity and difobedience to this prophet.
I.	We will endeavour to (how what prophet was here particularly intended. Some have been of opinion, * that Jolhua was the perfon ; becaufe he is faid in Ecclefiafticus xlvi. 1. to have been fucceffor of Mojhs in prophecies: and as the people were commanded to hearken unto this prophet, unto him ye fhall hearken; fo they faid unto Jolhua, i. 17. * According as we hearkened unto Mofes in all things, fo will we hearken unto thee.’ Some again have imagined, t that Jeremiah was the perfon ; becaufe he frequently applies (lay they) the wrords of Mofes; and Abarbinel in his preface to the commentary upon Jeremiah reckons up fourteen particulars wherein they refembie each other, and ob-ferves that Jeremiah prophelied forty years, as Mofes alfo did. Others, and thole many more in number, t underftand this neither of Jolhua, nor of Jeremiah, nor of any Angle perfon, but of a (ucceflion of prophets to be raifed up like unto Mofes; becaufe (fay they) the people being here forbidden to follow after inchanters and diviners, as other nations did, nothing would have fecured them efte6tualiy from following after them, but having true prophets of their own, whom they might confult upon occafion ; and the latter are oppofed to the former. But ftill the propounders and favourers of thele different opinions, I think, agree generally in this, that though Jofliua, or Jeremiah, or a fuccellion of prophets was primarily intended, yet the main end and ultimate fcope of the prophecy was the Meffiah : and indeed there appear feme very good reafons for underftanding it of him principally, if not of him folely, befides the preference of a literal to a typical interpretation.
Tliere is a paflage in the conclufion of this book of Deute-
* See Munller, Druflius, Fagius Calmet, See.
' f See Munfter, Fagius, Patrick, Calmet, &c*
J See Fagius, Potle, Le Clerc, Calmet, See.
fllE PROPHECIES.
St
fonomy, which plainly refers to this prophecy, and entirely refutes the notion of Jolhua’s being the prophet like unto Moles. * Ai^> Jofliua the ion of Nun was full of the fpirit of wifdom; for Mofes had laid his hand upon him: arid the children of Ifrael hearkened unto him, and did as the Lord commanded Mofes. And there arofe not a prophet fince in Ifrael like unto Mofes, whom the Lord knew face to faee: In all the ligns and the wonders which the Lord fent him to do, &c. We cannot be certain at what time, or by what hand this addition was made to the facred volume: but it mull have been made after the death of Mofes; and confe-quently Joihua was not a prophet like unto Mofes in the o-pinion of the Jewiih church, both of thofe who made and of thofe who received this addition as canonical fcripture.
*	There arofe not a prophet fince in Ifrael;’ the manner of expreffion plainly implies, that this addition muft have been made at fome confidefable diftance of time after the death of Mofes; and conlequently the Jewifh church had no conception of a perpetual fuccelfion of prophets to be raifed up like unto Moles : and if this addition was made, as it is commonly believed to have been made, by Ezra after the Babylonilh captivity, then it is evident, that neither Jeremiah, nor any of the ancient prophets was* elteemed like unto Moles. Confider what are the peculiar marks and chara&ers, wherein it is faid that none other prophet had ever refem bled Moles.
*	There arofe not a prophet fince in Ifrael like unto Mofes, whom the Lord knew face to face, in all the ligns and the wonders which the Lord fent him to do*’ And which of the prophets ever converfed fo frequently and familiarly with God, face to face ? which of them ever wrought fo many and lo great miracles ? Nobody was ever equal or comparable to Moles in thele refpects, but Jefus the Meffiah.
God’s declaration too, upon occafion of Miriam’s and Aaron’s fedition, plainly evinces that there was to be no prophet in the Jewiih church, and much lefs a fitccoflion of prophets like unto Mofes. Miriam and Aaron grew jealous? of Moles, and mutinied againft him, faying, ‘ Hath the Lord indeed fpoken only by Mofes? hath he not/poken alfo by us?’ Numb. xii. 2. The controverly was of fucfir importance, that God himfelf interpoled ; and what is his determination of the cafe? ‘ If there be a prophet among you, I the Lord-will make myfelf known unto him in a vilion, and will fpeak unto him in a dream. My lervant Mofes is not fo, wno.is faithful in all mine houfe. With him will I fpeak mouth to mouth, even apparently, and not in dark fpeeches : and the
Vol. I. No. o>	L
3*
DISSERTATIONS OW
fimilitud’e of.the Lord (hall he behold : wherefore then were ye not afraid to fpeak againft my fervant Mofes ?’ ver. 6, 7,8. We fee here that a great difference was made between Mofes and other prophets, and alfo wherein that difference lay. God revealed himlelf unto other prophets in dreams and vijions, but with Mofes he converfed more openly, mouth to mouth, or, as it is faidelfewhere, face to face: and Mofes Jaio thefimilitude of the Lord. Thefe were Angular privileges and prerogatives, which eminently dillinguilhed Moles From all the other prophets of the Jewilh difpenfation: and yet there was a prophet to be railed up like unto Mofes : but who ever refemb'led Mofes in thefe fuperior advantages, but Jefus the Meffiah ?
It is likewife no inconfiderable argument, that the letter ©f the text favours our interpretation. The word is in the Angular number, ‘ The Lord thy God will raife up unto thee a prophet*/ and why then fhould we underhand it of a fuc-ceflion of prophets ? why Ihould we depart from the literal conftrubiion without any apparent neceffity for it? Other nations hearkened unto inchanters and diviners, but the Lord would not fuller them fo do; he had given them a better guide already, and would raile up unto them another prophet fuperior to all the inchanters and diviners in the world : unto him they fhould hearken.
Moreover it is implied, that this prophet Ihould be a lawgiver. * A prophet like unto-th^e; not limply a prophet, but a prophet l>ke unto Moles, that is a fecond law-giver, as * Eufebius explains it. The reafon too that is alhgned for fending this prophet, will evince that he was to be veiled with tnis character. The people had requelled, that the divine laws might not be delivered to them in 1b terrible and awful a manner, as they had been in Horeb. God approved their Fequeft, and promifed therefore, that he would raile up unto them a prophet like unto Moles, a law-giver who fhould fpeak unto,them his commands in a familiar and gentle way. This prophet therefore was to be a law-giver : but none of the Jewilh prophets were law-givers, in all the intermediate time between Mofes and Cbriit.
If we farther appeal unto fact, we fhall find that there never was any propnet, and much lels a fuccelfion' of prophets, whom the Jews dteemed like unto Mofes. The
* See Eufebius' Evangelical Demonflration, Book I. Chap. iii. page 6. and Book IX. Chap. xi. pag. 443. in the Paris Edition of 1628.
THE PROPHECIES*
63
higheft degree of infpiration they term the * Mofaical, and enumerate feveral particulars, wherein that hath the preeminence and advantage above all others. There was in* deed, in confequence of this prophecy, a general expe&atiori of fome extraordinary prophet to ariie, which prevailed particularly about the time of our Saviour. The Jews then, as well as t fince, underltood and applied this prophecy to the Melliah, the only prophet whom they will ever allow to be as great or greater than Moles. When our Saviour had fed five thoufand men, by a miracle like that of Moles, who fed the Ifraedites m the wildemefs, then thole met! fa id,
* This is of a truth that prophet that Ihould come into the world,’ John. vi. 14. St Peter and St Stephen direddy apply the prophecy to him: Ads iii. 22, 23. vii. 37. and they may very well bejultified for fo doing; for he fully anfwers all the marks and characters which are here given of the prophet like unto Moles. He had immediate communication with the deity, and God fpake to him face to face, as he did to Moles. He performed Jigns and wonders as great or greater than thole of Moles*. He was a law-giver as well ad Moles. * I will raife them up a prophet,* faith God; and the people glorified God faying, ‘ That a great prophet is riien up among us,’ Luke vii. * I will put my words in his mouth,* faith God, in Hebrew will give my words: and otir Saviour faith, ‘ I have given unto them the words which thou gaveltme,’ John. xvii. 8. * He fhall lpeak unto them all that I (hall'command him,* faith God ; and our Saviour laith, 4 I have not fpoken of myfelf; but die Father which lent me, he gave me a commandment, what I Ihould fay, and what I Ihould fpeak. And I know that his commandment is life everlalting : whatsoever I fpeak therefore, even as the Father faid unto me, fo I fpeak,* John xii. 4Q, 50.
II.	We (hall be more and more confirmed in this opinion, when we confider die great and linking likenefs between
' * See Smith’s Difcourfe of Prophecy, Chap. ii. and xi, .wherein it is ftiown from Maimonides, that Moles’ infpiration excelled all pothers in four particulars. 1. All other prophets prophefied in a dream or vifion, but Mpfes waking and Handing. % All other prophets •prophefied by the help or miniftry of an angel, but Mofes prophefied without the miniftry of an angel. 3. All other prophets were afraid, and troubled, and fainted, but Mofes was not fo, for the fcripture faith that God fpake to him as a man fpeaheth to his friend. 4. None of the prophets did prophefy at what time they would, fave Mofes: f See authorities cited in Bifhop Chandler’s Defence pf Cliriftia-nity. Chap. 6. Se£L 2. p. 307- Edit. 3d.
L 9
DISSERTATIONS OV
Mofes and Jefus Chrift, and that the latter refembled the former in more relpe&s than any otlier perfon ever-did* Notice hath been taken already of fome inliances, wherein they relemble each other, of God fpeaking to both face to face, of both performing Jigns and wonders, of both being law-givers: and in theie refpeflts none of the ancient prophets were like unto Moles. None of them were law-givers ; they ohly interpreted and inforced the law qf Moles. None of them performed fo many and fo great wonders. None of them had liich clear communications with God; they all law vilions, and dreamed dreams. Moles and J^fus Chrift are the only two, who perfe6tly refemble each other in thefe refpe6ts. But a more exadt and particular comparifon may be drawn between them, and hath been drawn by two emir nent hands, by one of the belt and ableft of the ancient fathers, and by one of the molt learned and ingenious of divines : and as we cannot pretend to add any modern thing to them, wc'muft be content to copy from them.
Eufebius treating of the prophecies concerning Chrift, * produceth firft this qf Moles ; and then afketh, which of the prophets after Moles, I la i ah for inftance, or Jeremiah, or Ezekiel, or Daniel, or any other of the twelve, was a lawgiver, and performed things like unto Moles ? Moles firft telcued the Jewilh nation from. Egyptian fuperftition and idolatry, and taught them the true tneology; Jefus Chrift in like manner was the firft teacher of true religion and virtue to the Gentiles. Moles confirmed his religion by miracles; and lo likewife did Chrift. Moles delivered the Jewilh nation from Egyptian fervitude; and Jefus Chrift all mankind from the power of evil demons. Moles promi-ied a holy land, and therein a happy life to thofe who kept the law: and Jefus Chrift abetter country, that is a heavenly, to all righteous fouls. Mofes failed forty days ; and fo likewife did Chrift. Mofes fupplied the people with bread in the wildernefs ; and our Saviour fed live t|ioufand at one time, and four thoufand at another, with a few loaves. Moles went himfelf, and led the people through the midft of the foa ; and Jefus Chrift walked on the fea, and enabled jtfoter tq walk likewife. Mofes ftretched out his hand over the fea, and the Lord cauled the fea to go backward; and our Saviour rebuked the wind and the fea, and there was a great calm. Moles’ face Ihone, when he,defcended from
* See Eufebills, Evangelical Demonftration, Book III. Chap. ii. page" 90—91. in the Paris Edition of 1628.
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95
the mount, and our Saviour’s did fliiiie as the fun in his tranfiguration. Mofes by his prayers cured Miriam of her leproiy; and Chrift with greater power by a word healed feveral lepers. Mofes performed wonders by the finger of God; and Jefus Chrilt by the finger of God did call out devils. Mofes changes Olhea’s name to Jolhua; and our Saviour did Simon’s to Peter. Mofes conftituted feventy rulers over the people; and our Saviour appointed-feventy difciples. Mofes lent forth twelve men to lpy out the land; and our Saviour twelve apoftles to vifit all nations. Moles gave feveral excellent moral precepts ; and our Saviour carried them to the highelt perfe6tion.
Dr Jortin * hath enlarged upon thefe hints of Eufebius, and made feveral improvements and additions to them. Mofes in his infancy was wonderfully prelerved from the de-ftruction of ail the male children; fo was Chrilt. Moles fled from his country to elcape the hands of the king; fo did Chrilt, when his parents carried him into Egypt: Afterwards 4 the Lord faid to Moles in Midian, Go, return into Egypt; for all the men are dead which fought thy life;’ Exod. iv. 19. fo the angel of the Lord faid to Jofeph in al-molt the fame words, 4 Arife, and take the young child, and go into the land of Ifrael; for they are dead which fought the young child’s life; Matt. ii. 20. pointing him out as it Were for that prophet,’who Ihould arife like unto Mofes. Mofes refilled to be called the Ion of Pharoah’s daughter, choofing rather to fuller affli&ion. Chrift refufed to be made king, choofing rather to fuft’eraffli6tion. Moles, fays St Stephen, 4 was learned,’ epaideuthe 4 in all the wiliiom of the Egyptians,* and Jofephus (Ant. Jud. ii. 9.) fays that lie was a# very forward and accomplilhed youth, and had wifdom and knowledge beyond his years; St Luke obferves of Chrift, that 4 he increafed (betimesJ in wilclom aisl ltature, and in favour with God and man,* and his difeourfes in the temple with the do&ors, when he was twelve years old, were a proof of it. Mofes contended with the magicians, who were forced to acknowledge the divine power by which he was alii (led; Chrift eje&ed evil fpirits, and received the fame acknowledgments from them. Mofes was not only a lawgiver, a prophet, and a worker of miracles, but a king and a prieft: in all thefe ofliqes the refemblance between Moles and Chrift was lingular. Moles brought darkneis over the land ; the fun withdrew his light at Chrilt’s crucifixion :
* Remarks on Ecclefiaftical Hiftory, Vol. I. page 203—222.
86
DISSERTATIONS ON1
Atid as the darknefs which was fpread over Egypt was followed by the deftru&ion of their firft born, and of Pharaoh and his hoit; fo the darknefs at Chrift’s death was the fore- . runner ©f-the deftru&ion of the Jews. Mofes foretold the calamities which Would befall the nation for their difobedi-ence ; fo did Chrift. The fpirit which was in Moles was conferred in fome degree upon the feventy elders, and they pndphefied; Chrift conferred miraculous, powers upon his feventy difciples. Moles was victorious over powerful kings and great nations; fo was Chrift by the effects of his religion, and by the fall of thofe who perlecuted his church, Mofes conquered Amalek by holding up both his hands; Clirill overcame his and our enemies when his hands were faftened to the crofs. Moles interceded lor tranfgrelfors, and caufed an atonement to be made for them, and ftopped the wrath ©f God; (b did Chrift, Mofes ratified a covenant between God and the people by fprinkling them with blood ; Chrift with his own blood. Moles deli red to die for the people, and prayed that God would forgive them, or blot him out of Iris book ; Chrift did more, he died for fmners. Mofes in-ftituted the paffover, when a lamb was facrificed, none of whofe bones were <o be broken, and whole blood protected the people from cleftru&tion ; Chrift was that pafchal lamb. Moles lifted up the ferpent, that they who looked upon him might be healed of their mortal wounds; Chrift was that ferpent. All Mofes’ aife&ion towards the people, all his cares and toils on their account, were repaid by them with ingratitude, murmuring, and rebellion; the lame returns the Jew's made to Chrift for all his benefits. Moles was ill tiled bv his own family, his brother and filter rebelled againft him ; there was a time when Chrift's own brethren believed not in him. Mofes had a very wicked and perverfe generation committed -to his care and eondu6t, and to enable him to rule them, miraculous powers were given to him, and lie tiled his utmoft endeavour to make the people obedient to God, and to lave them from ruin; but in vain; in the fpace of forty years they all fell in the wildernefs except two; Chrift alfo was given to a generation not lefs wicked and perverfe, his inftrudtions and. his miracles were loft upon them, and in. about the fame fpace of time, after they had rejected him, They were deltroyed. Moles was very imapk above all men that w ere on the face of the earth; fo was Chrift. The people could not enter into the land of pro* mile, till Mofes was dead ; by the death of Chrift the King-doai of heaven was open to believers. In the death of ■Mo*
THE PROPHECIES*
OT
fes and Chrift there is alfo a relemblance of fbme circnmftHH ces: Moles died, in one fenfe, for the iniquities of the people ; it was their rebellion which was the occafion of it, which d:ew down the dif[>leafure of God upon them and upon him; Mofes went up, in the fight of the people, to the top of mount Nebo, and there he died, when.ne was in perfect vigour, when ‘ his eyes was not dim, nor his natural force abated:’ Chrift fullered for the fins of men, and was led up, in the prefence of the people, to mount Calvary, where he died in the flower of his age, and when he was in his full natural ftrength, Neither Moles nor Chrift, as far as we may colle6t from facred hiftory, were ever fick, or felt any bodily decay or infirmity, which would have rendered them unlit for the toils they underwent; their fufterings were of another kind. Mofex was buried, and no man knew where his body lay; nor could the Jews find the body of Chrift. Laltly as Mofes a little before death promifed another prophet; fo Chrift another comforter.
The great fimilitude confilts in their both being law-givers 9 which no prophet ever was befides Mofes and Chrift. They may refemble each other in feveral other features, and a fruitful imagination may find out a likenefs where there is none* But as the fame excellent writer concludes, “ Is this fimilitude and correfpondence in fo many tilings between Mofes and Chrift the effect of mere chance? Let us leardi all the records of univerlal hiftory, and fee if we can find a man fo like to Mofes as Chrift was, and fo like to Chrift as Mofes was. If we cannot find fuch a one, then have we found him of whom Mofes in the law, and the prophets did write, Jefus of Nazareth, the Son of God.”
III.	There, is no want of many words to prove, for it is vilible to all the world, that the people have been and ftill arc leverely punifhed for their infidelity and difobedience to this prophet. The prophecy is clear and exprefs ; ‘ Unto him ye lhail hearken; And it fhall come to pafs that whofo-e^er will not hearken unto my words whicli he fhall fpeakin my name, I will require it of him,’ that is I will feverely pu-nifti him for it, as the phrafe fignifies elfewhere. The antecedent is put for the confequent: j ud^es firft inquired, then punifhed : and the Seventy tranflate it, * I will take vengeance of him. This prophecy, as we have proved at large, evidently relates to Jefus Chrift. God himfelf in a manner applies it to him: for \yhen he was transfigured, Matt. xvii.
* ‘ Ego ekdikefo ex autou.’ See the SeptuagiuU
*8
DISSERTATIONS ON*
6. there came * a voice out of the cloud, which fold, This is my beloved Son in whom I am well pleated ; hear ye him’ alluding plainly to the words of Mofes, * Unto him ye thall hearken,’ and to pointing him out for the prophet like unto Mofes. St Peter, as we noted before, diredlly applies it to our Saviour, Aftsiii. 22, 23, ‘ For Mofes truly laid unto the fathers, A prophet thall the Lord your God raife up unto ybu, of your brethren, like unto me ; him thall ye near in all things whatl'oever he thall fay unto you: And it fhall come to pafs, that every foul which will not hear that prophet, fhall be deftroyed from among the peoplewhich is the fenfe rather than the words of the prophecy. And hath !k)t this terrible denunciation been fully executed upon the Jews? Was not the complete excifion of that incredulous nation, foon after Jefushad finiflied lvis miniltry among them, and hisapoltles had likewife preached in vain, the fullilling of the threat upon them for not hearkning unto him ? We may be the more certain of this application, as our Saviour himfelf not only denounced the tame deftru&ion, but alfo foretold the figns, the manner, and the circumttances of it, with a particularity and exa&nefs that will amaze us, as we fhall tee in a proper place: and thofe of the Jews who believed in his name, by remembering the caution and following the advice which he had given them, elcaped from, the general ruin of their country, like tire-brands plucked out of the fire. The main body of the pation either perilhed in their infidelity, or were carried captive into all nations : and have they not ever fince perfifting in the fame infidelity, been obnoxious to the fame punifhment, and been a vagabond, diftretfed, and miferable people in the earth? The hand of God was lcarce ever more vifible in any of his dif-penfotions. We mult be blind not to fee it: and feeing, we cannot but admire, and adore it. What other probable account can they themfelves give of their long captivity, dif-perfion, and mifery ? Their former captivity for the punifti-ment of all their wickednels and idolatry laited only ieventy years: but they have lived in their prefentdifperlion, even though they have been no idolaters, now theie feventeen hundred years, and yet without any immediate prolpedt of their reiloration : and what enormous crime could have drawn down, and unrepented of Hill continues to drawdown, thefe heavy judgments upon them? We fey that they were cut off for their infidelity ; and that when they fhall turn to the faith, they will be grafted-in again. One would think, it fhould be worth their while to try the experiment* Sure
THE PROPHECIEB*
we are, that they have long been monuments Of God’s jleft ice ; we believe; that upon tjieir faith and repentance they will become again obj efts of his mercy: ami in the mean time with St Paul, Rom. x. 1. ‘ our hearts deli re and prayer to God for Ifrael is, that they may be laved.*
VII.
Prophecies of Moses concerning the Jews.
IT is obfervable that the prophecies of Moles abound molt in the latter part of his writings. As he drew nearer tils end, it pleafed God to open to him larger profpefts of things. As he was about to take leave of the people, he was enabled to dilclole unto them more particulars of their future ftate and condition. The defign of this work will permit us to take notice of fuch only as have tome reference to thele latter ages: and we will confine ourfelves principally to the 28th chapter of Deuteronomy, the greater part whereof we may fee accomplifhed in the world at this prefent time;
This great prophet and law-giver is here propofingat, large to the people the hleflings for obedience, and the curies for difbbeaience: and indeed he had foretold at feveral times and upon feveral occafions, that they ihould be happy or miferable in the world, as they were obedient of difobedient to the law that he had given them. And could there be any flronger evidence of the divine original of the Mofaical law? and hath not the interpofition of providence been wonderfully remarkable in their good or bad fortune ? and is not the truth of the prediftion fully attefted by the whole feries of their hiftory from their* firlt lettlement in Canaan to this very day ? But he is larger and more particular in recounting the curies than the bleflings, as if he had a prefcience ot the
Eeople’s difobedience, and forefaw that a larger portion and >nger continuation of the evil would fall to their lhare, than of the goodi I know that fome critics make a divifion o£ thefe prophecies, and imagine that one part relates to the former captivity of the Jews, and to the calamities which they fullered under the Chaldeans; and that the other part relates to the latter captivity of the Jews, and to the cala-* mities which they fullered under the Romans: but there is, no need of any fuch diltinftion; there is no reafon to think that any luch was intended bv the author; feveral prophet Vol. i. No. 3*	M
80
VO
DISSERTATIONS ON
cies of the one part as well as of the other have been fulfil* led at both periods, but they have all more amply been fulfilling during the latter period; and there cannot be am6rc lively picture than they exhibit* of the ftate of the Jews at prefent.
1. We will eonfider them with a view to the order of time rather than the order wherein they lie; and we may not improperly begin with this palfage, ver. 49. ‘ The Lord find! bring a nation againlt thee from far, from the end of the earth, as fwift as the eagle flieth, a nation whofe tongue thou (halt not underftand and the Chaldeans might be faid to come from far, in companion with the Moabites, Phiiiftincs, and other neighbouring nations, which ufed to infelt Judear. Much tire fame defcription is given of the Chaldeans by Jeremiah, ver. 15. ‘ Lo, I will bring a nation upon you from far, O houfe of Ifrael, faith the Lord : it is a mighty nation, it is an ancient nation, a nation whofe language thou know-eft not, neither underftaodeft wliat they lay.’ He compares them in like manner to eagles, Lara. iv. 19. ‘ Our perlecu-tors are fwifter than the eagles of the heaven : they puriiied us upon the mountains, they laid wait for us in the wilder-nefs.’ But this defcription cannot be applied to any nation with fuch propriety as to the Romans. They were truly brought ‘ from far, from the end of the earth.’ Velpafian and Adrian, the two great conquerors and deltroyers of the Jews, both came from commanding here in Britain. The Romans too for the rapidity of their conquelts might very well be compared to eagles, and perhaps not without an allu-fion to the itandard of the Roman armies, which was an eagle : and their language was more unknown to the Jews than the Chaldee.
£. The enemies of the Jews are farther chara&erized in the next verfe, ‘ A nation of fierce countenance, which /hall not regard the perfon of the old, nor /how favour to the young. Such were the Chaldeans ; and the lac red hiftoriau faith ex-
Jrefsly, 9 Chron. xxxvi. 17* that for the wickeduefs of the ews God * brought upon them the king of the Chaldees, who flew their young men with the /word,, in the houle of their fanfituary, and had no compaflion upon young man or maiden; old man, or him thatftooped forage; he gave them all into his hand/ Such alfo.were the Romans : for when Vefpafian entered Gadera, * Jofephus faith, that “ he
* And afterwards having entered into it, (Gader^,) he ordered all that were grown up to be (lain. The Romans /hewed mercy to u&
THE PROPHECIES.
91
Hew all man by mart, the Romans (howing mercy to no age, out of hatred to the nation, and remembrance of their former injuries.”. The like (laughter was made at Gamala, *
For nobody efcaped befides two women, and they efcaped concealing themfelves from the rage of the Romans.. For they did not lb much as 1‘pare young children, but everyone at that time lhateking up many call them down fromahe citadel.”
3.	Their enemies were alfo to befiege and take their cities* ver. 52, ‘ And he (hall befiege thee in all thy gates, until thy high and fenced walls come down, wherein thou trull-edit, throughout all thy land. So Shalmanefer king of Affy-ria came up againit Samaria, and beiieged it, and at the end of three years they took it.’ 2 Kings, xviii. 9,10. ‘ So did Sennacherib king of Aiiyria come up againit'all the fenced cities of Judab, and took them:* lb. ver. 13. and Nebuchadnezzar and his captains took ai)d fpoiled Jerufalem, burnt the city and temple, 4 and brake down the walls of Jerulaiem round about, ‘ lb. xxv. 10. So likewife the Romans, as we may read in Jofephus* hiftory of the Jewifh wars, deinolifhed ieveral fortified places, before they beiieged and deitroyed Jerulaiem. And the Jews may very well be laid to have 4 fruited in their high and fenced walls/ for they Seldom ventured U battle in the open field. They confided in the ltrength and fituation of Jerufalem, as the Jebu-fites, the former inhabitants of die place, had done before them : 2 Sam. v. 6, 7. infomuch that they are reprefen ted faying, Jer. xxi. 13. ‘ Who fhall comedown againit us? or who lhall enter into our habitation?* Jerulaiem was indeed a very ftrong place, and wonderfully fortified both by nature and art according to the delcription of f Tacitus as well as of Jolephus: and yet $ how many times was it ta-
age, both on account of their hatred, to the whole nation, and becaufe of their recollection of the wrong which they (the Jews) had done to' Ceftius. See Jewilh Wars, Book III. Chap. vii. Se&. 1, page 1128, in Hudfon’s Edition.
* None were faved excepting two women, and they efcaped, becaufe at the time of facking the city, they privily had withdrawn and concealed themfelves, from the fury of the Romans. They did not even fpare infants, but every one laying hold of many of them, threw them do wn headlong from the caftle.
f See Tacitus’ Hiltory, Book V. See Jofephus’ Jewilh wars, Book V. Chap. iv. and v.
J See Jofephus’ Jewilh wars, Book VL and laft chapter, page 1292 of Hudfou’s edition.
M 2
02	DISSERTATIONS OH
ken ? It>\fras taken by Shifbak king of Egypt, by Nebuchad? nezzar, by Antiochus Epiphanes, by Pompey, by Sofius and Herod, before its final deftru&ion by Titus. -
4.	In thefe fieges they were to lutfer much, and efpecially from famine, ‘ in the ftraitnpls wherewith their enemies ihould diftrefs them,’ ver. 53, &c. And accordingly when itye king of Syria befieged Samaria, ‘ there was a great famine in Samaria ; and behold they befieged it, until an afs’s head was fold for fourfcore pieces of filver, and the fourth part of a cab of doves dung for five pieces of filvey ,’ 2 Kings yi. 25. And when Nebuchadnezzar befieged Jerufalem, * the famine prevailed in the city, and there was no bread for the people of the land,* 2 Kings xxv. 3. And in the laft fiege of Jerufalem by the Romans there was a moft terrible famine in the city, and Jofephus hath given fo melancholy an account of it, that we cannot read it without Juddering. He faith, particularly, * that ** women fnatched the food out of the very mouths of their hufbands, and fons pf their fathers, and (what is moft miferable) mothers of their infants and in t another place he faith, that “ in every houfe, if there appeared any lemblance of food, a battle en-fued, and the deareft friends and relations fought with one another, fnatching away the miferable provisions of life
fo literally were the >vords qf Moies Yultilled, ver. 54, &c. (he man’s * eye (hall be evil toward bis brother, and towards the wife of his bofom, and towards his children, becaufe he hath nothing left him in the fiege, and in the ftraitnefs wrhere-with thine enemies (hall diftrefs thee in all thy gates,’ and in like manner the woman’s ‘ eye (hall be evil towards the hu(band of her bofom, and towards herfon, and towards her ^laughter.’
5.	Nay it was exprefsly foretold, that not only the men, but even the women (hould eat their own children. Mofes had foretold the fame thing liefore, Levit. xxvi. 29. ‘ Ye (halt eat the flelh of your fons, and the flelh of your daugh-
* Forafmuch as wives fqueezcd the food out of the mouths of their hufbands, and children out of the mouths of their parents, and what was moft miferable of all, mothers out of the mouths of their babes. See Jewifh wars, Book V. Chap. x. Se<ft. 3. page 124*5.
f Wherever, in any houfe, but the (hadow of bread appeared, in-ftantly a battle enfued, and they who before had been on the moft friendly footing, fought againft each other with the greateft fury, that they might carry off lome miferable fcraps for their fuftenance. See Book VI. Chap. iii. Sedt. 3. page 1274*, of Hudfon’s edition.
THE PROPHECIES*
9$
ters lhall ye eat.* lie repeats it here, ver, 53, 4 And thou (halt eat the fruit of thine own body, the flelh of thy tons and of thy daughters:’ and more particularly ver. 56, &c.
*	The tender and delicate woman among you, wjio would not adventure to let the lole of her foot upon tire ground, for delicatenefs and tendernefs —die (hall eat her children for want of all things fecretly in the fiege and ltraitnels, wherewith thine enemies lhall diftrefs thee in thy gates/ And it was fulfilled about 600 years after the time of Moles among the Ifraelites, when Samaria was befieged by the king of Syria, and two women agreed together, the one to give up her 1'on to be boiled and eaten to day, and the other to deliver up her fonto be drelled and eaten tomorrow,and one of them was eaten accordingly, 2 Kings vi. 28, 29. It was fulfilled again about 900 years after the time of Mofes among the Jews in the fiege of Jerulalem before the Babylo-nilh captivity; and Baruch thus expreffeth it, ii. 1, &c.
*	The Lord hath made good his word, which he pronounced againlt us, to bring upon us great plagues, fuch as never happened under the whole heaven, as it came to pals in Jerulalem, according to the things that were written in the law of Moles, that a man fliould eat the flelh ofhis own fon, and the flelh ofhis own daughter :* and Jeremiah thus laments it in his Lamentations, iv. 10. * The hands of the pitiful women havefodden their own children, they were their meat in the deltrudtion of the daughter of my people/ And again it was fulfilled above 1500 years after the time of Moles in the laft fiege of Jerufalem by Titus, and we read in Jofephus particularly of a noble woman’s killing and eating her own lucking child. Mofes faith, i The tender and delicate woman among you, who would not adventure to let the lole pf her foot upon the ground, for delicatenefs and tendernels : ’ and there cannot be a more natural and lively delcription of a woman, who was according to * Jofephus iiiuitrious tor her family and riches* Mofes faith, ‘ flie lhall dat them for want of all things / and according to Jofephus Ihe had been plundered of all her fubtiance and provifions by the tyrants and foldiers. Mofes faith, that Ihe lhould do it fecrttly: and according to Jofephus, when Ihe had boiled
* Diftinguilhed by her birth and wealth----The tyrants indeed
had by this time plundered her of all her fubitance, &c. Afterwards having dreffed her child, Ihe devoured the one half of him, and covering up the remainder, Ihe fecretly referred him for another meal. See Jevvilh wars, Book VL Chap. iii. Sect. 1. of Iludfon’s edition.
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DISSERTATIONS OK
and eaten half, Hie covered up the reft, and kept it for another time. At fo many different times and^diltant periods hath this prophecy been fulfilled; and one would have thought that tuch diftrefs and horror had almoft tranfcended imagination, and much lets that any peiibn would certainly have ibrelecn and foretold it.
{>. Great numbers of them were to be deftroyed, ver. 62.
‘ And ye lhall be left few in number, whereas ye were as the ftars of heaven for multitude.’ Now not to mention any other of the calamities and daughters which they have undergone, there was in the lait fiege of Jerufalem by Titus an infinite multitude, iaith * Jofephus, who perifhed by famine: and he computes, that during the whole fiege, the number of ihofe who were deftroyed by that and by the waF amount ted to eleyen hundred thouian'd, the people being afiembied from all parts to celebrate the pullover: and the fame an-* thor liath given us an account of 1,240,490 deftroyed in Je-Tufalem and other parts of Judea, befides. 99,200 made pri-f oners; -us t “Balhage has reckoned them up from that hit Dorian’s account. Indeed there is not a nation upon earth, that hath been expoied to lb many m Allacres and perl ecu tions. Their hiliory abounds. with them. If God had not given them a - promile of a numerous polterity, the whole race would many a time have been extirpated.
7. They were to he carried into Egypt, and fold for Haves
a very low price, ver. 68, ‘ And the Lord lhall bring thee unto Egypt again, with Ihips ; and there ye lhall be fold unto your enemies for bondmen and bondwomen, and no man lhall buy you.’ They had come out of Egypt triumphant, but now they fliould return thither as Haves. They had walked through the lea as dry land at their coming out, but now they Ihould be carried thither in Ihips. They might be carried thither in the (hips of the Tyrian or Sidonian merchants, or by the Romans who-had a fleet in the .Mediterranean : and tics was a much iafer way of conveying fo many
* But of them who perilhed by faming throughout the city, "* there was an incalculable multitude. See Jewilh wars, Book VI. Chap. iii. Secf. 3. page 1274.
Ar.d during, the whole time of the fiege, there periflied eleven hundred thoufand perfons. See the fame, Chap. ix._ Se&. 3. page 1291, of Hudfon’s edition.
f Hift. of the Jews, Book I. Chap. viii. Se£L 19. See too the conelnfion of U lber’s Annals.
THE PROPHECIES,
95
prilbneTs, than fending them by land. It appears from * leplius that in the reigns of the two firft Ptolemies many of the Jews were Haves in Egypt. And when Jerulalem was taken by Titus, f of the captives who were above 47 years he fent many bound to the works in Egypt; thofe under 17 were lold: but lb little care was taken of thefe captives, that eleven thoufand of them perilhed for want. The markets were quite overllocked with them, fc that Jofephus fays in another place, that they were lold with their wives and children at the lowed; price, there being many to be lold and but few purchafers; fo that hereby alfo was verified that of the Plalmilt, xiiv. 13. 4 Thou felleft thy people for nought, and takeit no money for them.’ And we learn from J St Jerome, “ that after their laft overthrow by Adrian , many thoulands of them were fold, and thofe who could not be fold, were tranf ported into Egyyt, and perilhed by fhipwreck or famine, or were malfacred by the inhabitants.’’
S. They were to be rooted out of their own land, ver. 63.
‘ And ye lhall be plucked from off the land whither thou go-eit to polfels it.’ They were indeed plucked from off their oxen land, when the ten tribes were carried into captivity by the king of AHyria, and other nations were planted in their ftead ; and when the two otlier tribes were carried awav captive to Babylon; and when the Romans took, away their place and nation ; befides other captivities and tranfpo Rations of the people. Afterwards when the Emperor Adrian had iubdued the rebellious Jews, he publifhed an § edict forbidding them upon pain of death to let foot in Jerufalem, or even to approach the country round about it. Tertullian and * * * § * * * §
* See Jofephus* Antiquities, Book XII. Chap. i. and ii.
f Having chained the males that were above feventeen years of age, he fent „them down to the works which were in Egypt.—-But fuch of them as were below that age, he fold. While Phrpnton had the charge of the captives, eleven thoufand perilhed through want. See Jewilh wars, Book VI. Chap. ix. SedL 2. page 1291, and Chap. viii. Se&. 2. page 1288, of Hudfon’s edition.
J After the fell deftru&ion, which was brought upon them by the emperor Adrian, many thoufands of the Jews were fold ; and fuch of them as could find no purchafers, were tranfported into E-gypt. Of thefe laft many perilhed by Ihipwreck, or famine, or were cruelly malfacred by the Egyptians. See Jerome on Zech. XI. page 1774', in the third volume of the Benedi&ine edition.
§ See Juftin Martyr’s Apology, page 71> of Thirlbius’ edition, and Eufebius’ Church Kiilory, Book IV. Chap. vi.
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DISSERTATIONS OT*
Jerome fay, * that they were prohibited from entering int# Judea. From that time to this their country h th been in the poffeffion of foreign lords and matters, few of the Jews dwelling in it, and tnofe only of a low fertile condition. Benjamin of Tudela in Spain, a celebrated Jew of the twelfth century, travelled into all parts to vifit thofe of his own na-
af and to learn an exa& ttate of their affairs : and he f 1 reported, that Jerulalem was almott entirely abandoned by the Jews. He found there not above two hundred perfens, who were for the molt part dyers at* wool, and who every year purchafed the privilege of the monopoly of that trade. They lived all together under David’s tower, and made there a very little figure. If Jerufalem had fo few J ews in it, the rdtof the holy land was Hill more depopulate. He found two of them in one city, twenty in another, moft whereof were dyers. In other places there were more per-fons; but in upper Galilee, where the nation was in greateft repute after the ruin of Jerufalem, he found hardly any Jews at all. A very accurate and faithful f traveller of our own nation, who was himlelf alfo in the holy land, laith that “ it is for the molt part now inhabited by Moors and Arabians; thofe pollefling the vallies, and thele the mountains. Turks there be few : but many Greeks with other Chrittians of all feels and nations, fuchas impute to the place an adherent ho-^ linefs*. Here be alfo fome Jews yet inherit they no part of the land, but in their own country do live as aliens.”
9. But they were not only to be plucked off from their own land, but alfo to be difperfed into all nations, ver. 25. ‘ And thou (halt be removed into all the kingdoms of the earth and again ver. 64. 4 And the Lord ftiall flatter thee among all people, from one end of the earth even to the o-ther.V Nehemiab i. 8, 9. confeffeth that thefe words were fulfilled in. the Babylonifh captivity ; but they have more amply been fulfilled lince the great difperfion of the Jews by the Romans. What people indeed have 4>een (cattered lb far a,nd wide as they ? and where is the nation, which is a
* See ToKtulli^n's Apology, Chap. xxi. page 19, in Rigauts* edition, printed at Paris in 1675. See alfo Jerome on Ifa. vi. page 65, and upon. Daniel, Chap ix. page 1117> in the third volume of the Benedi&ine edition.
j* See Benjamin of Tudela's Itinerary, and Bafnage's Hiftory of the Jews, Book VII. Chap. vii.
% See Sandy's Travels, Book III. page 114*, of the feventh c-dition.
THE PROPHECIES.
67
ftranger to them, or to which they are ftrangers? They fwarm in many parts of the Eaft, are fpread through molt of the countries of Europe and Africa, and there are feve-rai families of them in the Welt Indies. They circulate through all parts where trade and money circulate; and are, as I may fay, the brokers of the whole world.
10. But tnough they Ihould be fo difperfed, yet they Ihould not be totally deftroyed, but flill fublilt as a dillinct people, as Mofes had before foretold, Levit. xxvi. 44, * And yet for all that, when they be in the land of their enemies, I will not call them away, neither will I abhor them, todeliroy them utterly, and break my covenant with them.’ The Jewilh nation, * .like the bulh of Moles, hath been always burning, but is never confumed. And what a marvellous thing is it, that after fo many wars, battles, and lieges, after fo many fires, famines, and peftilences, after fo many rebellions, malUicres, and perlecutions, after lb many years of captivity, ilavery and miiery, they are not defrayed utterly, and though fcattered among ail people, vet lubfili as a dillinct people by themfelves? Where is any thing comparable to this to be found in all the hillories, and in all the nations under the fun ?
It. However,'they fhould fuffer much in their difperfion, and fhould not relt long in any place, ver. 65. ‘ And among thefe nations lhalt thou find no eale, neither lhall the foie of thy foot have relt.* They have been fo far from finding relt, that they have been banilhed, from city to city, from country to country. In many places they have been banilhed and recalled, and banilhed again. We will only juft mention their great banilhments in modem times,1 and from countries very well known. In the latter end of the thirteenth century they f were banilhed from England by Edward I, and were not permitted to return and fettle again till Cromwell’s time. In the latter end of the fourteenth century they } were banilhed from France (for the leventh time, fays Mezeray) by Charles VI; and ever fince they have been only tolerated, they have not enjoyed entire liberty except at Metz where they have a lynagogue. In the latter
* See Bafnage’s Hiftory of the Jews, Book VI. Chap. 1. Seft. 1.
f See Kennet, Echard, and Bafnage’s Hiftory of the Jews, Book Vll. Chap. xix.
J The Jews were ordered , to depart for the feventh time, &c. See Mezeray'a Chronological abridgement, and Bafnage, Book VII. Chap, xviii.
Vol. L Ua, 3.	N
Sft	DISSERTATIONS ON
end of ttie fifteenth century * they were banifhed from Spain by Ferdinand and Ifabella; and according to Mariana, there Were a hundred and feventy thoufand families, or as fbme fay eight hundred thoufand perfons who left the kingdom : Moft of them paid dearly to John II for a refuge in Portugal, but within a few years were expelled from thence alfo bv hi^ fucceifor Emanuel. And in our own time, within then? few years, they were banished from Prague by the queen of Bohemia.
19. They should be oppressed and fpoiled evermore; and their houfes and vineyards, their oxen and affes fhould be taken from them, and they fhould be only opprejfed and crufhed always, ver. 99, &c. And what frequent ieizures have been made of their effefits in almoft all countries ? how often have they been fined and fleeced by almoft all governments? how often have they been forced to redeem their lives with what is almoft as dear as their lives, their treafure? Inftances are innumerable. We will only cite an f hiftorian of our own, who fays that Henry III “ always polled the Jews at every low ebb of his fortunes. One Abraham, who Was found delinquent, was forced to pay feven hundred marks for his redemption. Aaron, another Jew, protefted that the king had taken from him at times thirty thoufand marks of filver, befides two hundred marks of gold, which he had prefen ted to the queen. And in like manner he ufed many others of the Jews.’* And when they were banifhed in the reign of Edward I, their eftates were confifcated and immenfe fums thereby accrued to the crown.
13.	‘ Their fons and tbeir daugliters fhquid be given unto another	teveral comitriies,4n^pii5
of t fie gov^men't tolx?4u-t;he 'council*of*£oieda ofderea‘ maratt their children fhould be taken from them for feat they fhould partake oft' their errors, and that they (hould be fhtit up in monasteries, to be inftru&ed in the chriftten truths. And when they were banifhed from Portugal, “ the fcing,,r fays § Mariana, “ ordered all their children, under 14 years' of age, to be taken from them, and baptized : a practice not * * * §
* See Mariana’s ftiftory of Spain, Book XXVI. Chap. i. and vi. See alfo Bafnage, Book VII. Chap. xxi.
f See Daniel in Rennet, Vol. I.- page 179.
X See Bafnage, Book VII. Chap. xiii. Se&. 14.
§ See Mariana’s Hiilory of Spain, Book XXVI. Chap. vf.
THE PROPHECIES,
at all*jliftifiable,” adds the hiftorian, “ becaufe none ought to be forced to become Chriftians, nor children to be taken from their parents.”
14.	* They lbould be mad for the fight of their eyes which they lbould lee/ ver. 34. And into what madnefs, fury, and defperation have they been pulhed by the cruel lftage, extortions, and opprefiions which they have utideiv-gone? We will alledge only two fimilar inftances, one fronj ancient, and one from modern hiltory. After the deftruc* tion of Jerufalem by Titus, * feme of the word of the Jews took refuge in the callle of Malada, where being clofely befieged by the Romans, they at the perfuafion of Eleazer their leader, firft murdered their wives and children; then ten men were chofen by lot to llay the reft; this being done one of the ten was chofen in like manner to kill the other nine, which having executed he let fire to the place, and then ltabbed himfelf. There were nine hundred and fixty who perilhed in this miferable manner; and only two women, and live boys efcaped by hiding themfelves' in the aquedu6ts under ground. Such another initance we have in our Englilh Iiiltory. For f in the regin of Richard the firft, when the
(>eople were in arms to make a general mallacre of them, ifteen hundred of them feized on the city of York to defend themfelves; but being befieged they offered to capitulate, and to ranfom their lives with money. The olfer being refufed one of them cried in defpair, that it was better to die courageoufly for the law, tnan to fall into the hands of the Chriliians. Every one immediately took his knife, andilabbed his wife and children. The men afterwards retired into the king’s palace, which they let on fire, in which they conlumed themfelves with the palace and furniture.
15.	‘ They ihould ferve others gods, wood and ftone/ ver. 3d; and again ver. t>4. ‘ they ihould ferve other gods, which neither they nor their fathers had known, even wood and ltone.’ And ft is not too common for the J ews in popilh countries to comply with the idolatrous worlhip of the church of Rome, and to bow down to Hocks and Hones rather then their eife6ts Ihould be feized and confifcated ? Here again we mult cite the author, who hath molt ftudied, and hath belt written their modem hiltory, and whom we have had occafion
* See Jofepbu^ Jewifh wars, Book VII. Chap* viii, and ixf of Jludfon’s edition.
f See Bafnage, Book VII. Chap. x. Se6t, 20. who cites Mat*, thew Paris,page 111, and Polydpn Virgil, BookXIV7. page 248.
N 2	"
loo
DISSERTATIONS ON
to quote feveral times in this difcourfe. “ TheSpanilh and Portugal Inquifitions, * faith he, reduce them to the dilemma of .being either hypocrites or burnt. The number of thefe dillemblers is very cbnfiderable; and it ought not to be concluded, that there are no Jews in Spain or Portugal, becaufe they are not known : They are lb much the more dangerous, not only being very numerous, but confounded with the ecclefiaftics, and entering into all ecdefialtical dignities.” In another f place he faith, “ The moft fuf^rifing thing is, that this religion ipreads from generation to generation, and ftill fubfilts in the peribns of dillemblers in a remote pofterity. In vain the great lords of Spain £ make alliances change their names, and take ancient fcutcheons; they are fiill known to he of Jewifh race and Jews them]elves. The conven ts of monks and nuns are full of them. Mofl of the canons, inquifhors% and bi/hops proceed from this nation. This is enough to make the people and clergy of this country tremble, fince fuch fort of churchmen can only profane the facraments, and want intention in confecrating the holt they adore. In the mean time Orobio, who relates the fad, knew thefe dilfemblers. He was one of them himfelf, and bent the knee before the facrament. Moreover he brings proofs of his aifertion, in maintaining, that there are in the iynagogue of Amllerdam, brothers and lifters and near relations to good families of Spain'and Portugal; and even Franciican monks, Dominicans and Jefuits, who came to do penance, and make amends lor the crime they have committed in di^^ernbling.,’
16.	‘ They fhould become an aftonilhment, a proverb, and a by-word among all nations,Vver. 37. And do we not hear and fee this ptopn&y fulfilled almoft every day ? is not the a-varice, ufury, and hard heartednels of a Jew grown proverbial? and are not their perfons generally odious among all forts of people; Mohammedans, Heathens, and Chriftians, however they may dllagree in other points, yet generally agree in vilifying, abufing, and perfecuting the Jews. In moll places where they are tolerated, they are obliged to live in aleparate quarter by themfelves, (as they did here in the Old Jewry) and to wear fome badge of dillin&ion. Their very countenances commonly-diftinguUh them from the rell of mankind. They are in all refpe&s treated, as if they were of another fpecies. And when a great mailer of nature would draw the
* See Bafnage, Book VII. Chap, xxxiii. Se&. 14*. f See Book VII. Chap. xxi. Se6l. 26.
£ See Limborch’e conference with a Jew, page 102.
The prophecies*
101
^portrait of a Jew, how deteftable a character hath he re-prefented in the perion of his Jew of Venice!
17.	Finally, * Their plagues (hould be wonderful, even great plagues, and of long continuance/ ver. 69. And have not tbejr plagues continued now thefe 1700years? Their former captivities were very fhort in comparifoii: And * Ezekiel and Daniel prophefied in the land of the Chaldeans e but now they have no true prophet to foretel an end of their calamities, they have only talfe Meffiahs to delude them and aggravate their misfortunes. In their former captivities they had the comfort of being conveyed to the fame place; they dwelt together in the land of Goihen, they were carried together to Babylon; but now they are difperfed all over the face of the earth. What nation hath fuffered fo much, and yet endured fo long ? what nation hath fubfilted asadiftinft people in their own country, fo long as thefe have,'done in their difperfion into all countries ? and what a (landing miracle is this exhibited to the view and obfervation of the whole world?
Here are inftances of prophecies, prophecies delivered above three thouland years ago, and yet as we lep fulfilling in the world at this very time : and what (Ironger proofs can we deli re of the divine legation of Moles ? How thetfe inftances may affect others, I know not; but for myfelf I muft acknowledge, they not only convince, but amaze and aftonifh me beyond expredion. They are truly, as Mofes foretold they would be, ‘ a fign and a wonder for ever,’ ver. 43, 46.
■ Moreover all thefe curies (hall come upon thee, and lhall purfue thee and overtake thee, till thou be deftroyed; be-caufe thou hearkenedft not unto the voice of the Lord thy,God, to keep his commandments, and his ftatutes which he commanded thee : and they (hall be upon thee for a (ign and for a wonder, and upon thy feed for ever/
VIII,
Prophecies of other prophets concerning the Je ws.
BESIDES the prophecies of Mofes, there are others of other prophets, relative to the prelent ftate and condition of the Jews. Such are tliofe particularly concerning
# See Bafnage, Book VI. Chap. i. Sc&. 2.
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DISSERTATIONS OK
the reftomtion of the two tribes of Judah and Benjamin from captivity, and the difiolution of the ten tribes of Ilrael; and thole concerning theprefervation of the Jews* and thedeftruc-tion of their enemies; and thole concerning the defolatioa of J udea; and thole concerning the infidelity aad reprobation of the Jews; and thofe concerning the calling and obedience of the Gentiles. And it may be proper to fay femething upon each of thefe topics.
1. It was foretold,, that the ten tribes of Ifrael fliould b$ carried captive by the kings of Affyria, and that the two remaining tribes of Judah and Benjamin fliould be carried captive by the king of Babylon: but with this difference* that the twp tribes fliould be reflored and return from theiir captivity, but the ten tribes fliould be diffolved and loll ii> theirs. Nay not only the captivity and reftoration of the two tribes were foretold, but the precife time of their captivity and relloratiou was alfo prefixed and determined by the prophet Jeremiah: xxv. 11. 4 This whole land lhall be a de filiation, and an altoni 111 merit; and thele nations fliall ferve the king of Babylon, ieventy years:* and again, xxix. IQ.
‘ Thus laith the Lord, that after Ieventy years be accompliihr ed at Babylon, I will vilit you, and perform my good word towards you, in caufing you to return to this place.’ This prophecy was delivered, jer. xxv. 1. ‘ in the fourth year of Jehoiakim the foil of Jofiah king of Judah, that was the lirft year of Nebuchadnezzar king of Babylon.* And this * fame year it began to be put in execution; for Nebuchadnezzar invaded J udea, befieged and took Jerulalem, made Jehoiakim }iis fubjedt and tributary, tranfported the finefl; children of the royal family and of the nobility to Babylon to be bred up there for eunuchs and flaves in his palace, and alfo carried , away the veliels of the houle of the Lord, and put them in the temple of his god at Babylon. Seventy years from this time will bring us down to the firit year of Cyrus, 2. Chron. xxxvi. 22. Ezra i. 1. w hen he made his proclamation for the reltovation of the Jews, and for the rebuilding of th$ temple at Jerufalem. This computation of the Ieventy years captivity appears ta be the truelt, and moil agreeable to icripture. But if you fix the commencement of thefe feventy years at the time w hen Jerufalem was burnt and deftroved, their f conclusion will fall about the time when Darius iffued
# See Ulber, Prideaux, and the Commentators on 2 Kings xxir,
2 Chron. xxxvi. and Dan. i.
f See Prideaux’ Connections, Anno 518, and fourth of Darius,
THE PROPHECIES,	10$
his decree for rebuilding the temple, after the work had been ftopt and suspended. Or if you fix their commencement at the time When Nebuzaradan canned away the laft remainder of the people, and completed thedcfolation of the land, their * conclufioil will fall about the time when the temple was fmifhed and dedicated, and the iirft paffover was folerrmized in it, “ So that/' as Dean Prldeaux fays, ** taking it which way you will, and at what ltage you pleafe, the prophecy of Jeremiah will be fully and exaftly accomplifhed concerning this matter/’ It may be Paid to haye been accom-plifhed at three different times, and in three different manners, and therefore poffibly all might have been intended, though the firft without doubt was the principal object of die prophecy.
But the cafe was different with the ten tribes of Ifrael, It is very well known that Ephraim being the chief of the ten tribes is often put for all the ten tribes of Ifitiel ; and it was predicted by ifaiah, vii. 8. ‘ Within threefcore and five years fhall Ephraim he broken, that it be not a people/ This prophecy was delivered in the firft year of Ahaz king of Judah ; for in the latter end of his father Jotham’s reign , 3 Kings xv. 37. Rezin king of Syria and Pekah king of Ifrael began their expedition againft Judah. They went up towards Jerufalem to war againft it in the beginning of the reign of Ahaz; and it was to comfort him and the houfe of David in thefe difficulties and diftrefies, that the prophet I-faiah was commifiioned to allure him, that the kings of Syria and Ifrael fhould remain only the heads of their refpec-tive cjties, they fhould not prevail againft Jerufalem, ami within fixty and five years Ifrael fhould be fo broken as to be no more a people. Thie learned f Vitringa is of opinion, that the text is corrupted, and that inftead of* fixty and five it was originally fixteen and five. Sixteen and Jive, as heconfeffeth, is an odd way of computation for one and twenty; but it defigns perfectly the years of Ahaz and Hezekiah, For AhaZ reigped/ixtecn years, and Hezekiah five years a-loiie, having reigned one year jointly with his father; and it Was in theJixth year of Hezekiah, c2 Kings xviii. 10, ll. that Shalmanejer took Samaria, and carried away Ij'rnelunto Ajjy-ria. Then indeed the kingdom of Ifrael was broken : and the conjecture of Vitringa would appear much more probable, if it could be be proved that it had ever been uliial to
* See Prideaux* Connexions, Anno 515, and 7 of Darius,
f Se^ his Commentary on the pafiage.
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DISSERTATIONS OK
write the numbers or dates of years partly in words at length, and partly in numeral letters. But without recourfe to fiich an expedient the thing may be explicated otherwife. For from the firft of Ahaz * compute fixty and five years in the reigns of Ahaz, Hezekiah, and .Manafieh, the end of them will fall about the 22d year of Manafieh, when Efarhaddon king of Affyria made the laft deportation of the Ifraelites, arid planted other nations in their ftead ; and in the fame expedition probably took Manafieh captive, 2 Chrori. xxxiii. 11. and carried him to Babylon. It is (aid expreisly that it was Efarhaddon who planted the other nations in the cities of Samaria : but it is not faid cxprefsly in icripture, that he carried away the remainder of the people, but it may be inferred from feveral circumftances of the ftory. There were other deportations of the Ifraelites made by the kings of Afiyria before this time. In the regin of Ahaz, Tiglath-pilezer took many of the Ifraelites, ‘ even the Reubenites, and the Gadites, and the half tribe of Manafieh, and all the land of Naphtali, and carried them captive to Afiyria, and brought them unto Halah, and Habor, and Ilara, and to the river Gozan.’ 1 Chron. v. 26. 9 Kings xv. 2ft. His Ion Shalmanefer, in the reign of Hezekiah, took Samaria, and carried away Hill greater numbers ‘ unto Afiyria, and put them in Halah and in Habor by the river of Gozan/ (the lame places whither their brethren had been carried before them) ‘ and in the cities of the Medes.* 2 Kings xviii. 11. His lbn Sennacherib came up alfo againft Hezekiah, and all the fenced cities of Judah; but his army was miraculoufly defeated, and he himfelf was forced to return with fiiame and difgrace into his own country, where he was murdered by two of his fons, 2 Kings xviii. 1ft. Another of his Ions, Efarhaddon fucceeded him in the throne, but it was fome time before he could recover his kingdom from thele dilbr-ders, and think of reducing Syria and Paleftine again to his obedience : and then it was, and not till then, that he completed the ruin of the ten tribes, carried away the remains of the people, and to prevent the land from becoming defolate, ‘ brought men from Babylon, and from Cuthah, and from Havah, and from Hamath, and from Sepharvaim, and placed them in the cities of Samaria, inftead of the children oflfrael/ Ezra iv. 2, 10. 2 Kings xvii. 24. Ephraim was broken from being a kingdom before, but now lie was broken from being a people. And from that time to this what
* See Ufher, Prideaux, &c,
the prophecies.
103
Vol. I. No, 3.
Q
account can be giveu of the people of Ifrael as diflinft from the people of Judah? where have they fubfifted all this while ? and where is their fituation, or what is their condition at prefent ?
We lee plainly that they were placed in Alfyria and Me-cjia; and if they fubfifted any where, one would imagine they might be found there in the greateft abundance. But authors have generally fought for them elfewhere 1 and the vifionary writer of the fecond book of Efdras, xiii. 40, &c. hath afierted that they topk a refolution of retiring from the Gentiles* and of going into a country, which had never been inhabited ; that the river Euphrates was miraculoufiy divided for their pall age, and they proceeded in their journey a year and a half, before they arrived at this country, which w as called Arfareth. But the worltof it is, as this country Was unknown before, fo it hath been equally unknown ever fince. It is to be found no where but in this apocryphal book, which is fo wild and fabulous in other refpects, that it deferves no credit in this particular. Benjamin of Tudela, a Jew of the 12th century, * hath likewile affigned them a large and fpacious country with fine cities; but nobody knoweth to this day where it is fituated. Eldad, another Jew of the thirteenth century, had placed them in Ethiopia and I know not wltere, and hath made the Saracens and twenty five kingdoms tributary to them. A nother Jewifli writer, Peritful of Ferrara, who lived in the century before the laffc, hath given them kingdoms in a country called Per-richa, inclolea by unknown mountains, and bounded by Aifyria, and likewile in the delerts of Arabia, and even in the Ealt Indies. Manaffeh, a famous rabbi of the laft century, and others have afi’erted, that they parted into Tartary, and expelled the Scythians ; and others again from Tartary have conveyed them into America. But all thele differing accounts prove nothing but the great uncertainty that there is in tins matter. The belt of them are only conjectures withont any Tolid foundation, but molt of them are manifest forgeries oi the Jews ter aggrandize their nation.
The difficulty of finding, out the habitations of the ten tribes hath induced f others to maintain, that they returned into
* for thefe particulars, the reader may confult Bafnage’s Hiftory of the Jews, Book VI. Chap, ii, and iii.
f See Calmet’s two Diflertations, 1ft. Concerning the country into which the ten tribes were carried, and concerning the prefent place of their abode. Vol. III. and 2d, An enquiry, whether the
•wr	r xt a
100
DISSERTATIONS OX
their own country with the other two tribes after the Babyhv nifh captivity. The decree indeed of Cyrus extended to all the people of God, Ezra i. 3. and that of A riaxerxes to all the people of Iliael; vii. 13. and no doubt many of the If-raelites took advantage of thele decrees, and returned with Zerubbabel and Ezra to their own cities: but ftill the main body of the ten tribes remained behind. Ezra, who fhould belt know, faith that there rofe up of the chief of the fathers of Judah and Benjamin, i. 5. and he calleth the Samaritans the adverfaries of Judah and Benjamin ; iv. 1. thele two tribes were the principals, the others were only as aceeilo-l ies. And if they did not return at this time, they cannot be fuppoled to have returned in a body at any time after this : for we read of no fuch adventure in hiftory, we know neither the time nor occafion of their return , nor who were their generals or leaders in this expedition. Jofephus, who faw his country for feveral years in as flourifhing a condition as at any time fince the captivity, affirms that * Ezra lent a copy of the decree of Artaxerxes to all of the fame , nation throughout Media, where the ten tribes lived in captivity,
' and many of them came with their effects to Babylon, defiring to return to Jerufalem : but the main body of the Israelites abode in that region : and therefore it hath happened, faith he, that there are two tribes in Alia and Europe, living in lubje6tion to the Romans: but the ten tribes are beyond the Euphrates to this time; and then addeth with the vanity of a Jew fpeaking of his countrymen, .that they w ere fo many myriads, that they could not be numbered.
Otiters, finding no good authority for admitting that the ten tribes of Ifrael were reltored in the fame manner as the tw o tribes of Judah and Benjamin, + have therefore afferted, that <c the ten tribes of Ifrael, which had ieparated from
ten tribes have returned from their captivity, into the fond of Ifrael. V°L VI.
* He (Ezra,) indeed fent a copy of it, (the decree,J into Media, to all the' people of his nation,—when as many as were actuated by a delire of returning to Jerufalem, Betook themfeRes with their effe&d to Bzf-Bylon. But the great bulk of the Ifraelites remained fcattered over that country,* fo that two only of the tribe* live in Afta and Europe under the Roman dominion. Whereas the ten remaining tribes, at prefent are fettled beyond the Euphrates, and compofe an infinite and incalculable number of people. See Antiquities, Book XI. Chap. v. Se&. 2. page 482, of Hudfon’s edition.
f See Prideaux’ Connections, Part I. Book I. Year G77>‘ ani 22, of Manaffeh.
THE PROPHECIES.
107
the houfe of David, were brought to a full and utter deftrnotion, and never after recovered themfelves again. For thole Who were thus carried away {excepting only fome few, who joining themfelves to the Jews in the land of their captivity returned with them) toon going into the ufages, and idolatry of the nations, among whom they were planted, (to which they were too much addicted while in their own land) after'a while became wholly abforbed, and fwallowed up in them, and thence utterly lofing their name, their language, and their memorial, were never after any more fpoken of.” But if the whole race of Ifrael became thus extind, and pe-rifhed for ever, how can the numerous prophecies be fulfilled, which promife the future converlion and reiteration of Ifrael as well as of Judah ?
The truth I conceive to lie between thefe two opinions. Neither did they all return to Jerufalem, neither did all, , who remained behind, comply with the idolatry of the Gen* tiles, among whom they lived. But whether they remain* ed, or whether they returned, this prophecy of Ilaiah Was Hill fulfilled; the kingdom, the commonwealth, the ftate of Ilrael was utterly broken ; they no longer fublifted as a di-flinft people from Judah, they no longer maintained a fe-parate religion, they joined themfelves to the Jews from whom they had been unhappily divided, they loft the name of'Ifrael as a name of diitinction and were thenceforth all in common called Jews. It appears from the book of Either, that there were great numbers of Jews in all the hundred twenty and feven provinces of the kingdom of Ahafuerus or Artaxerxes Longimanus king of Perlia, and they could not all be die remains of the two tribes of Judah and Benjamin, who had refuled to return to Jerufalem with their brethren; they rauft many of them have been the dependents of the ten tribes whom the kings of Afl'yria had carried away captive j but yet they are all fpoken of as one and the fame people, and all without diltinetion are denominated Jews. We read ih the ads of the A pottles, ii. 9. that there came to Jerufalem to celebrate the fealt of Penteqoft * Parthians, and MedesT and Elamites, and the dwellers in Meibpotamia :* thele men came from the countries, wherein the ten tribes had been placed, and in all probability therefore were fome of their poiterity ; but yet thefe as well as the reit are ltiled, ver. 5.
4 Jews, devout men, out of every nation under heaven. -Thole likewilc of the ten tribes, who returned to Jerufalem, united with the two tribes of Judah and BtMijamin, and formed but one nation, one body of Jews; they might for
O 2
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fome ages perhaps preferve their genealogies ? but they arr now incorporated. together, and the diftin&ion of- tribes and families is in great meaiure loft among them, and they have all froip the Babylonifh captivity to this day been com* preherided under the general name of Jews. In St Paul's time there were feveral perfons of all the ten tribes in beiug; for he fyeuketh of ‘ the twelve tribes hoping to attain to the protnile of GodA6ts xxvi. 7. and St James addreileth his epiftle * to the twelve tribes which are fcattered abroad/ James i. 1. And we make no queftion, that feveral perfons of all the ten tribes are in being at prelbnt, though we cannot feparate them from the reft; they are confounded with the other Jews; there is no difference, no diltin&ion between them. The * Samaritans indeed (of whom there are ftillr lome remains at Sichem and the neighbouring towns) pretend to be the dependents of the children of Ifrael, but they are really derived liom thole nations, which Efarhaddon king of Aifyria planted in the country, after he had crrried thence the ten tribes into captivity. And for this reafon the Jews call them by no other name than Cuthites, (the name of one of thole nations) and exclaim aganilt them as the worft of heretics, and if pofiible have greater hatred and abhorrence of them then of the Chriltians themfelves.
Thus we lee how the ten tribes of Ifrael were in a manner loft in their captivity, while the two tribes of Judah and Benjamin were reftored and preferved feveral ages after-* wards. And what, can you believe, were the reafons of God’s making this dffierence and diitin&ion between them ? The ten tribes had totally revolted from God to the-worfliip of the golden calves in Dan and Bethel; ami for this, and their other idolatry and wickednefs, they were fullered to • remain in the land of their captivity. The Jews were reftored , not lo much for their own lakes, as for the fake of the promifes made unto the fathers, the promife to Judah that the Melliah fhould come of his tribe* the promile to David that the Melliah fhould be born of his family. It was therefore liecellary for the tribe of Judah, and the families of that tribe, to lie kept diftinft-until the coming of the Meffiah. But now thele ends are fully anlwered, the trilies of Judah and Benjamin arfe as much confounded as any of the reft: all diftinbtion of families and genealogies is loft among them; and the f Jews themfelves acknowledge as
* See Prideaux as before.
f See Bifhop Chandler’s Defence of Chriltianity, Chap. I. Se$.
8. page 38, of the third edition,
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much in faying, that when the Meffiah (hall come, it wiU be part of nis office “ to tort their families, reitore the genealogies, and let afide ftrangers.”
II.	The prelervation of the Jews through fo many ages* and the total deliruCtion of their enemies are wonderful events; and are made ftill more wonderful by being lignified before-hand by the fpirit of prophecy, as we find particularly in the prophet Jeremiah, xlvi. 38. ‘ Fear nofthou, O Jar-cob my fervant, faith the Lord, for I am with thee,.for I will make a full end of all the nations whither I have driven thee, but I will not make a full end of thee.*
The prelervation of the Jews is really one of the mod fignal and illullrious acts of divine providence. They are dilperfed among all nations, and yet they are not confounded with any. The drops of rain which fell, nay the great rivers which flow into the ocean, are foon mingled and loll in that immenle body of waters : and the feme in all human probability would have been the fate of the Jews, they would have been mingled and loll in the common mafs of mankind; but on the contrary they flow into all parts of the world, mix with all nations, and yet keep feparate from all. .They ltili live as a d iltin6t people, and yet they no where live according to their own laws, no where elect their own magistrates, no where enjoy the full exercife of their religion. Their folemn feafts and fecrifices are limited to one certain place, and that hath been now for many ages in the hands of ftrangers and aliens, who will not fulfer them to come hither. No people have continued unmixed fo long as they have done, not only of thofe who have lent forth colonies into foreign coun ries, but even of thofe w ho have abided in their own country. The northern nations have come in f warms into the more fputhem parts of Europe; but where are they now to be difcemed and diftinguifhed ? The Gauls went forth in great bodies to feek their fortune in foreign parts; but what traces or footfteps of them are now remaining any where ? In France who can feparate the race of the ancient Gauls from the various other peopLe, who from time to time have fettled there? In Spain who can diliinguilh exa6tly between the firft poffeffors the Spaniards, and the Goths, and the Moors, who conquered and kept polieflion of the country for fome ages ? In England who can pretend to lay with certainty which families are derived from the ancient Britons, and which from the Romans, or Saxons, or Danes, or Normans ? The moft ancient and honourable pedigrees can be traced up only to a certain period, and beyond
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DISSERTATIONS Otf
that there is nothing but conje&ure and uncertainty, obfeu-rity and ignorance: bnt the Jews can go up higher than any nation, they can even deduce their pedigree from the beginning of the world. They may not know from what particular tribe or family they are defeended, but they know certainly that they all sprung from the flock of Abraham. A nd yet/the contempt with which they have been treated, and the! liardihips which they have undergone in almoft all countries, fliould one would think have made them defirous to forget or renounce their original; but they profefs it, they glory in it: and after lb many wars, mallacres, and perfections, they ftill fubfift, they ftill are very numerous: and what out a lupematural power could have preferved tliem in inch a manner as none other nation upon earth hath been preferved ?
Nor is the providence of God lefs remarkable in the de-ftruftion of their enemies, than in their prefervation. For from the beginning who have been the great enemies and oppreBors of the Jewilh nation, removed them from their own land, and compelled them into captivity and flavery ? The Egyptians afflicted them much, and detained them in bondage leveral years. The Aifyrians carried away captive the ten tribes of Ifrael, and the Babylonians afterwards the two remaining tribes of Judah and Benjamin. The Syro-Macedonians, elpecially Antiochus Epiphanes cruelly per-iecuted them : and the Romans utterly diffolved the J ewilh bate* and dilperfed the people fo that they have never been able to recover their city and country again. But where are now thefe great and famous monarchies, which in their turns fubdued and opprefied the people of God ? A re they not vanished as a dream, and not only their power, but their very names loft in the earth ?■ The Egyptians, Atfyrians, and Babylonians-were overthrown, and entirely fubjugated by the Per Bans : and the Per Bans, (it is remarkable) were the reftorers of the Jews, as well as the deitroyers of their enemies. .-The Syro-Macedonians were fwallowed up by the Rfcmans: and the Roman empire, great and powerful as it was, was broken in pieces by the incyrfions of the northern nations; while the Jews are fubfiiling as a diftinbk people at this day. Anil what a wonder of providence is it, that the vanquiihed Ihould lo many ages furvive the vi6tors, and the former be lpread all over the world* while the latter are no more ?
Nay not only nations have been punifhed for their cruelties to the J evr&, but divine vengeance hath purfued evep tingle
THE PROPHECIES*
Ill
perfons, who have been their perfecutors and opprefforsj The firlt bom of Pharaoh was deltroyed, and he hiuiieifwidt his hoft was drowned in the tea. Mod of thole who opprel-led Ifrael in the days of the Judges, Eglon, Jabin and Silera* Oreb and Zeeb, and the reft, came to an untimely end, Nebuchadnezzar was ftricken with madnefs, and the crown was foon transferred from his family to Grangers. Antioch is Epiphanes * died in great agonies, with ulcers and vermin ifluing from them, fo that the filthinefs of his imell was in* tolerable to all his attendants, and even to himlelf, Herod, who was a cruel tyrant to the Jews, f died in the fame mi* ferable manner, Flaccus, governor of Egypt, who barba-roufly plundered and opprelfed the Jews of Alexandria, J was afterwards baniihed and (lain, Caligula, who perlecu-ted the Jews for refilling to jxiy divine honours to his itatues, § was murdered in the flower of his age, after a fhort and wicked reign. But where are they now, fince they have abfolutely reje&ed the gofpel, and been no longer the peculiar people of God, where are now fuch vifible maimeiia-tions of a divine interpofition in their favour ? The Jews would do well to cmdiger th; * * * * §
it may be aiTene6iiial mea turning them
ill. The deiohtf loiiof Judea is another memorable in-ftance of the truth of prophecy. It was foretold fo long ago as by Mofes, Levit. xxvi. 33. * I will fcatter you among the heathen, and will draw out a fvvord after you; and your land ihall be delblate, and your cities wafte.’ It was foretold again by Ifaiah, the prophet 1 peaking, as prophets often do, of things future as prelent: i. 7, 8, 9.	‘ Your country
is defolate, your cities are burnt with fire ; your land, ltran-gers devour it in your pretence, and it is deiolate as overthrown by l’trangers. And the daughter of Zion is left as a cottage in a vineyard, as a lodge in a garden of cucumbers, as a befieged city.* This pnllage may relate immediately
Saviour.
* See 2 Maccab. ix. 9. See alfo the Fragments of Polybius in page 997> of Cafaubon’s Edition.
f See Jofephus’ Antiquities, Book XVII. Chap. vi. Seft. 5*-page 768. See alfo his Jewilh War3, Book I. Chap, xxxiii. Se£L 5. in page 1040, of Hudfon’s Edition.
J See Philo upon Flaccus.
§ See Philo’s Embaffy to Caius Casfar. See Jofephus* Antiquities, Book XVIII. Chap. ix. and Book XIX. Chap. i. See Suetonius' Life of Caligula, Chap, lix; who tells us that Caligula lived thirty years, and reigned three years* ten months and eight days.
II*
DISSERTATIONS ON
to the times of Ahaz and Hezekiah; but it mud have a farther reference to the devaftations made hy the Chaldeans, and efpecially by the Romans. In this fenie it is underttood by * Juftin Martyr, Tertullian, Jerome, and molt ancient interpreters: and the following words imply no lets than a general deftru&ion, and almolt total excifion of the people, liich as they fuffered under the Chaldeans, but more fully udder the Romans; * Except the Lord of hofts had left unto us a very fmall remnant, we Ihould have been as Sodom and we Ihould have been like unto Gomorrah.’ The fame thing was again foretold by Jeremiah; for lpeaking afterwards of the converfion of the Gentiles, and of the reftoration of the Jews in the latter days, he mult be underltood to fpeak here of the times preceding, xii. 10, 11. ‘ Many pallors (princes or leaders) have deltroyed my vineyard, they have trodden my portion under foot, they have made my pleafant portion a defolate wildernefs; they have made it defolate, and being defolate it mourneth unto me; the whole land is made defolate, becauie no man layeth it to heart.*
The fame thing is expreffed or implied in other places: and hath not the llate of Judea now lor many ages been exactly anfwerable to this defcription ? That a country Ihould be depopulated and defolated by the incurfions and depredations of foreign armies is nothing wonderful; but that it Ihould lie fo many ages in this milerable condition is more than man could forefee, and could be revealed only by God. A celebrated French writer t in his hiftory of the Crufades, pretends to exhibit a true picture of Paleftine, and he fays that then “ it was juft what it is at prefent, the worft of all the inhabited countries of Alia. It ls almoft wholly covered with parched rocks, on which there is not one line of foil. If this fmall territory were cultivated, it might not improperly be compared to Swifter land.” But there is no need of citing authorities to prove that the land is forfaken of its inhabitants, is uncultivated, unfruitful, and defolate; for the enemies of our religion make this very thing an objection to the truth of our religion. They fay that fo barren and wretclied a country could never have been a land flowing with
* See Juftin Martyr’s Apology, page 70, in the Edition of Thirl-bius. Seethe Dialogue with Tryphon, pages l60 and 14-3. See Tertullian againft the Marcionites, Book VIII. Chap, xxiii. page 411, in Rigaut’s Edition printed at Paris in 1675, and Jerome on the paffage, Vol. III. page 12* of the Benedidtine Edition, f see Voltaire’s Hiftory, not far from the beginning.
THE PROPHECIES#
113
thtik and honey, nor have fuppMed and maintained fuch multitudes, as iris represented to have done in fcripture. But they do not lee of confider, that hereby the prophecies are fulfilled ; lb that it is rather an evidence for die truth of our religion, than any argument againll it.
The country was formerly a good country, if we may believe the concurrent teflimony of thole who fhould belt know it, the people who inhabited it. Arifteas and Jofephus too * Speak largely in commendation of its fruitfulnels: and though fouiething may be allowed to national prejudices, yet they would hardly have had the confidence to aflert a thing, which all the world could eafily contradict and disprove. Nay there are even heathen authors who bear tefti* tncmy to the fruitfulnels of the land : though we prefume, that after the Babyloniih captivity it never recovered to he again what it was before. Strabo f delcribes indeed the country about Jerufalem as rocky and barren, but he commends other parts, particularly about Jordan and Jericho. Hecataeus J quoted by Jolephus giveth it the character of one of the belt and moft fertile countries. Tacitus § faith, that it rainetli feldom, the foil is fruitful, fruits abound as with us, and befides them the balfam and palm-trees. And notwithftanding the long deflation of the land, there are ftill vifible fuch marks and tokens of fruitfulnels, as may convince any man that it once deferved the character, which is given of it in fcripture. I would only refer the reader to two learned and ingenious travellers of our own nation, Mr Maundrell and Dr Shaw; and he will be fully fatisfied of the truth of what is here aflerted. * * * §
* See Arifteas, page 13, 14, in the Edition of Hody. See Jofe-pirns’ Jewilh Wars, Book VIII. Chap. iii. page 1120, of Hudfon’s Edition.
f See Strabo, Book XVI. page 761, of the Paris Edition, and page 1104, of that of Amfterdam. See page 755, of the Paris Edition and page 1095, of that of Amfterdam. See Page 763, of the Paris Edition and page 1106, in that of Amfterdam printed in 1707.
J See Jofephus againft Apion, Book I. SeCt. 22. where it is called a country the beft and moft productive, pag 1348, in Hudfon’a Edition.
§ See Tacitus’ Hiftory, Book V. where he faith, that in this-country they have, but few (bowers, the foil however is fertile, and pro-duceth in great abundance, the fame fruits as are to be met with in Italy, and befides thefe, it abounds with balfams and palm trees.
Vol. I. jNo. 3.	P
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„ The * former lays, that “ all along this day's travel (Mar. 25.) from Kane Leban to Beer, and allb as far as we could fee around, the country difcovered a quite different face from what it had before; preferring nothing to the view in molt places, but naked rocks, mountains, and precipices?. At fight of which, pilgrims are apt to be muph aftonilhed aqd baulked in tlieir expectations; finding that country ill fuch an inhofpitable condition, concerning’ whofe plealant-nefs and plenty they had before formed in their minds fuck high ideas from the delcription given of it, in the word of God: infomuch tliat it almolt fiartles their faith when they refleCt how it could be pofiible for a land like this, to fupply food for io prodigious a number of inhabitants, as are laid to have been polled in the twelve tribes at one time; the fum given in by Joab, 2 Sam. xxiv, amounting to no lefe than thirteen hundred thoufand fighting men, befides wom^n and children. But it is certain that any man, who is not a little braffed to infidelity before, may fee, as he pafi'es along, arguments enough to fupport his faith againlt fueh lcruples. For it is obvious for any one to obierve, that thefie rocks and hills mull have been anciently covered with earth, and cultivated, and made to contribute to the maintenance of the inhabitants, no lcls than if the country had been all plain: nay perhaps much more; for as much as luch a mountainous and uneven furlace afiords a larger fpace of ground for cultivation, than this country would amount to, if it were all reduced to a perfeCt level. For the hufbanding of thefe mountains, tljeir manner was to gather up the ftones, and place them in leVeral lines, along the fides of the hdls, in form of a wall. By fuch- borders they fupported the mould from tumbling or being walhed down ; and formed many beds of excellent foil, rifing gradually one above another, from the bottom to the top of the mountains. Of this form of culture you lee evident footffeps, wherever you go in all the mountains of Paleftine. Thus the very rocks were made fmittuh And perhaps there is no fpot of ground in this whole land, that was not formerly improved, to the production of lome-thing or other, miniftring to the fuftenance of human life. For than the plain countries nothing can be* more fruitful, whether for the production of corn or cattle, and confequently of milk. .The hills, of though improper for all cattle except goats, yet being dil^ofed into fucn beds as are before deferw bed, leived very well to bear corn, melons, gourds, cucuav*
* See Maundrell, page 64. fifth Editio*
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lifers, and fiich like garden fluff, which makes the principal' food of thefe countries for feverai months in the year. The moft rocky parts of all, which could not well be adjufted in that manner for the prodti$ion of corn, might yet ferve for the plantation of vines and olive trees; which delight to ex* tra6t, the one its fatnefs, the other its fprightly juice, chiefly out of fuch dry and flinty places. And the great plain joining to the dead fea, which by reafon of its laltnels might be thought unfervicable both for cattle, corn, olives and vines, had yet its proper ufefulnefs for the nouriftiment of bees, and tor the fabric of honey : of which lofephus gives us his teltimony, De Bell. Jud. Lib. 5, Cap. 4. And I have rear-ion to believe it, becaufe when I was there, I perceived in many places a fmell of honey and wax, as ftrongas if one had been in an apiary. ‘ Why then might not this country very well maintain the vaft number of its inhabitants, being m every part fo productive of either milk, corn, wine, oil, or honey, which are the principal food of thele eaftern nations? the conilitution of their bodies, and the nature of their dime, inclining them to a more abftemious diet than we ufo in England, and other colder regions.”
The * other aiferts, that “ the Hojy Land, were it as well peopled and cultivated, as in former time, would ftill be more fruitful than the very belt part of the coaft of Syria and Phoenice. For the foil itfelf is generally much richer, and all things considered, yields a more preferable crop. Thus the cotton that is gathered in the plains of Ramah, Eidraelon and Zebulun, is in greater elteem, than what is cultivated near Sidon and Tripoly ; neither is it poflible for pulie, wheat or any fort of grain, to be more excellent than what is commonly fold at Jerulalem. The barrennefs or feareity rather, which fome authors may either ignorantly or mlalicioully complain of, does not proeeed from the incapacity or natural unfruitfulnefs of the country, but from the want of inhabitants, and the great averlion there is to labour and iiitiuliry in thofe few who poiiels it. There are befides fuch perpetual difeords and depredations among the petty princes, who lhare this fine country, that allowing it was better peopled, yet there would be fmall encouragement to low, when it was uncertain, who ihould gather in the harvelt. Other-wile the/and is good land, and ltill capable of affording its neighbours the like liipplies of corn and oil, which it is known to have done in the time of Solomon. The parts
* Shaw’s Travels, page 365,
m
dissertations on
particularly about Jerufalem, being defcribted to be rocky* and mountainous, have been therefore fuppqfed to be barrel and unfruitful. Yet granting this conelufion, which is far from being juft, a kingdom is not to be denominated barren ©r unfruitful from one part of it only, but from the whole. Nay farther, the bletfrng that was given to Judah, was not of jtlie lame kind with the blefting of Alher or of Ilfachar* that h?s bread fhould be Jat9 or his land fhould be pleaj'cmt, but that his eyes fhould be red with wine9 and his teeth (hould be white with milk, Gen. xlix. 12. Mofes alto maketh milk and honey (the chief dainties and fubfiitence of the earlier ages, as they continue to be of the Bedoween Arabs) to be * the glory of all lands: all which produ6tions are either a&ually enjoyed, or at leait might be, by proper care and application. The plenty of wine alone is wanting at prefent; yet from the goodnefs of that little, which is frill made at Jerufalem and Hebron, we find that thefe barren rocks (as they are called) might yield a much greater quantity, if the abliemi-ous Turk and Arab would permit a further increafeand im* provement to be made of-the vine, &c.”
IV.	Nothing fan be a llronger or clearer proof of the divine inipiration of the prophets, than their foretelling not only the outward actions, but even the inward difpofitions of men, many ages before thole men were in being. The pro-
Ehets were*naturally prejudiced in favour of their own nation;
utyet they foretel the infidelity and reprobation of the Jews, their difbelief of the Melfiah, and thereupon their rejection by God. We will not multiply quotations to this purpofe. It will be ftiffioient to produce one or two paffages. frmn the evangelical prophet Ilhiah. The 53d chapter is a molt famous prophecy of the Mefliah ? and it begins with upbraiding ifee Jews for their unbelief, ‘ Who hath believed our report? and to whom is the arm of the Lord revealed ?’ ’which St John, xii. 38. and St Paul, Rom. x. IS. have ex-preftly applied to the unbelieving Jews of their time. The prophet alligns the realon too, why they would not receivq the Melfiah, namely bec tufe of his low and afflicted condw fron : and it is very well known that they rejected him on
♦ As Bifliop Pearce obferves, is not this a miftake in Dr Shaw } The words are not of Mofes but of Esekiel, xx. 6, 15. and he does not feem to call the milk and honey the glory of all lands ; but the land, which did abound with milk and honey, he rather calls the glory
of all landf*
TUG PROPHECIES* ,	1)7
this account, having all along expe&ed him to come as a temporal prince and deliverer in great power and glory.
The prophet had before been commillioned to declare tinto the people the judgments of God for their infidelity and dilobedience, vi. 9, &c. ‘ And he laid, Go ye and tell this people, (this people, not my people) Hear ye indeed, but underftand not; and lee ye indeed, but perceive not* Make the heart of this people fat, and make their ears heavy, and Ihut their eyes; left they fee with their eyes, and hear with their ears, and underhand with their heart, and convert, and be healed/ In the liile of icripture the prophets are faid to do what they declare will be done: and in like manner Jeremiah is laid, i. 10. to be * fet over the nations, and over the kingdoms, to root out, and to pull down, and to deilroy, and to throw down, to build and to plant; becaufe he was authorifed to make known the pur* pofes and decrees of God, and becaufe thefe events would follow in confequence of his prophecies. * Make the heart of this people fat, is therefore as much as to fay, Denounce my judgment upon this people, that their heart ihall be fat, and their ears heavy, and their eyes lhut; left they lee with their eyes, and hear with their ears, and underhand with their heart, and convert, and be healed/ This prophecy might relate in lome meafure to the (late of the Jews before the Babylonilh captivity ; but it dkl not receive its full completion till the days of our Saviour; and in this fenfe it is understood and applied by the writers of the New Tefta-ltient/and by our Saviour nimlelf. The prophet is then informed,, that this infidelity and obftinacy of his countrymen Ihould be of long duration•	* Then laid I, Lord, how long ?
And he anfivered' Until the cities be walled without inhabitant, and the houfes without man, and the land be utterly defolate, And the Lord have removed men far away, and there be a great forfaking in the midft of the land/ Here h* a remarkable gradation in the denouncing of thefe judgments. Not only Jerufalem and ‘ the cities ihould be waited without inhabitants/ but even the fingle honjes Ihould be without man; and not only the houfes of the cities Ihould be without man, but even the country (hould be utterly defolate ; and not only die people Ihould be removed out of the land, but the Lord ihould remove them far away ; and they ihould not be removed for a lhort period, but there Ihould be a great or rather a long forfaking in the midft of the land. And hath not the world feen all thole particulars exactly fulfilled? Have not the Jews laboured under a fpiritual
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118
blindnefs and infatuation in hearing but not underftandrrtg, it! feeing but not perceiving the Meliiah, after the accompli/te ment of fo many prophecies, after the performance of lb many miracles? And in conlequence of their refilling to convert and be healed, have not their cities been wafted without inhabitants, and their houfes without man f Hath not their land been utterly defolate i Have they not been removed far murky into the molt diltant parts of the earth ? And hath not their removal or ban i foment been now of near 1700years duration 1 And do they not liill continue deaf and blind, ob-ftinate and unbelieving ? The Jews, at the time of the delivery of this prophecy, gloried in being the peculiar church and people of God; and would any Jew* of himlelf have tliought or have faid, that his nation would in proeels of time become an infidel and reprobate nation, infidel and reprobate for many ages, opprell’ed by men, and forlaken by God ? It was above 7o0 years before Chritf;, that Ifaiah predicted thefe things ; ami how could he have predi&ed them, unlels he had been illuminated by the divine vifion; or how could they have fuceeeded accordingly, unlefs the ipirit of prophecy had been the fpirit of God ?
V.	Of the fame nature are the prophecies concerning the calling and obedience of the Gentiles. How could fuch an event be forefeen hundreds of years before it happened ? but the propliets are • full of the glorious lubjeft ana fpeak with delight ami rapture of the univerfal kingdom of the Mefiiah; that ‘ God would give unto him the heathen for his inheritance, and the uttermoft parts of the earth for his polleihon ;* Plal. ii. 8. that 4 all the ends of the world Ihoutd remember and turn unto the Lord, and all the kindreds of the nations lhould worlhip before him,’ Pial. xxii. 27* that 4 in the lait days the mountain of the houie of the Lord lhould be etta-blifoed in the top of the mountains, and lhould be exalted above the hills, and all people lhould flow unto it/ Micah
iv.	I. which paflage is alfo to be. found in Ifaiah; ii. $. that 4 from the riling of tlie fun even unto the going down of the lame, my name lhall be great among the Gentiles, and in every place iucenle lhall be ottered unto my name, and a pure otfering; for my name lhall be great among the heathen, faith the Lord of holts/ Mai. i. 11. But the prophet Jiaiah is more copious upon this as well as other evangelical iubjects; and his 4J)th and tiOth chapters treat particularly of the glory of the church in the abundant accefsof the Gen* tiles. ‘ It is a light thing that thou Ihouldli be my fervant toraiie up the tribes of Jacob; aiid to rellore the prelerved
119
THE PROPHECIES^
0? Ifrael r I wilt alfo give thee for a light to the Gentiles, that thou mayeft be my falvation unto the end of the earth, xlix,
& A rite, shine, for thy light is come, and the glory of the Lord is rifen upon thc?e. Tire Gentiles fhalh come to thy light, and kings to the brightnefs of thy rifing. The abundance of the tea fhall be converted unto thee, the forces of the Gentiles (hall come unto thee,* &c. lx. 1, 3, 5* &c.
It is as abfurd as it is vain in the Jews to apply thele prophecies to the profelytes whom they have gained among the nations; for the number of their profelytes was very inconsiderable, and nothing to anfvver tlieie pompqus (felcriptioua* Narthwiqrmptfaa ji miii li^im	y
an iniirrrftrt religion, their worlhip and lacfifices being con? lined to one certain place, whither all theniates were obliged to repair thrice eveiy year; lb that it was plainly calculated for a particular people;, and could never become the religion of the whole world. There was indeed to l>e a religion* which was defigned for all nations, to be preached in,all, and to be received in all: but what profpeft or probability was there, that fuch a generous iuftitutiou lhould proceed from luch a narrow-minded people as tlie Jews, or that the Gentiles who hated and delpifed them (hould ever receive a religion from them ? Was it not much more likely, that they lhould be corrupted by the example of all the nations arouud them, and be induced to comply with the polytheilm and idolatry of lome of their powerful neighbours and concfuerors, to which they were but too much inclined of them lei ves; was not this, I lay, much more likely than that tliey lhould be the happy inliruments of reforming the work!, and converting feme of all nations to the worihip of the one, only God in l'pirit and in truth ?
But the prophet farther intimates, that this great revolution, die greafeeft that ever was in tlie religious w or Id, Ihoukl be etfie&ed by a few incompetent perfons, and effe&ed too ia a.fhort compais of time. * A little one fhall become a thousand, and a lmall one a (irong nation : I the Lord will lialtea , it in Ids time/ lx. 22. Our Saviour’s commUlion to his a-poltleswas, ‘Go, teach all nations:’ and who were the Rufous to whom thip commiflion was given ? thole who Avene belt qualified and able to cany it into execution ? tlie rich, tlie wife, die mighty of this world ? No, they, were chiefly a few poor fjihennen, of low parentage and education, of oo learning or eloquence, of no policy or addrefs, of np repute or authority, delpifed as jews by thcrelt of mankind, and as the roeanelt and word of Jews by the Jews tliemfelves.
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And what improper perfons were thefe to contend with the prejudices of all the world, the fuperftition of the people, the interefts of the priefts, the vanitv of phtiofophers, the pride of-rulers, the malice of the jews, the learning of Greece, and the power of Rome;
As this revolution was eflfe&ed by a few incompetent perfons, fo it was efte&ed too in a fhort compafs of time. A f-terlour Saviour’s afcenfion 4 the number ofdilciples together was about an hundred and twenty:’ A&si. 15. but they loon increafed and multiplied ; the firft fermon of St Peter added unto them ‘about three thoufand fouls,’ ii. 41. and the fecond made up the number 4 about five thoufand.’ iv. 4. Before the deftrufition of Jerufalem, in the fpace of about forty years, the gofpel was preached in almoft every region of the world then known : And in the reign of Conltantine Chriftianity became the religion of the empire; and after having luftered a little under Julian it entirely prevailed and triumphed over paganiftn and idolatry : and ft ill prevails in the molt civilized and improved parts of the earth. All this was more than man could forefee, and much more than man could execute: and we experience the good etfe&s of thefe prophecies at this day. The ipeedy propagation of the gol-pel could not have been effected by perfons lb unequal to the talk, if the lame divine Spirit who foretold it, had not hke-wile affilted them in it, according to the promile, 4 I the Lord will haften it in his time.’ We may be as certain as if we had feenit, that the truth really was, as. the evangel ill affirms, Mark xvi. SO. 4 They went forth and preached every where, the Lord working with them, and confirming the word with fignsfollowing.’
But neither the prophecies concerning the Gentiles, nor thofe concerning the Jews, have .yet received their full and entire completion. Our Saviour hath not yet had 4 the ut-termoft parts.of the earth for his polfellion:’ Plal. ii. 8, AiTthe
LqjjL:’ xxii. S7. ‘ All people, nations, and languages,* have not yet 4 lerved him Dan. vii. 14. Thefe things have hitherto been only partially, but they will even literally be fulfilled. Neither are the Jews ySt made 4 an eternal excellency, a joy of many generations,’ If. lx. 15. The time is not yet come, when 4 violence fliall no more be heard in the land, wafting nor deftruftion within their borders,’ ver.
18.	God’s promiles to them are not yet made good in their full extent. 4 Behold, I will take the children of Ifrael from among the heathen, whither they be gone, and will
the PROPHECIES*
m
gather them on every fide, and bring tjtjem into their own land. And they fnall dwell in the lau^'that I have given unto Jacob my Iervant, even they and their children, and their children’s children forever, and my iervant David (hall be their prince for ever,’ Ezek. xxxvii. 21, 25. .e Then ftall they know I anl the Lord their God, who cauled them to be led into captivity among the heathen ; but I have gathered them unto their own land, and have left none of them any more there. Neither wilt I hide my tace any more from them, for I have poured out my ipirit upon tile houfe of Ifrael, laith the Lord God,’ xxxix. 28, 29. However what hath already been accomplifhed is a ,Efficient pledge and earneft of what is yet to come: and Yve have all imaginable reafou to believe, fince fo many of thefe prophecies are fulfilled* that the remaining prophecies will be fulfilled alfo; that there will be yet a greater harveft of the nations, and the yet unconverted parts of the earth'will be enlightened with the knowledge of the Lord;
a*, and X
q&mtiy: and elpecially fince the fiate of affairs lsluch, that they may return without much difficulty, having no dominion, no fettled country, or fixed property to detain them much any where. We have feen the prophecy of Iiolea, iii.
4, &+ fulfilled in part, and why lhoutd we not believe that it will be fulfilled in whole ? ‘ The children of ifrael lhall abide many day3 without a king, and without a prince, and without a facrifice, and without an image or altar, and without an ephod’ or prieft to wear an ephod, ‘ and without tera-phim* or divine manifeftations. ‘ Afterward fliall the children-of Ifrael return/and leek the Lord their God, and David their king, and lhall fear the Lord and his goodnefs in the latter dgys.*
We have now exhibited a fummary view of the prophecies of-the Old Teltament more immediately relative to the pfefetit fiate and condition of the Jews : and whatftronger and more convincing arguments can you require of the truth both of the Jewifh and of the Chriltian religion ? The Jews were once the peculiar people of God: and as St Paul faith, Rom. xi. 1. ‘ Hath God call away his people? God forbid.’
We fee that after fo many ages they are ftill preferred by a miracle of* providence a diltindt people; and why is luch a continual miracle exerted*? but for the greater illullration of the divine truth, and the better accompiifhment of the divine promifes, as well thofe which are yet to be, as thofe which
Vol. I. No. 4.	Q
122
. BfISSERTATIONS &K
are already fulfilled1?: We fee that the great empires, which in their turns fubd&d aftd oppreffed the people of God, are all come to ruin : becaufe though they executed the purpofes of God, yet that was more than they underftood ; all that they intended was toiatiate their own pride and ambition, their own cruelty and revenge. And if fuch hath been the fatjal end of the enemies and opprelfors of the Jews, let it ferve as a warning to all thole, who at any time or upon any occafion are for trailing a clamour and perlecution agaipll them. They are blameable no doubt for perfilting in ttfeir infidelity after fo many means of convi&ion ; but this is no warrantor authority for us to prelcribe, toabufe, injure, and opprefs them, as Chrifiians of more zeal than either knowledge or charity have in all ages been apt to do. Charity is greater than faith: and it is worle in us to be cruel and un* charitable, than it is in them to be obftinate and unbelieving. Perfecutiorr is the fpirit of popery, and in the worft of popillt countries the Jews are the molt cruelly ulea andperlecuted : the fpirit ofnrotel tan turn is toleration and indulgence to weaker confciences. Companion to this unhappy people is iioTt^^feSllie^prophecies; for only wicked nations were , to harrafs and opprefs them, the good were to fiiovv mercy to them ; and we (hould choole rather to be the difpenlers of God* s mercies than the executioners of his j udgments. Read the eleventh chapter of the Epiftle to the Romans, and lee what the great apoftle of the Gentiles, who certainly under-flood the prophecies better than any of us can pretend to da, faith of the infidelity of the Jews. Some of the Gentiles of his time valued themielves upon their luperior advantages, and he reproves them for it, that they who * were cut out of the olive-tree which is wild by nature, and were grafted contrary to nature into a good olive-tree / {hould prelume to # boaft againft the natural branches :* ver. 24, IS. but what •would he have laid, liow would he have flamed and lightened, if they had made religion an inltrument offadtion, and had been for ftirring up a perfecution againlt them ? We fhould confider, that to them we owe the oracles of God, the lcriptures of the New Teftamewt as well as the Old ; we fhould confider, that the glorious company of the apojiles, as well as the goodly fellow fhip of the prophets were Jews; we fhould confider, that of them as concerning thefefh Chriji tame, the Saviour of the world: and furely, fomething of Kindnefs and gratitude is due for fuch infinite obligations. Though they are flow broken off, yet they are not utterly call away. « Becaufe of unbelief/ as St Paul argues* ver.
THE PROPHECIES*
123
SO, * they were broken off, and thou ftandeft by faith ; Be not high-minded, but fear.’ There will be a time, when they will be graded in again, and again become the people of God; for as the apoftle proceeds, ver. 25, 2d. * I would not brethern that ye fhould be ignorant of this myftery (left ye fhould be wile in vour own conceits) that blindnels in part is happened to Ifrael, until the fulnefs of the Gentries be come in; and fo all Ifrael fhall be laved.’ And which (think ye) is the moft likely method to contribute to their converfion, which are the moft natural means to reconcile them to us and our religion, prayer, argument, long-fuffering, gentlenefs, goodnels; or noil‘s and inve&ivc, injury and outrage, the malice of fome, and the folly aud maduefs of more ? They cannot be worfe than when they crucified the Son of God, and perfecuted his apoftles: but what faith our Saviour? Luke xxiii. 34. ‘ Father, forgive them, for they know not what they do:’ what faith his apoltle St Paul?. Rom. x. 1, ‘ Brethren, my heart’s defire and prayer to God for Ifrael is, that they might be laved.’ In conformity to tliefe blefled examples our church hath alfo taught us to pray for them : and how can prayer and perfecution confift and agree together? They are only pretended friends to the church, but real enemies to religion, wrho' encourage perle-cution of any kind. All true fons of the church, all true prdteftants, all true chriftians will, as the apoftle advifeth, Eph. iv. 31. ‘ put away all bitternefs, and wrath, and anger, and clamour, and evil fpeaking, with all malice;’ and will join heart and voice in that excellent colled— Have mer~ cif upon.all Jews, Turks, infidels, and heretics, and take from them all ignorance, hardnefs of heart, and contempt of thy word: and fo fetch them home, blejfed Lord, to thy flock, that they may he faced among the remnant of the true ffrae-lites, and be made onefold under our Jhepherd, Jefus Chriji our Lord.
IX,
The prophecies concerning Nineveh,
A-S the Jews were the peculiar people of. God, the prophets were lent to them chiefly, and the main lubje6ts of the prophecies are the various changes and revolutions in the Jewifli church and Hate. But the lpirit of prophecy is
Q?
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DISSERTATIONS on
not limited there; other fubje&s are occafionally introdu* ced; and for the greater maiiifeftation of the divine pTovi-dence, the fate of other nations is alfo foretold : and el])eci-ally ofthofe nations, which lav in the neighbourhood of Judea, and had intercourte and connections with the Jews ; and whofe good or ill fortune therefore was of feme concern and coniequence to the Jews themselves, But here it is greatly to be lamented, that of thefe eaftem nations and of thefe early times we have very fliortand imperfe6t accounts; we have no regular hiftories, but only a few fragments of hi-ftory, which nave efcaped the general fhipwreck of time. If we poflefl£d the Aflyriim hiiiory written by A bydenus, and the Chaldean by Berolti^, and the Egyptian by Mane-tho ; we might in all probability be better enabled to explain the precife meaning, and to demonftrate the exaft completion of feveral ancient prophecies; but for want of fuch helps and allillances we mult be glad of a little glimmering light, wherever we can fee it. We fee enough however, though not to difeover the beauty and cxa&nds of each particular, yet to make uif admire in the general thefe wonders of providence, and to fhow that the condition, of cities and kingdoms hath been fuch, as the prophets had long ago foretold. And we will begin with the inltance ofNineveh.
Nineveh was the metropolis of the Afiyrian empire, and the Aflyrians were formidable enemies to the kingdoms both of Ifrael aqd J udah. In the da vs of Menahem king of Ifrael, Pul tl ic king of Aflyria invaded the land, and was bought off with a thouiand talents of liivcr, 2 Kings xv. It). A few years afterwards * in the days of Pc-kah king of Ifrael came Tiglath-pilefer kingj of Ally rat, and tookfeveral cities, and Gilead, and Galilee, all the land of Naphtali, and carried them ca])tive to Afiyria,* 2 Kings xv. 20. ’The fame Tiglath-pileler was invited by Aim king of Jiidah to come and afiift him againlt Rezin king of Syria, and Pekah king of Ifrael:
‘ And Aliaz took the filver and gold that was found in tho lioule of the Lord, amlin the freafures of the king’s houie, and lent it for a prefent to the king of Aifyria,’ 2 Kings xvi. 8. The king of Allyria came accordingly to his allittunce, and routed, his enemies :■ but liill, as another facred writer faith, ‘ diitrelled him, and itrengthened him not,’ 2 Chron. xxviii. 20. A little’after in the days of Hofhea, king of Ifrael, ‘ Shalmanefer the king af Aflyria came up throughout all the land,’ and after a fiege of three years ‘ took Samaria, and carried Ifrael away into Allyria, and placed them in Haluh, and in Habor by Uiq river of Gozan, and in the
TtfE PROPttEClfcSi
12.5
cities of the Medes,’ 2 Kings xvii. 5, 6. It was * in the lixth year of Hezekiah,’ king of Judah, that Shalmaneter king of Affyria carried Ifrael away captive: and 4 in the fourteenth year of king Hezekiah, did Sennacherib king of Ailyria come upagainft all the fenced cities of Judah, and took them,’ 2 Kings xviii. 10, 13. And the king of Ailyria exacted of the king of Judah, * three hundred talents of filver, and thirty talents of goldfo that even good king Hezekiah was forced to * give him all the filver that was found in the houfe of the Lord, and in the treafures of the king’s houfe,’ ver. 14, 15. Sennacherib notwithitandirig fent his captains 4 with a great holt againit Jerusalem,’ ver. 17. but his army was miraculoully defeated, and he.himfelf was afterwards (lain at Nineveh, 2 Kings xix. 35, 30, 37. His fon Efarhadcjon eompleated the deportation of the Ifra-elites, 4 and brought men from Babylon, and from Cuthah, and from Ava, and form Hamath, and from Seplvarvaim, and placed them in the cities of Samaria inftead of the children of Ifrael; and they poffelfed Samaria, and dwelt in the cities thereof,* 2 Kings xvii. 24, Ezra iv. 2. We fee then that the Ailyrians totally deilroyed the kingdom of Ifrael, and greatly oppreffed the kingdom of J udah : and no wonder therefore that they are made the lubject of feveral prophecies.
‘The prophet Ifaiah denounceth the judgments of God againft Sennacherib in particular, and againit the Alfyrians in general.’ 4 O A (Tyrian, the rod of mine anger,’ or rather, Was to the Ajjyrian, the rod of mine anger, x. 5. God might employ them as the minifters of his wrath, and executioners of his vengeance ; and fo make the wickedneis ot 1 oine nations the means of correcting that of others: 4 I will fend him againit an hypocritical nation; and againit the people of my wrath will i give him a charge to take the (poll, and to take the prey, and to tread them down like the inlre in the ltreets,’ ver. 6. But it was far from any intent of theirs to execute the divine will, or to chadife the vices of mankind ; they only .meant to extend their conqueit, and eilablilh their own dominion upon the ruins of others: 4 How-belt he meuneth not fo, neither doth his heart think fo, but it is in his heart to deltroy, and cut off nations not a few,’ ver. 7. Wherefore when they-(hall have lerved the pur poles of divine providence, they lhall be leverely puililhed for their pride and ambition, thgir tyranny and cruelty to their neighbours : 4 Wherefore it llrall come to pafs, that when the Lord hath performed Iris whole work upon mount Ziou, and
1*6
DISSERTATIONS ON
on JeruPalem, I will punifh the fruit of the (lout heart of the king of Affyria,. and the glory of his high looks,* ver. 12. There was no profped ofTuch an event, while the Aflyrians were in the midlt of their fucceffes and triumphs; but ftill the word of the prophet prevailed; and it was not long after thefe calamities brought upon the Jews, of which we have giv^ a ljiort dedu&ion, that the Aflyrian empire properly lo called was overthrown, and Nineveh deftroyed.
Nineveh, or Ninus, as it was molt ufually called by the Greeks and Romans, was, as we faid before, the capital city of the AUyrian empire; and the capital is frequently put for the whole empire, the profperity or ruin of the one being involved in that of the other. This was a veiy ancient city, being built by Asfhur or as others fay by Nimrod; for thole words of Mofes, Gen. x. 11. wrhich our tranflators together with molt of the ancient verfions render thus, Out of' that land went forth Asfhur, and huilded Nineveh, others tranflate it, as the * Chaldee paraph raft tranflates them, and as they are rendered in the margin of our bibles, Out of that land he, that is Nimrod, the perlon lpoken of before, icent forth into Atfyria, and builded Nineveh. It is well known that the word Asfhur in Hebrew is the name of the country as well as the name of the man, and the prepofition is often omitted, ib that the words may very well be tvanllated he went forth into Affxjria. And Mofes is here giving an account of the tons of Ham, and it may feem foreign to his lubjed to intermix the ftory of any of the fons of Shem, as Asfhur was. Mofes afterwards recounts the Ions of Shem, and Asftiur among them; and it is prefumed that he would hardly relate his actions, before he had mentioned his nativity, or even his name, contrary to the feries of the genealogy and to the order of the hiftory. But this notwithftanding I incline to underftand the text literally as it is tr«mflated, Out of that land icent forth Asflmr, being expelled thence by Nimrod ^ and builded Nineveh, and other cities, in oppofition to the cities which Nimrod had founded in the land of Sliinar, And neither is it foreign to the fubjed, nor contrary to the order of the hiltory, upon the mention of Nimrod’s invading and feizing the territories of Asfhur, to relate whi? tlier Asfhur retreated and where he fortified himfelf againft him. But by whomfoever Nineveh was built, it might afterwards be greatly enlarged and improved by Ninus, and
* “ 0ut of that laud he went into Af^yria.,, See Qnkclps,
THE PROPHECIES,	127
•ailed after his. name, whoever Ninus was, for that is altogether uncertain.
As it was a very ancient, fo was it likewife a very great city. In* Jonah it is ftiled that great city, i. 2. hi. 2. an exceeding great city9 iii. 3. In the original it is * a city great to God; in the fame manner as Moles is called by St Stephen, in the A6ts of the Apoftles, vii. 20. * affeeistotheo/ fair to God, or exceedingfair, as our tranflators rightly render it; and fo the mountains of God9 Pfal. xxxvi. 6. are exceeding high mountains, and the cedars of God, Pfal. lxxx. 10. are exceeding tall cedars. It was therefore an exceeding, great city; and the fcriptuffe-account is confirmed by the teftimony of heathen authors. Strabo f fays, that Nineveh Was much greater even than Babylon : and + Diodonw. Siculus from Ctelias affirms that “ its builder Ninus propofed to build a city of luch magnitude, that it fhould not only he the greatelt of th^ cities which were then in all the world, but that none of thole who fhould be bom afteT that time attempting the like fhould eafily exceed it;*’ and a little after he lubjoins, that “ nobody afterwards built fuch a city, either as to the greatnefs of the com pals, or as to the magnificence of the walls/' It is added in Jonah iii. 3% that it was § * an exceeding great city of three days journey/ that is of three days journey in circuit, as St Jerome and tlie belt commentators expound it. Strabo, as it was oblerved before, hath laid that Nineveh was much larger than Babylon; and a little afterwards he fays, that || the circuit of Babylon was
. * * Gnir Gedolah Lelohim/ a city great to God. * Polis me-gale to Theo.’ See Septuagint.
f It was much larger than Babylon. See Strabo, Book XVI. page 737, of the Paris edition, and page 1071, of that of A miter-dam, printed in 1707.
J Alfo he (Ninus), made quick difpatch to build a city of fuch magnitude, that it fhould exceed in greatnefs, not only all that were then in the world, but that no perfon afterwards to be born, engaging in a like work fhould go beyond it.—:—For iince, none hath ever built a city inclofing a larger fpace,, or with walls more magnificent. See Diodorus Siculus, Book II. page 65, in Stephanus* edition, and page 91, 92, in that of-Rhodomanus. *
§ A large city, and of fo extenfive a circuit, that it could fcarce-ly be travelled round in the fpace of three days. See Jerome’s Commentary on the pafTage, page I486. Vol. III. of the Benedio tine edition. '
|| Its walls were three hundred and eighty-five furlongs in circumference. See Strabo, page 738 of the Paris edition, and page 1072, of that of Amitcrdam, publifhed in 1707-
128
t>MSfettTAtI05S (Mr
3S5 furlongs t but * Diodorus Siculus afiefts that the whoI« circuit of Nineveh was 480 furlongs; which t make fome-what more than b'O miles, and (iO miles were three days journey, 20 miles a day being the common computation of a foot traveller. It is farther laid in Jonah, iv. 11. that in Nineveh ‘ there were more than fixfcore thouland perlons, who could not dilcern between their right hand, and their left band, and alfo much cattle.’ I think it is + generally calculated that the young children of any place are a fifth part of the inhabitants; and if we admit of that calculation, the whole number of inhabitants in Nineveli amounted to above fix hundred thouland: which number will appear by no means incredible, if we confider tlie dimenfions of the city as given by § Diodorus Siculus, that it was in length 150 furlongs, in breadth 90 furlongs, and in circuit 4S0 furlongs, that is 20 miles long, about 12 miles broad, and above 00 miles in compafs. A city of fuch dimenfions might eafily contain fuch a number of inhabitants, and many more: and at the fame time there might be, as there are in molt of the great cities of the ealt, large vacant fpaces for gardens or for pal lure; lb that there might be, as the laeved text a Herts there was, a(fo much cattle. But according to the j| modern method of calculation the number of Ninevites is reduced much lower. For allowing that the number of infants was one hundred and thirty thouland, as the feripture faith that they were more than one hundred and twenty thouland; yet * * * §
* The whole circumference (of Nineveh) meafured four hundred and eighty furlongs. See Book II. page 56, of Stephanas’ edition, and page 92, in that of Rhodomanus.
f The circumference of Nineveh meafured four hundred and eighty furlongs, that is fi*ty miles, which will require three days to travel round it, allowing twenty miles for each day. A day’s journey was confidered by the Roman lawyers, and by the ancient Greeks, as extending to this number of miles. Herodotus in Book V. Chap. xxxv. faith they marched an hundred and fifty furlongs each day.—Now an hundred and fifty furlongs, make twenty miles. The Station or furlong, among the Greeks being larger thon ours. See Bochart’a Phaleg, Book IV* Chap. xx. Col. 252.
^ See the fame work of Bochart, Col. 253. Lowth’s Commentary and Calmet’s.
§ Each of the two longer fides meafured one hundred and fifty furlongs, and each of the two fhorter ninety. See Diodorus Siculus in the fame place. .
|| See Maitland’s Hiftory of London, Book III. Chap. ii. page 542.
THE PROPHECIES*
m
fihele making but three tenths of the inhabitants, the number of citizens will appear to have amounted to four hundred and twenty three thoufand. London and Paris Hand not upou rone quarter of the ground, and yet are fuppofed to contain more inhabitants; London even more than the former ^calculation, and Paris more than the latter; it being * computed that in London there are about 725,943 perfons, and about 437,478 in Paris.
The inhabitants of Nineveh, like tliofe of other great cities, abounding in wealth and luxury, became very corrupt in their morals. Whereupon it pleafed God to comrpifiTion the prophet Jonah to preach unto them the neceffity of repentance, as the only means of averting their impending deltruclion : and luch was the fuccefs of his preaching, that both the king and the people repented and turned from their evil ways, and thereby lor a time delayed the execution of the divine judgments. Who this king of Aflyria was we •cannot be certain, we can only make conjefitures, his name not being mentioned in the book of Jonah. Archbdhop Uiher J iuppoleth him to have been Pul the king of Aflyria, who afterward invaded the. kingdom of Ifrael, in'the days of Menahem; 9 Kings xv. 19. it being very agreeable to the methods of providence to make ule of an heathen king who was penitent, to punifti the impenitency of God’s own people Ifrael. But it flvould feem more probable, that this prince was one of the kings of Ailyria, before any of thofe *Vho are .mentioned in leripture. Lor Jonah is reckoned the molt ancient of all the prophets ulually fo called, whofe writings are prefeeved in the canon of leripture. We know that he prophefied of the reiteration of the coalts of Ifrael taken by the king of Syria, which was accomplilhed by Jeroboam the iecond : 9 Kings xiv. 25. and therefore Jonah muft have lived before that time; and is with great reafon fuppofed by bilhop Lloyd in his Chronological Tables to have prophefiecl at the latter end of Jehu’s, or the beginning of tne reign of Jthoahaz, When the kingdom of Ifrael was reduced very low, and greatly opprelfed by Hazael king of Syria, 9 Kings x. 32. If he" prophefied at that time, there intervened Jehoahaz’s reign of feventeen years, Joath’s reign of fixteen years, Jeroboam’s of forty and one years, Zachariah’s of fix months, Shallum’s of one month, and Menahem was feated
. * See Maitland, page 541 and 548.
+ See Ufher’s Annals, year of the world 3233, page 58, and Lowth’s Commentary.
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on the throne of Ifrael, before any mention is made of Pul the king of Aiiyria: and therefore we may reafonably con* elude from the diitanee of time, which was above feventy years, that Jonah was notfent to Pul the king of Aiiyria, but to one of his pfedeceffors, though to whom particularly we arO unable to difeover, for the want before complained off, (the want of Affyrian hiltories, which no doubt would have related io memorable a tranfaction.
But this repentance of the Ninevites, we may prefume, was of no long continuance. For not many years after we find the prophet Nahum foretelling the total and entire deftruftion of the city; though there is no certainty of the time of Nahum’s, any more than of Jonah’s propheiying. Jolephus * faith that heflourifhed in the time of Jotnam king of Judah, and that all the things which he foretold concerning Nineveh came to pals one hundred and fifteen years afterwards. St Jerome f placeth him under Hezekiuh, king of Judah, and faith that his name by interpretation is a comforter; for the ten tribes being carried away by tlie king of Aiiyria, this vifion was to comfort them in their captivity; nor was it a lefs confolation to the other two tribes of Judah and Benjamin, who remained in the land, and were befieged by the lame enemies, to hear that thei'e conquerors would in time be conquered themfelves, their city be taken, and their empire overthrown. All that is laid of him in Scripture is Nahum the Elkofhite, Nahum i. 1. which title in all probability was given him from the place of his nativity ; and
* And there was a certain prophet at this time, whofe name was Nahum.*—All thefe things which were foretold by him, concerning Nineveh, were accomplifhed one hundred and fifteen years afterwards. See Jofephusr Antiquities, i Book IX. Chap. xi. Sed. 3. page 422> and 423, of Hudfon's edition.
j* Nahum, which is by interpretation “ a Comforter.” For during the reign of Hezekiah the king of Judah, the ten tribes had been led into captivity by the AlTyrians, and at that very time the prophet had a vifion againft. Nineveh, for the comfort of thefe captives. Nor was his vifion calculated to afford fmall confolation only to fuch of the Israelites as were how in bondage to the Affyrians, but to the remaining tribes of Judah and Benjamin, under the government of Hezekian, who were now attacked 6y the fame enemies ; when they fhould learn that the AlTyrians in their turn Would be led into captivity by the Chaldees, as will be (hewn in the fequel of this book. See Jerome's preface to the book of Nahum, page 15j8> VoL III*' •f the Benedidine edition^
THE PROPHECI'ES.
I31i
* St Jerome fuppofeth it to have been a village in Galilee, the ruins whereof were fhown to him, when he travelled in thofe parts. Now we learn from the lacred hiitory, 2 Kings' xv. W. that the people of 4 Galilee were taken by Tigiatu-pilefer king of Aiiyria, and carried captive into Aiiyria,’ It is not improbable therefore, that at that time this prophet,, who was a Galilean, might be inftrudted to foretel the fall of Nineveh : and that time coincides with the reign of Jotham king of Judah, which is the time affigned for Nahym’s pro? phelying by Jofcphus. But if Jolephus was right in this particular, he was wrong in another; for more than one hundred and fifteen years intervened between the reign of jotham king of Judah, and the deitruction of Nineveh, as it is ufually computed by chronologers. There is one thing, which might greatly atfift us in fixing the time of Nahum’s propheiying; and that is tile deitruction of No-Amon or Diolpolis in Egypt, which he mentions, Chap. iii. 8, &c. as a late tranfaction* if we could know certainly, when that deitrudtion happened, or by whom it was effected. It is commonly attributed to Nebuchadnezzar; but that time is too late, and the deftru&ion of No-Amon would fall out after the deltru6tion of Nineveh inftead of before it. Dr Prideaux t with more reafon believes, that it was effected by Sennacherib, before he marched again It Jerulalem; and then Nahum’s prophelying would coincide exactly with the reign of Hezekiah, which is the time alfigned for it by St Jerome,
But whenever it was that Nahum prophefied, he plainly and largely foretold the deitruction of Nineveh ; his whole prophecy relates to this fingle event: and the city was accordingly deitroyed by the iMedesand Babylonians. This point I think is generally agreed upon, that Nineveh was taken and deitroyed by the Medes and Babylonians; tliefe two rebelling and uniting together fubverted the Ailynart empire; but authors differ much about the time when Nineveh was taken, and about the king of Aiiyria in whofe feign it was taken, and even about the perfons who had the command in this expedition. Herodotus J affirms, that it
* Elkoih, at this very day is a village in Galilee* fmall indeed, and fcarcely in its ruins difeovering any veftiges of its ancient buildings. It is however well known to the Jews, and was pointed out to me by my conductor. See Jerome in the fame place, page 15.59.
f See Pndeaux* Connexions, Part I. Book I. year 713> and 15
Hezekiah.
t See alfo Herodotus, Book I. Chap. cvi. p. 45 in Gale’s edition.
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was taken by CyaxaTes king of the Medes; St Jerome after the Hebrew chronicle * aliens that it Was taken by Ne-buchodnofor king of the Babylonians: but thefe accounts may be eahly reconciled, for Cyaxares and Nebuchodnofot Alight take it with their joint forces, as they adhially did according to that which is written in the book of Tobit, xjv. 15. if the Ailuerus in Tobit be the fame (as there is great leafoh to think him the fame) with the Gyaxares of Herodotus ; But before Tobias died, he heard of the definition of Nineveh, which was taken by Nebuchodnofor and AJJuerus; and before his death he rejoiced over Nineveh. JolephuS t who faith in one place that the empire of the Aflyrians Was difiolved by the Medes, ikith in another that the Medes and Babylonians difiolved the empire of the A Syrians* Herodotus himlelf J laith that the Medes took Nineveh, and fubdued the Aflyrians, except the Babylonian portion; the leaibn of which was, the Babylonians were their allies and confederates. Ctefias, and after him § Diodorus Siculus a-feribe the taking of Nineveh, and the fubverfion of tlie Al-fyrian empire, to Arbaces the Mede atlifted by Belelis the Babylonian. I knowtliat || Eufebius, and alter him leveral * * * §
* Jerome on Nah. ii. 12. p. 1574*,	the Benedicline edi-
tion, faith, that Seder Olam Rabba aferibesthe taking of Nineveh to Nabuchodnofor alone, and fixes the ti^e* ; Jjorin his fir ft year, Na* buchodnofor took Nineveh, that is foan after the death of his father. —♦—This Hebrew Chronicle is followed? try Jerome, &c. See alfo Marfham’s Chronicle of the age XVIJI^ J>age 559.
f The empire of the Alfyrians was,deftroyed by the Medes. See Jofephus’ Antiquities, Book X. Chap^Il. Seft. 2. page 435. The Mede3 and the Babylonians who had /deftroyed the, empire of the AfTyrians. See the fame, Chap. v. Se&. 1. page 441, in Hudfon’s edition.
J They (the Medes,) took Nineveh, and fubdued the AfTyrians, excepting that quarter which pertained to Babylon. See tlerodo-. tus, Book I. Ghap. cvi. page 45, in Gale’s edition.
§ See Diodorus Siculus, Book II. page 78, in Stephanus’ edi* tion, and page 110, in that of Rhodomaims". '
|| Eufebius (according to the plan whieh he had adopted), hath ftated both thefe opinions.’ For following Ctefias he faith, Arbaces the Mede (Nuni. 1197.) having dqftroyed the empire of the AfTy-rians, transferred the fovereignty to the'Medes. And again, (213 years afterwards,) upon the credit of Herodotus, (Num. 1410.) he faith, Cyaxares the Mede deftroyed Nineveh. But thefe affertions are inconfiftent, See Marfham,SiChronicle of the XVIII age* page 556,
THE FROTH EC I If*
133
excellent chronologers, Ufher, Prideaux, and othevs reckon this quite a different a&ion, and fix it at quite a different time; but it is not likely that the fame city lhould be twice defiroyed, and the fame empire twice overthrown by the fame people twice confederated together. Diodorus, who relates this cataltrophe, doth not mention the other; but faith exprefsly, * that Arbaces diitributed the citizens of Nineveh in the countiy villages, levelled the city with the ground, transferred many talents of gold and filver to JEcbatana the royal city of the Medes; and fo, faith he, the empire of the Aflyrians was fubverted. If there is lonie difficulty in difcovering the pertons by whom Nineveh was taken, there is more in afcertaining the king of Aflyria in whole reign it was taken, and more Hill in fixing the time when it was taken, lcarce any two chronologers agreeing in the feme date: but as thefe things are hardly pollible to be known, fo neither are they neceflary to be known, with precifion and exaftnefs; and we may fafely leave them among the uncertainties* of ancient hiftory and chronology.
It Ls luflicient for ourpurpole, that Nineveh was taken and deftroyed according to the prediftions: and Nahum foretold not only the thing, but alio the manner of it. Herodotus promifed to relate in h& Aflyrian hiftory how Nineveh was taken; f the Medes tdpk Nineveh, laith he, hut how they took it, I will fhowm another work. Again afterwards he mentions his defigti of writing the Affyrian hiliory. Speaking of the kings of Babylon he laith, J of thefe I Ihatl make mention in the Affyrian hiliory. But to our regret this hiliory was never finifhed, or is loft. More probably it was never finilhed, for otherwile lbme or other of the ancients would have mentioned it. If it had been extant with
* But Arbaces having colle&ed the inhabitants of Nineveh, dif-perfed them among the country villages.—He levelled the city with the ground.-—Then he conveyed the gold and lilver, of which there wefe many talents, to Ecbatana the metropolis of Media.—In this manner the dominion of the Aflyrians was put an end to by the Medes. See Diodorus Siculus, Book II. page 81, in Stephanus' edition, and page 115, in that of Rhodomanus.
f And they alfo took Nineveh, (but in what manner, I will fhew elfewhere.) See Herodotus, Book I. Chap. cvi. page 45, in Gale's edition.
£ Of whom, m giving an account of the Aflyrians, I fliall make mention, Book'I. Chap, clxxxiv. page 76, of Gale’s edition. See alfo Voflius* Grecian Hiftory, Book I. Chap. iii. And alfo Fabri-cius’ Greek Library, Book II. Chap. xx.
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his other works, it would in all probability have been of great lervice in illuftrating feveral paflkges in Nahum’s prophecies. It is however fomething fortunate, that we can in lome meafure fupply this#lols out of Diodorus Siculus. Nahum prophefies, that the Aflyrians lhould be taken while they were drunken, i. 10, ‘ For while they be folden together as thorns, and while they are drunken as drunkards, they ftiall be devoured as ftubble full dry and * JDiodorus relates, that " it was while all the Aflyriati army were feait-ing for their former vi&ories, that thole about Arbaces being informed by lbme deferters of the negligence and drunkennels in the camp of the enemies, allaulted them unexpectedly by night, and falling orderly on them difordei !y, and prepared on them unprepared, became matters of the camp, and flew many of thefoldiers, and drove the reft into the city.” Nahum foretells, ii. 6. that ‘ the gates of the rivers lhall be o-pened, and the palace fliall be diflblved and f Diodorus informs us, “ that there was an old prophecy, that Nineveh lhould not be taken, till the river became an enemy to the
* While the whole (AfTyrian) army was devoting itfelf to fealL ing, Arbaces, by means of deferters, having learned their negligence and drunkennefs, attacks them fuddenly by night. And becaufe his army was well arranged and prepared for the onfet, and the cafe of the enemy the very reverfe, he eafily made himfelf mafter of their camp, put a vail number of the foldiers to the fword, and chafed the reft into the city. See Diodorus Siculus, Book II. page 80, of Stephanus* edition, and page 112, of that of Rhodomanus.
f But-there was a prophecy handed down by tradition from their anceftors, that Nineveh could never be taken, till the river had firft become its enemy.—At length it came to pafs in the third year, that the Euphrates, (Tigris) increafing by the heavieft (bowers of rain, which were of long continuance* overflowed a part of the city, and with its torrent brake down about twenty furlongs of the wall. Then the king thinking that the prophecy w’as accomplifhcd, and that the river was now evidently become an enemy to the city, fell into defpair. Left therefore he lhould fall into the hands of his e-nemies, he caufed a large funeral pile to be conftrudted' in the midft of his palace. Into this he ordered to be conveyed all his gold, filver and royal apparel. Then having Ihut up his concubines and eunuchs with himfelf, iij an apartment in the centre thereof, he fet fire to it, all of which, with the palace, was reduced to allies. Asfoon as the revolters from the king heard of his death, they entered by a breach made in the wall and took the city. See Diodorus Siculus, Book II. page 80, of Stephanus’ edition, and page 113, in that of Rho-domanus.
13$
THE PROPHECIES*
city; and in the third year of the fiege, the river being fwoln with continual rains overflowed part of the city, and broke down the wall for 20 furlongs ; then the king thinking that the oracle was fulfilled, and the river become an enemy to the city, built a large funeral pile in the palace, and collecting together all his wealth and his concubines and eunuchs, burnt himfelf and the palace with them all; and the enemy entered the breach that the; waters had made, and took the city.” What was predicted in the firii chapter,'ver. 8. was therefore literally fulfilled, * With an over-running flood he "will make an utter end of the place thereof.’ Nahum pro-miles the. enemy much fpoil of gold and filver, ii.'fh ‘ Take ye the lpoil of filver, take the fpoil* of gold; for there is no end of the (tore, and glory out of all the pleafant furniture and we read in * Diodorus, that A rbaces carried many talents of gold and filver to Ecbatana the roval city of the Medcs. According to Nahum i. 8. iii. 15. the city was lobe de-ftroyed by fire and waiter; and we lee in Diodorus, that by fire and water it was deftroy ed.
But Nahum is cited upon this occafion principally to (how, that he foretold the total aad entire deitruCtion of this city. ‘ The Lord, faith he in the firft chapter, ver. 8, *)•
‘ with an over-running flood will make an utter end of the place there ; he will make an utter end ; affliction lhail not rile up the lecond time.’ A gain in the fecond chapter, ver. 11, 13. ‘ Where is the dwelling of the lions, and the feeding place of the young lions ?’ meaning Nineveh whole princes ravaged like lions : ‘ behold, I am againit thee, laith the Lord of holts, and I will cut off thy prey from the earth, and the voice of thy meffengers lhall no more be heard. And again in the third and la It chapter, ver. 17, 18, 11>.
* Thy crowned are as the locufts, and thy captains as the great graflioppers, which camp in the hedges in the cold day; but when the fun arifeth, they flee away, and in their place ;s not known where they are,’ or have been; 6 thy fliepherds (lumber, O king of Alfyria; thv nobles lhall dwell iii the dult; thy people is fettered upon the mountains, and no man gatheretli them; there is no healing of thy bruife; thy wound is grievous; all that hear the bruife of thee lhall
* Then having colle&ed whatever gold and filver the fire of the funeral pile had not confumed, amounting to many talents, he carried them off to Ecbatana of Media. Diodorus Siculus, Book II. page 81, of Stephanas’ edition, and page ilj, in that of Rhodo-rhanus.
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WfflERTATIONS Q*
clap th$ hands over thee; for upon whom hath not fchv wickednefs paffed continually? The prophet Zepliuniah likewife In the days of Jofiahking of Judah foretold the lame fad event, ii. 13, 14,15. The Lord will ftretch out his hand againil the north, and deftroy Aflyria, and will make Nineveh a deiolation, and diy like a wiklernefs : and flocks ihall lie down in the midlt of her, all the beafls of the nar tionfe; both the cormorant and the bittern fhall lodge in the upper lintels of it; their voice ihall iing in the windows,; deiolation ihall be in the threiholds; tor he ihall uncover the cedar w'ork ; this is the rejoicing city that dwelt care-Jefsiy, that faid in her heart, I am, and there is none belide me; how is flie become a defolation, a plaice for bealis to lie down in! every one that paffeth by her, fliall hifs and Avag his hand.’ But what probability was there that the capital city of a great kingdom, a city which was fixty miles in compafs, a city which contained fo many thouiand inhabitants, a city wdiich had walls, according to * Diodorus Siculus, a hundred feet high, and fo thick that three chariots could goabreaft upon them, and fifteen hundred towrers at proper diliances in the walls of two hundred feet in heighlh : what probability was there, I fay, that fuch a city Ihouid ever be totally ddlroyed ? and yet lo totally was it deltroyed, that the place is hardly known where it was fituated.
We have feen that it was taken and deftroy ed by th,e Medes and Babylonians : and what we may fuppofe helped to complete its ruin and devaluation wras Nebuchadnezzar's foon afterwards enlarging and beautifying of Babylon. From that time no mention is made of Nineveh by any of the lacred writers; and the moft ancient of the heathen authors, w ho have occafion to fay any thing about it, fpeak of it as a city that was once great and flouriihiug, but now deftroy ed and defolate. Great as it was formerly, lo little of it was remaining, that authors are not agreed even about its ft tuation. I think wTe may conclude from the general fuflrage of ancient hiilorians and geographers, that it was fituated upon the river Tigris.; but yet no leis authors than t Ctcfias
* For its wall rofe to the heighth of a hundred feet, its breadth was fo extended* that three chariots abreaft. could quite eaiily be driven along. The number of its towers amounted to fifteen hundred, and the heighth of each of them was two hundred feet. See Diodorus Siculus, Book II. page 65, of Stephanus* edition, and page 92, of that of Rhodomanus.
+ See Diodorus Siculus, page 80, of Stephanus* edition, and page 115, of that of Rhodomanus.
THE PItOPHEClJE$;
Apd Diodorus Siculus reprefent it as fituated upon the river Euphrates. Nay authors differ not only from one another, but alfo from themfelves. For the learned ' * Bochart hath fhown that Herodotus, Diodorus Siculus, and Ammiarius Marcellinus, all three fpeak differently of it, fometimes as if it was fituated upon tlie river Tigris, and fometimes as if it was fituated upon the river Euphrates. Sb that to reconcile thele authors with themfelves and with others, it is fup^ poled by f Bochart that there were two Ninevehs, arid by i Sir John Marfham that there were three ; the Syrian upon the river Euphrates, the Aflyrian upon the river Tigris, and a third built afterwards upon the Tigris by the Perfiaris, who fucceeded the Parthians in the empire of the eaft in the third century, and were lubdued by the Saracens in the le-venth century after Chrift : but whether this later Nineveh was built in the fame place as old Nineveh is a queftion that cannot be decided. Lucian, § who flourifhed in the fecond century after Chrift, affirms that Nineveh was utterly perifh-ed, and there was no footftep of it remaining, nor could you tell where once it was fituated : and the greater regard is to be paid to Lucian’s teltimony, as he was a native of Samofata, a city upon the river Euphrates, and coming from a neighbouring country he mult in all likelihood have known whether there had been any remains of Nineveh or not* There is at this time a city called Moful, fituate upon.the weftem fide of the river Tigris, and on the oppofite eaftern fhore are ruins of a great extent, which are faid to be the ruins of Nineveh. Benjamin of Tudela, |j who wrote his Itinerary in the
* See Bochart’s Phalcg, Book IV. Chap. xX. Col. 248, 249.
•J* I cannot fee how to reconcile thefe things, but by fuppofing there were two Ninevehs ; one of thern fituated On the banks of the Euphrates in Comagena, the other beyond the river Tigris in Aflyria. See Bochart’s Phaleg, and feme place.
J In the writings of the ancients* mention is made of three Nine-vebs ; one in Syria, another in Aflyria* and a third in Peril?. See Marfham’sChronicle of the XVIII Age, page 559.
$ Nineveh hath fo perifhed, that no veltige’of it at prefent remain eth, • . nor can it be eafily afeertained where formerly it flood. See Lucian’s Contemplations near the end.
|| Benjamin of Tudela who wrote his Itinerary in the year of our Lord 1173, feith (page 62.) that.between Mozal and Nineveh th£re iS at prefent only a bridge. The latter place is in rums, yet it hath
ftill many fmall villages and caftles.-But Hatton the Armenian in
his book concerning the Tartars, Chap. xi. page 406. (he wrote iit the year 1300,) feith that the city of Nineveh is at prefent totally in
Yol. L No, 4.	S
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DISSERTATIONS ON
year of Chrift 1173, informs us, that there is only a bridge between Moful and Nineveh; this latter is laid wafte, yet hath it many ftreets and caftles. But another, who wrote in 1300, afferts that Nineveh at prefen t is totally laid wafte, but by the ruins which are ftill to be feep there, we may firmly believe that it was one of the greateft cities in the world. The fame thing is attefted by later travellers, and particularly by * Thevenot, upon whole authority Prideaux relates that *• Moful is fituated on the weft fide of the river Tigris, where was anciently only a fuburb of the old Nineveh, for the city itfelf ftood on the eaft fide of the river, where are to be feen fome of its ruins of great extent even to this day.” Tevernier like wife f pffirms, that “ crols the Tigris, which hath a fwift ftream and whitilh water, whereas Euphrates runs flow and is reddifh, you come to the ancient £ifcy Nineveh, which is now an heap of rubbifh only, for a league along the river, full of vaults and caverns.” Mr i Salmon, who is an induftrious colle6tor and compiler from others, faith in his account orf Aflyria, ** In this country the famous city of Nineveh once ftood, on the eaftern bank of* the river Tigris, oppofite to the place where Moful now Rands- --There is nothing now to be feen but heaps of rubbifh, almoft a league along the river Tigris, over againlt Moful, which people imagine to be the remains of this vaft city.” But it is more than probable that thefe ruins are the remains of the Perfian Nineveh, and not of the Affyrian. Ipfce piere mnos: Even the ruins of old Nineveh have been, as I may fay, long ago ruined and deftroyed : fuch an utter end hath been made of it, and luch is the truth of the divine predictions!
This perhaps may ftrike us the moreftrongly by fuppofing only a parallel inttance. Let us then fuppole, that a perfon fliould come in the name of a prophet, preaching repentance to the people of this kingdom, or other wife denouncing the deftruCtion of the capital city within a few years; ‘ with an.
ruins.-——Marfham in his Chronicle of the XVIII Age, obferves page 558, that by the ruins which are Hill to be feen, one may be fully fatisfied that it was once, one of the greateft cities in Jthe world. See this in BocharPs Phaleg, Book IV. page xx. Col. 255.
* See ThevenoPs Travels, Part 2. Book I. Chap. xi. page 50. See alfo Prideaux> Connexions, Part L Book I. year 612, and 29th of Jofiah.
•j* See Tavernier in Harris' Collection, vol. 2. Book II. Chap. iv.
J See Salmon's Modern Hiftoiy, Vol. I. Chap. xii. See prefect flate of the Turkifh Empire. Quarto.
THE PROPHECIES*
139
over-running flood will God make an utter end of the place thereof, he will make an utter end; its place may he fought, but it .fliall never be found.’ I prefume we fliould look upon fuch a prophet as si mad-man, and (hew no farther attention to his mellage than to deride and defpife it: and yet fuch an event would not be more ftrange and incredible than the dcltru&ion and devaftation of Nineveh. For Nineveh was much the larger, and much the ltronger, and older city of the two; and the Alfyrian empire had fubfifted and llou-riflied more ages than any form of government in this country : lb that you cannot object the inftability of the eaftern monarchies in tins cafe. Let us then, fince this event would not be more improbable and extraordinary than the other, luppofe again, that things fliould lucceed according to the prediction, the floods lhould arife, and the enemy fliould come, the city lhould be overflown and broken down, be taken and pillaged, and deliroyed fo totally, that even the learned could not a^ree about the place where it was lituated. What would be faid or thought in fuch a cafe ? Whoever of polierity fliould read and compare the prophecy and event together, mult they not by fuch an illullrious inltance be thoroughly convinced of the providence of God, and of the truth of this prophet, and be ready to acknowledge, ‘ Verily this is the word that the Lord hath ipoken, Verily there is a God who judgeth the earth V
X.
The prophecies concerning Babylon*
AFTER Nineveh was deftroyed, Babylon became the queen of the ealt. They were both equally enemies to the people of God ; the one iubverted the kingdom of 11-rael, and the other the kingdom of Judah; the one carried away the ten tribes, and the other the two remaining tribes into captivity. No wonder therefore that there are leveral prophecies relating to each of thefe cities, and that the fate of Babylon is foretold as well as of Nineveh. As Jeremiah laid, 1. 17, 18. ‘ Ilrael is a flattered flieep, the lions have driven him away ; liril the king of Allyria hath devoured him, and lalt this Nebuchadnezzar king of Babylon hath broken his bones: Therefore thus faith the Lord of hoits the
£ 2
DISSERTATION’S ON
J4Q
jSod of Ifrael, Behold, I will puniflv the King of Babylon and his land, as I have puni(he(j the king of Aflyria.’
Babylon was a very great and a very ancient city as wel} as Nineveh. It is indeed generally reckoned lefs than Nineveh; for according to Strabo (who was cited in the laft dif-courfe) it was only 385 furlongs in compafs, or 360 according to * Diodorus Siculus, or 368 according to Quintus Curtius: but f Herodotus, who was an older author than any of 1 them, reprefents it of the fame dimenfions as Nineveh, that is 480 furlongs or above 60 miles in compafs; but the difference was, that Nineveh was conftru&ed in the form of a
Earalielogram, and Babylon was an exa6k fquare, each fide eing 120 furlongs in length. So that according to this ac-account Babylon contained more ground in it than Nineveh did; for by multiplying the (ides the one by the other, it will be found, that Nineveh contained within its walls only J3500 furlongs, and that Babylon contained 14400. It was alfo as ancient' or more ancient than Nineveh; for in the words of Mofes fpeaking of Nimrod, Gen. x. 10. it was the beginning of his kingdom, that is the firft city, or the capital city in his dominions. Several heathen authors lay that Serni-ramis, but molt (as J Quintus Curtius alferts) that Belus built it: and Belus was very probably the lame as Nimrod. But whoever was the firft founder of this city, we may rea-Ibnably luppofe that it received very great improvements afterwards, and Nebuchadnezzar particularly repaired and enlarged, and beautified it to luch a degree, that he may in a manner be laid to have built it; as he boafted himlelf, Dan. iv. 30. .f Is not this great Babylon that I have built for the fioufe of the kingdom, by the might of my power, and for the honour of rriymajeity ?*•* Nor is this alferted only in fcrip-ture, but is like wile attelled by heathen authors, Megalt-lienes, Berofus, and A by debus, whofe words are quoted by
* He threw i^bout the city; a wall of three hundred and fixty fur-, longs. See Diodorus Siculus, Book II. page 68, in Stephanas’ edition, and page 95, in that of Rhodomanus, The circumference of the whole work meafured three hundred and fixty eight furlongs. See Quintus Curtius, Book V. Chap. i.
f The city Hood in a plain of great extent. It was in the form of a fquare. Each of its lides was a hundred and twenty furlongs, fo that the meafurement of all its lides amounted to four hundred and eighty furlongs. ' See Herodotus, Book I. Chap, clxxviii. page 74*^ in Gale’s edition.
% It had been built by Semiramis, or in the opinion of many, by Belus. See Quintu6 Curtius in the fame place.
141
THE PROPHECIES*
* Jofephus and Eufebius. By one means or other Babylon became fo .great and famous a city as to give name to a veiy large empire; and it is called in fcripture, Dan. iv. 3D. great Babylon; If. xiii. 19. the glory of kingdoms, the beauty of the Chaldees excellency; If. xiv. 4. the golden city; If. xlvii. 5. the lady of kingdoms: Jer. li. 13. abundant in trea-fares; Jer. li. 41. the praife of the whole earth: and its beauty, itrength, and grandeur ; its walls, temples, palaces, and hanging gardens; the banks of the river, and the artifi* cial canals and lakes made for the drainjpg of that river in the feafons of its over-flowings, are defcribed with fuch pomp and magnificence by heathen authors, that it might deferredly be reputed one of the wonders of the world. The fulleft and belt account of thele things in Englilh is to be found in the fecond book of that very valuable and very uieful work, Dr Prideaux’s Connexions. Though Babylon was feated in a low watery plain, yet in fcripture, Jer. li. 95. it is called a mountain on account of the great heighth of its walls and towers, its palaces and temples: and f Berofus fpeaking of fome of its buildings, faith that they appeared molt like mountains. Its gates of brafs and its broad walls are particularly mentioned in fcripture: If. xiv. 9. Jer. li. 58. and the city J had an hundred gates, 95 on each fide, all made of folid brafs: and its walls according to § Herodotus were 350 feet in heighth, and 87 in thicknefs, and fix chariots could go abreait upon them, as || Diodorus alfirms after Ctefias.
Such a city as this, one would imagine, was in no danger of being totally abandoned, and coming to nought. Such a city as this might furely with lefs vanity than any other, boaft that Ifie could continue for ever, if any thing humar^ could continue for ever. So lhe vainly gloried, If. xlvii. 7, 8. * I lhall be a lady for ever ; I am, and none clle befide * * * §
* See Jofephus’ Antiquities, Book X. Chap. xi. Sed i. page 459. In Hudfon’s edition. See alfo Eufebius’ Evangelical Preparation, Book IX. Chap. xli. page 457> in Vigerus’ edition.
f To which, he gave an appearance, very much refembling that of mountains. See Aptiquities in the fame place.
$ See Herodotus, Book I. Chap, clxxix. page 74, in Gale’s edition. v
§ See the fame book of Herodotus, Chap, clxxviii. See alfo Prideaux’ Connexions in the. fame place.
|| So that the breadth of the wall was fufficient for palling fix chariots abreaft. See Diodorus Siculus, Book II. page 68, in Ste-phanus’ edition, and page 96, in that of Rhodomanus.
■J149	*	DISSERTATIONS ON
me; I ftaH not fit as a widow, neither fliall l know the lofe of children.* But the prophets Ifaiah and Jeremiah, plainly and particularly foretold the deltru£tion of this city. They lived during the declenfion of the kingdom of Judah; and as they predicted the captivity of the Jews, fo they likewife foretold tlie downfall of their enemies : and they fpeak with lucb aflurance of the event, that they delcribe a tiling future as if it were already pafi, If. xxi. 9. ‘ Babylon is fallen, is ifallen; and all the "graven images of her gods he hath broken to tlie ground,* Jer. li. 8. ‘ Babylon is fuddenly fallen and deftroyed ; howl ?or her, take balm for her pain, if fo be Ihe may he healed.’ It is lone what remarkable, that one of Itaiah’s prophecies concerning Babylon is intitled, xxi. 1*
. ‘ the burden of the delert of the fea, or rather of the plain of the lea,* for Babylon was feated in a plain, and furrounded by water. The propriety of the exprefiion confifts in this, not only that any large collection of waters in the oriental ftile is called a Jca, but alio that the places about Babylon as * Abydenus iiiforms us out of MegafUienes, are (aid from the beginning to have beeu overwhelmed with waters, and to have been called the fea,
Cyrus, w ho was the conqueror of Babylon, and transferred the empire from the Babylonians to the Medes and Per* fians, was particularly foretold by name, If. xliv. 28. xiv. i. above an hundred years before he was born. He is ho* noured with the appellation of the hordes anointed, and the Lord is faid to have holden kis right handy and to have girded him :■ If. xlv. 1, 5. and he was railed up to be an inftrument of providence for great pur poles, and was certainly a perfou of very extraordinary endowments, though vve ftiould allow that Xenophon had a little exceeded the truth, and had drawn .his portrait beyond the reality. It was promilied that he IhouLd be a great conqueror, ihould * fubdue nations before him,* If. xlv. 1. * and I will loofe the loins of kings to open before him the two-leaved gates, and the gates ihall not be Ihutand he fubdued feveral kings, and took feveral cities, particularly Sardes and Babylon, and extended his t conqueits over all Afia from the river Indus to the ^Egean fea. It was promiied that he fhould find great ipoil and
* It is reported that all thefe places were from the beginning co^ Vered with water, and called Sea. See Eufebius* Evangelical Pre* pamtion, Book IX. Chap. xli. page 457, in Vigenis’ edition.
f The whole of Alia from India to the Egean Sea. See Mar* (ham’s Chronicle, XVIII Age, page 587.
TSTE FROPHEtflES.'
143
treafure among the conquered nations; If. xlv. 3. < I will1 give thee the treasures of darknefs, and hidden riches of ferret places and the riches which Cyrus found in his con-quells amounted to a prodigious value in * Pliny's amount; nor can we wonder at it, for thofe parts of Afia at that time abounded in Wealth and luxury ; Babylon had been heaping up treal!;res for many years ; "and the riches of Croefus king of Lydia, whom Cyrus conquered and took prifoner, are in a manner become proverbial.
The time too of the reduction of Babylon'was marked out by the prophet Jeremiah, xxv. 11,19. 4 Thefe nations (that is the Jews and the neighbouring nations) fhall ferve die king of Babylon feventy years; And it fhall come to pals when feventy years are accompli died, that I will punifh die king of Babylon, and that nation, faith the Lord/ This prophecy was delivered, as it appears from the firft verfe of the chapter, 4 in the fourth year of Jehoiakim the fon of Jo-fiah king of Judah, that was the Brit year of Nebuchadnezzar king of Babylon / and from that time there were f ?0 years to the taking of Babylon and the reiteration of the Jews. Nebuchadnezzar had tranfplanted the Jews to Babylon to people and ftrengthen the place, and their removal from thence mult have weakened it veiy much ; and after that it was diftreffed more and more, till at laft it was brought to' nought.
Several circumftances likewife of the liege and taking of Babylon were prefignilied by the prophets. It was foret old, that God would ftir up the Medes and Perfians againft it;
* Go up O Elam/ that is Perfia, If. xxi. 9.4 befiege O Media;’ and, Jer. li. 11. 4 the Lord hath raifed up the fpirit of the kings of the Medes, for his device is againft Babylon to deltroy itAnd accordingly it was belieged by the united forces of the Medes and Perfians under the command of Cyrus the Perfian, the nephew and fon-in-law of the king of the Medes. The Medes are chiefly fpoken of, as they were at that time the fuperior people. The Medes is too a general name for both lotions, and fo it is ufed and applied by feveral Greek hiftorians as well as by the facred writers. Elam t was an old name for Eerfia, for the name of Perfia
* See Pliny, Book XXXIIL Chap. xv. in Hairduin’s edition, f See Prideaux and other Chronologers.
% Elam is Perfia, and is frequently mentioned along with Media. The name of the Perfians, before the Babylonifii captivity, was fcarcely known. Ezekiel Chap, xxvii. 10. and xxxvfii. is the firft wh«
144
DISSERTATIONS ON
doth not appear to have been known in Ifaiah’s time ; Ezekiel is the (irft who mentions it. And * Bochart afierts, that the Perfians were firlt lb named from their becoming horj'c-men in the time of Cyrus, the fame word fignifying both a Perfian and a horleman. Or if by Elam we underhand the province ltri&ly fo called, it is no lels true than this alfo, though fubjedt to Babylon, rofe up againlt it, and upon the following occafion. Abradates f was viceroy or governor of Sufa or Shulhan, and Shulhan was the capital of the province of Elam. Dan. viii. 2. His wife Panthea, a lady of exquilite beauty, happened to be taken prifoner by the Perfians. Cyrus treated her with fuch generofity, and preferved her with fuch llrift honour lafe and inviolate for her hulband, as won the heart of the prince, fo that he and his forces revolted to Cyrus, and fought in his army againlt the Babylonians.
It was foretold, that various nations Ihould unite againlt Babylon; If. xiii. 4. ‘ The noife of a multitude in the mountains, like as of a great people; a tumultuous noife of the kingdoms of nations gathered together; the Lord of holla multereth the holt of the battle:’ and particularly it was foretold, that ‘ the kingdoms of Ararat, Minni, and AJhche-
mentions them under that name, and ranks them among warlike nations, when the deeds of Cyrus were yet unknown. From the time of Cyrus, who was a Perfian by birth, and celebrated for his vi&ories, the glory of the Perfians was widely fpread. See Marftiam’s Chronicle, XVIII Age, page 564.
* But the Periians derived their name from their cavalry, in which they were powerful. In horfemanfliip they were inftru&ed from their earlieft years. Cyrus was the firlt that introduced, this kind of difcipline among them.-—From a change fo fuddenly brought in amongft them, it came to pafs, that their country was called Paras, and themfelves Perfians, that is horfemen. In the Arabic language Pharas lignifies a horfe, and Pharis an horfeman, as Paralh doth in Hebrew. The fame word Pharis is made ufe of by them, to denote Perfia. This is the reafon that neither Mofes, nor the author of the books of Kings, nor Ifaiah, nor Jeremiah, norinlhort any one that lived before the time of Cyrus, make mention of that people under this name, But the name of Perfians frequently occurs in the books of Daniel and Ezekiel, who were cotemporaries with Cyrus, and in the books of Chronicles, Ezra, Nehemiah, Either, &c. which were written after the time of Cyrus. Before his time, it is probable that the Hebrew names Chut and Gnelam, or Elam, took in a large portion of Perfia. See Bochart’s Phaleg, Book IV. Chap. x. Col. 224« j* See Xenophon^ Cyropsedia, Book IV, V, VI, and VII.
tHB PROPHECIES.
14*
ton, that is the * Armenians, Phrygians and other nations fliould compofe part of his army ; Jer. li. 27. ‘ Set ye up a ftandard in the land* blow the trumpet among the nations, prepare the nations againft her, call together agamft her the Kingdoms of Ararat, Minni, and Afhchenaz:* And accordingly Cyrus* army confilted of various nations ; and ampng them were f thefe very people, whom he had conquered before, now obliged to attend him in this expedition.
It was foretold, that the Babylonians Ihould be terrified, and hide themfelves within their walls; Jer. li. 30. ‘ the mighty men of Babylon have forborn to fight, they have remained in their holds, their might hath failed, they became as women :* And accordingly the Babylonians, after the lofs of a battle or two, never recovered their courage to face the enemy in the field again ; they retired within their walls, and the J firft time tnat Cyrus came with his army before the place, he could not provoke them to venture forth and try the fortune of arms* even though he fent a challenge to the king to fight a duel with him ; and the § lall time that he came, lie confulted with his officers about the beft method Of carrying on the fiege, “ lince faith he they do not come forth and fight.”
It was foretold, that the river fliould be dried up, before the city fliould be taken ; which was Very unlikely ever to happen || the river being more than two furlongs broad, and deeper than two men handing one upon another, fo that the city was thought to be better and itronger fortified by the river than by the walls ; but yet the prophets predicted that the w aters Ihould be dried up; If. xliv. 27. ‘ That faith to the deep be dry, and I will dry up thy rivers ?, Jer. 1. 38.
‘ A drought is upon her waters, and they fhall be dried up;* Jer. li. 3o’. * I will dry up her lea, and make her fprings * * * §
* See Bochart’s Phaleg, Book I. Chap. III. Col. 16* and 20. and Book III. Chap. ix. Col. 174*.
. f See Xenophon’s Cyropasdia, Book V. page 77. Book VII* pag 111,in Henry Stephen’s edition of 1581.
J See Xenophon’s Cyropsedia, Book V. page 75, in Henry Ste-* phen’s edition of 1581.
§ See the fame Book VII. * Since they do not go out of their walls to fight,’ page 112.
|| See Xenophon’9 Cyropaedia, Book VII. * The width of the river is more than two furlongs, and its depth fuch, that two men {landing the one on the other, the uppermoft would not appear above the water. And therefore the river afforded a better defence to the city than its walls.’
Vol. I. No. 4.
T
146
DISSERTATIONS Oft
dry: And accordingly *, Cyrus turned the courfe of the riref Euphrates which ran through the midft of Babylon, and by means of deep trendies and the canals and lakes before-mentioned, fo drained the waters that the river became eafily fordable for his foldiers to enter the city ; and by theie means Babylon was taken, which was otherwife impregnable, and was lupplied with provifions for very many years iiiith f Herodotus, for more than twenty years; faith Xenophon ' or t as Herodotus faith, if the Babylonians had but known what the Perfians were doing, by (hutting the gates which opened to the river, and by handing upon the walls which were built as banks, they might have, taken and dettroyed file Perfians as in a net or cage.
It was* foretold, that the city fhould be taken by furprife during the time of a feaft; Jer. 1. 24. ‘ I have laid a l'nare* for thee, and thou art alio taken, O Babylon, and thou watfe liot aware, thou art found and alfo caught,’ li. 3.0. * In their heat I will make their feaits, and I will make them drunken, that they may rejoice, and fleep a perpetual deep, and not wake, faith~the Lord, li. 37. ‘ And I will make drunk her
Iirinces, and her wile men, her captains and her riders, and ler mighty men, and they fhall deep a perpetual deep, and not wake, faith the king, whole name is the Lord of holts/ And accordingly the city was taken in the night of a great annual feltival, while the inhabitants were dancing, drinking, and reveling ; and as § Ariltotle reports, it had been taken three days, before fome part of the city perceived it; but If
* See Herodotus, Book I. Chip. excL page 79, in Gale’s edition. * They hadartiafled (tores of provifions (which might ferve them) for many years/ See Xenophon’s Cyropiedia, Book VII. page 113r in Stephen’s edition. *They had neceffaries for mofe than twenty years/
f * Whom, if the Babylonians had heard or perceived before-hand what had been done by Cyrus, they would not have ftiffered him t<5 enter (the city,*) but Woujd have put them to the moil dreadful de-ftru&ion. For by (hutting all the fally ports that led to the riveri and by mounting the rampart, and (landing on the banks, they would have caught as in a trap his foldiers as they came forward/
J §ee Herodotua, Book I. Chap. cxer. page 79, in Gale’s edition* See alfo Xenophon’s Cyropaedia, Book VIf. page 113y in Stephen** edition.
$ See Ariftotle’s Politics, Book II1, Chap. iii. 4 which having beeit taken three days, they tell us, that this was not known by a certain portion of the city/
(I And by reafou of the greatnefs of the city, as is related by fome
WIE PROPHECIES.
147
Herodotus’ account is more modeft and probable, that the extreme parts of the city were in the hands of the enemy before they who dwelt in the middle of it knew any thing of their danger. Thefe were extraordinary occurrences in the taking of this city: and how could any man forefee and foretef fuch Angular events, fuch remarkable circumftances, without revelation and inipiration of God ?
But thefe events you may poflibly think too remote in time to be urged in the prelent argument: and yet the prophecies were delivered by Ifaiah and Jeremiah, and the fabfcs are related by no lets hiltorians than Herodotus and Xenophon ; and Ilkiah lived above 250 years before Herodotus, and near 350 before Xenophon, and Jeremiah lived above 150 years before the one and near :250 before the other. Cyrus took Babylon according to Prideaux in the year 539 before Chrift. lliiiah prophefied ‘ in the days ofUzziah, Jotham, Aliaz, and Ilezekiah, kings of Judah,* If. i. 1. which wasatlealt 160 years before the taking of Babylon, for Hezekiah died in the year 699 before Chriit. Jeremiah lent his prophecies concerning Babylon to Babylon by the hands of Seraiah * in the fourth year of the reign of Zedekiah,* Jer. H. 59. which was 56 years before the taking of Babylon, for the fourth year of Zedekiah coincides with the year 595 before Chriit. There is therefore no room for fcepticifm : but if you areftili dilpoled to doubt and helitate, what then think you of the prelent condition of the place ? Could the prophets, unlefs they were prophets indeed, have foreteen and foretold what that would be lb many ages afterwards ? And yet they have exprelsly foretold that it Ihould be reduced to delblation. Ilaiah is very Itrong and poetical: xiii. 19, &c. ‘Babylon the glory of kingdoms, the beauty of the Chaldeesexcellency, lhal l be as when God overthrew Sodom and Gomorrah : It lhall never be inhabited, neither (hall it be dwelt in from generation to generation ;> neither lhall the Arabian pitch tent there, neither lhall the lhepherds make their fold there : But wild bealts of the deferts lhall lie there, and their houfes lhall be full of doleful creatures, and owls lhall dwell there, and latyrs lhall dance there: And the wild bealts of the ifland lhall cry in their defolate houfes,. and dragons in their pieatimt palaces : and her time is near to come, and her days lhall not be proibnged.’ Again, xiv. 22, 23. ‘ I will rife up
«£ its inhabitants, when the extremities of Babylon were in the pof* fefiion of the enemy, they who lived in the midft of it were unacquainted with what had happened. See Herodotus in the fame place,
T 2
148
DMSEftTATlOtf* OttT
againfi them faith the Lard of hofts, and out off from Baby* Ion the name, and remnant, and fon and nephew (or rather JFon and gmndf'on) faith the Lord; I will alfo make it a pofi. fefllon for the bittern, and pools of water; and I will fweep it w ith file befom of deftru&ion, faith the Lord of hofts.' Jeremiah fpeaketh much in the fame (train: 1. 13, 23, 39, 40.	‘ Becaufe of the wrath of the Lord, it fhall not be in*
habited, but it (hall be wholly defolate; everyone that goeth by Babylon (hail be aftonithed, aftd hifs at all her plagues; How is the hammer of the whole earth cut alunder and hro* ken ? How is Babylon become a defolation among the nations ? ^ Therefore the wild begftfc of the defert, with the wild bealts of the iflands (hall dw£tl there, and the owls (halldwell therein; and it (hall be no mtfre inhabited for ever; neither (hall it be dwelt in from, generation to generation: As God overthrew Sodom and Gomorrah, and the neighbour cities thereof, faith the Lord ; fo no man (hall abide there, neither (hall any fon of man dwell therein.’ Again, li. IS, 26, 29, 37, 42, 43. ‘ O thou that dwelled upon many waters, abundant in treafures; thine end is come, and the meafure of thy covetoufnefs: And they (hall not take of thee a (tone for a, Corner, nor a (tone for foundations: but thou (halt be deio* late for ever, faith the Lord : And the land (hall tremble and forrow, for every purpofe of the Lord (hall be performed a-gainft Babylon, to make the land of Babylon a defolation without an inhabitant: And Babylon (hall become heaps, a dwelling-place for dragons, an alloniftiment and an hiding without an inhabitant: The tea is come up upon Babylon ; (he is covered with the multitude of the waves thereof: Her cities are a defolation, a dry land and a wiklemefs, a land wherein no man dwelleth, neither doth any fon of man pafs thereby.’ We (hall fee how thele and other prophecies have by degrees been accompli (bed, for iu the nature of the things they could not be fulfilled all at once. But as the prophets often lpeakof filings future, as if they were already effected 3 fo they fpeak often of things to be brought about in procefs of time, as if they were to fucceed immediately; pall, pTe-fent, and to come being all alike knowp to an infinite mind, and the intermediate time not revealed perhaps to the minds of the prophets.
Ifaiah addreffeth Babylon by the name of a virgin, as ha* ving never before been taken by any enemy: If. xlvii. 1.
* Conic down arid fit iu file dui't, O virgin daughter of Baby-
rtit Prophecies,
140
ldn, fit on the ground : ’ and * Herodotu9 Taith exprefsiy* that this was the first time that Babylon was taken. After this it never more recovered its ancient fplendour; from an imperial, it became a tributary city ; from being governed by its own Kings, and governing ftrangers, it came itfelf to be governed by ftrangers; and the feat of empire being transferred to Shufhan, it decayed by degrees, till it was reduced at lad to utter delblation. Berofus in Joiephus f faith, that when Cyrus had taken Babylon, he ordered the outer walls to be pulled down, beCaule the city appeared to him very fa6tious and difficult to be taken. And + Xenophon informs us, that Cyrus obliged the Babylonians to deliver up all their arms upon pain of death, diftributed their belt boufes among his officers, impofed a tribute upon them, appointed a ftrong garrifon, and comffelled the Babylonians to defray the charge, being defirous to keep them poor as the belt means of keeping them obedient.
But notwithftanding thefe precautions, § they rebelled a-gainft Darius, and in ordefto hold out to the laft extremity, they took all their women, and each man choofmg one of them, out of thole of his Qjvn family, whom he liked belt, they ftrangled the reft, that pmieceliary mouths might not confume their provifions. And hereby,” faith || Dr Pri-deaux, “ was very fignally fulfilled the prophecy of Ifaiah againft them, in-which he foretold, Chap, xlvii. ft. That two things fhould come to them m a moment, in one day, the lofs of children andjvidowkood, and that thefe (hall come upon them in their perfcfifiun, jor the multitude of their fore cries y and the great abundance of their inchant merits. And in what greater perfe6tion could thele calamities come uppn them, than when they themfelves thus upon themfelves became the executioners of them ?” Or rather, this, prophecy was
* ‘ And thus indeed Babylon was taken for the firft time. See pjerodotus, Book 1. Chap. cxci. page 79, in Gale’s edition.’
f ‘ But Cyrus having taken Babylon, gaveprders to deftroy the outer walls, both becaufe he faw that the city was fa&ious, and dif* ficult to be taken.’ See Jofephus againft Apion, Book I. Se6t, 22 j page 1344, in Hudfon’s edition.
| See Xenophon’s Cvrapaedia, Book VII. page 114 and 117, in Stephanus’ edition.
f See Herodotus, Book III. Chap. clvi. page 220, in Gale’s edition.	'
|| See Prideaux’ Connections, Part 1. Book III. year 517* and o of Darius*
150
DISSERTATIONS OJfr
then fulfilled a fecond time, having been fulfilled before the ; very night that Babylon was taken, when the Perfians flew the king hinifelf and a great number of the Babylonians, They fuftained the fiege and all the efforts of Darius for twenty months, and at length the city was taken by itrate-gem. As foon as Darius had made himfelf matter of the place, he ordered three thouiand of the principal men to be crucified, and thereby fulfilled the prophecies of the cruelty, winch the Medes and Perfians fhould ufe towards the'Baby* lonians ; If. xiii. 17,18. Jer. 1. 42. and he likewile demo* lifhed the wall, and took away the gates, neither of which, faith * Herodotus, had Cyrus done before. But either Herodotus or Berolus mult have been mittaken; or we mult luppole that Cyrus’ orders were never carried into execution ; or we mult underhand Herodotus tofpeak of the inner wall, as Berolus fpoke of the outer: and yet it doth not feem ve* ry credible, when the walls were of that prodigious heighth and thicknefs, that there fhould be an inner and an outer \vall too; and much leis that there fhould be three inner and three outer walls, as f Berolus affirms. Herodotus £ computes the heighth of the wall to be 200cubits; but later authors reckon it much lower, § Quintus Curtius at 100, j| Strabo who is a more exact writer at 50 cubits. Herodotus delcribes it as it was originally; and we may conclude there* fore that Darius reduced it from 200 to 50 cubits; and by thus taking down the wall and deitroying the gates, he re* markably fulfilled the prophecy of Jeremiah, li. 58. ‘ Thus faith the Lord of hofts, The broad walls of Babylon ffiall be ptterly broken, and her high gates (hall be burnt with fire.’
Xerxes If after lfis return from liis piifortunate expedition * * * §
* c He took away the wall, and removed all the gates, none of which had been done when fird it was taken by Cyrus.’ See Herodotus, Book III. Chap. clix. page 223, in Gale’s edition.
f ‘ He furrounded the city by three walls within, and in like manner with three walls without.’ See Jofephusagainft Apion, Book I. Se&. 19, in Hudfon’s edition.
£ * The height >vas of two hundred cubits.’ See Herodotus, Book 1. Chap, clxxviii. page 74, in Gale’s edition.
§ ‘ The height of the wall was more than a hundred cubits.’ See Quintus Curtius, Book V. Chap. i.
|| ‘ The height of the wall between the towers, was fifty cubits.* See Strabo, Book XVI. page 738, in the Paris edition, and page 1072, in that of Amderdam, printed in 1707.
% See Herodotus, Book 1. Chap, clxxxiii. page 76, in Gale’s edition. See Arrian’s expedition of Alexander, Book VII. Chap,
the prophecies*
f51
Into Greece, partly out of religious zeal being a profeflTetl ene-' my to image worihip, and partly to reimburle himlelf after his iramenle expences, (eized the (acred trealures, and plundered ordeftroyed the temples and idols oFBabylon, thereby accomplilhing the prophecies of Ifaiah and Jeremiah ; 111 xxi. 9. ‘ Babylon is fallen, is fallen ; and all the graven ima-f ges of her gods he hath broken unto the ground :* If. xlvi.
1.	‘ Bel bowetli down, Nebo itoopeth, their idols were u-pon the bealts, and upon thecattle,* $c.: Jer. 1. 2. * Baby-* ion is taken, Bel is confounded, Merodach is broken in pieces, her idols are confounded, her images are broken in pieces / Jer. li. 44, 47, 52. “ And I will puniih Bel in Babylon, and I will bring forth out of his mouth that which he hath (wallowed up; Therefore behold the days come, faith the Lord, that I will do judgment upon the graven images of Babylon •/ and again, Wherefore behold the days come, faith the Lord, that I will do judgment upon her graven images/ What God declares, ‘ I will puniih Bel in Babylon, and I will bring forth that which he hath (wallowed,* was alfo literally fulfilled, when the veilels of the houle of God, which Nebuchadnezzar had brought from Jerufalem, and placed in the temple of Bel, Dan. i. 2. were reftored by order of Cyrus, Ezrai. 7. and carried to Jeruialem again.
Such was the (late of Babylon under the Perfians. When Alexander came thither, though* Quintus Curtius fays that the whole circuit of the city was 368 furlongs, yet he affirms that only for the fpace of 90 furlongs it was inhabited. The river Euphrates having been turned out of its courie by Cyrus, and never afterwards reftored to its former channel, all that (ide of the country was flooded by it. Alexander indeed t purpofed to have made Babylon the (eat of his empire, and actually let men at work to rebuild the temple of Bel us,
xvii. page 296, in Gronovius* edition. See Ufher’s Annals, year of the world 3526, page 129. See Prideaux* Connexions, Parti. Book IV. year 479, and 7 of Xerxes.
* Quintus Curtius, Book V. Chap. i. faith, / that all the fpace within the walls was not occupied by buildings. Only the fpace of ninety furlongs was inhabited, and even in this fpace the houfes were not clofe to one another/
f See Arrian’s expedition of Alexander, Book VII. Chap. xvir. page 296, and Chap. xxi. page 303, in Gronovius’ edition. See Hecatseus in Jofephus againft Apion, Book 1. SeX. 22. page 134 in Hudfon’s edition. See alfo Strabo, Book XVI. page 738, in the Paris edition, and page 1073, in that, of Anifterdam, printed in 1707-
15«
DISSERTAtlOKS 0J|
and to repair the banks of the river, and to bring back the waters again into their old channel t arid if his defigns had taken efleft, how could the prophecies have been fulfilled ? and what providence therefore was it, that his defigns did not take effect, and that the breaches were never repaired ? He met with fome difficulties in the work, and death loon after put an end to this and all his other proje&s; and none cd'hisluccefibrs ever attempted it: and* Seleucia being built a few years afterwards in the neighbourhood, Babylon iri a little time became lolioily defolate. Seleucia not only robbed it of its inhabitants, but even of its name* being called alfo f Babylon by leveral others* We learn farther from a fragment of Diodorus Siculus, which is produced by Vale* fms, and quoted from him by + Vitringa, that a king of Par-thia, or one of his peers, furpafling all the famous tyrants in cruelty, omitted no fort of punifhment, but fent many of the Babylonians and for trifling caufes into flaveiy, and burnt the forum and fome of the temples of Babylon, and demo-liflied the belt parts of the city* This happened about 130 years before Chrift t and now let us fee what account is given of Babylon by authors after that time.
Diodorus Siculus § describes the buildings as ruined or de-
* See Strabo in the fame place* And alfo Pliny’s Natural Hif-tory, Book VI. Chap. xxx. in Harduin’s edition.
f See the fame place of Pliny ; 1 which nevertheless is called Babylon.’ See Prideaux’ Conne&ions, Part 1. Book VIII* year 2^3, and 12, of Ptolemy Soter.
! J Vitringa in his Commentary on Ifaiah, Chap* xiii. p. 421,jVol. 1. cxprefTed himfelf thus. “ Euemerus the king of the Parthians, (Valefius from comparing fome pafiages of Juftin andAthnaeus, and from the time in which he lived, hath clearly Ihewn, that his Efcme ought to be read Hindms) a native of Hyrcania, going beyond every tyrant in rigour, was inattentive to no fort of cruelty. For he fent into Media, and diftributed in every family of that conntry, vail multitudes of Babylonians, doomed to llavery. He alfo fet on fire the forum, and fome of the temples at Babylon, and deftroyed all the fineft places of the city. This calamity happened during the reign of the dependents of Seleucus, about 130 years before the birth of our Lord.”
|| «Time in fome cafes, hath altogether deftroyed, and in others defaced the royal palaces and other (lately edifices. For at prefent, only a certain fmaH portion of Babylon is inhabited, the far greater part within the walls is under tillage.’ See Diodorus Siculus, Book II. page 70, in Stephanas’ edition, and page 98, in that of Rhodo-mantts.
iiiE PRoHiEcifcs;	153
cayed in his time, and afferts that now only a (mail part of tlte city is inhabit^, the gre&teft part within the walls is tilled. Strabo * who wrote not long aftet Diodorus, faith that part of the city the Perfians demblilhed, and part time and the neglebt of the Macedonians, and efpecially after Seleucui* Nicator had built Seleucia on the Tigris ill the neighbourhood of Babylon, and he and his fucceffors rembVed their court thither: and'now (faith he) Sfeleuciia is gfeatbr than Babylon, and Babylon is muchdeierted, fo that any bnb itiay apply to this what the cbmic poet faid 6f Megalopolis in A rcadia, The great city is now become a great defeit. Pliny in like manner f affirms, that it Was reduced to foiitude; being exhaufted by the neighbourhood of Seleucia, built for that purpofe by Selfucus Nicator. As Strabo compared Babylon to Megalopolis, fo i Paufanias (who flourilhed about the middle of thd fecbnd century after Chfilt) compares Megalopolis tb Babylon, and fays in his AfCadiCs, that of Babylon, the gteateft city that the fun ever law, there is nothing now remaining but the walls. Maximus Tyrius § mentions it as lyitig iiegle(5ted and forfakert ; and || LuCiari intimate?; that, iri a little time it would be fought for and hot be found, like Nineveh. Conltantine the Great, ill an oration prefer-* * * * §
* * The Perlians deftroyed a part of the city. A part has been feohfumed by time, and the negledt of the Macedonians. But the thief caufe of its decay has been the building of Seleucia* on the banks of the Tigris* by SelCucUs Nicator, at the diltance only of three hundred furlongs from Babylon* For both he and all his defcend-ents have laboured to the utmoft to aggrandize it (Seleucia), and have removed the cotlrt thither: At prefent it is greater than Babylon, fo that one may boldly fay that concerning it* which was faid by a certain comedy writer concerning Megalopolis, a large city of Arcadia, Megalopolis is now a vaft defert.’ See Strabo, Book XVI. page 738, in the Paris edition, and page 1073* in thatLof Amllerdam, printed in 1707.
c Surely it hath returned to a defolate and forfakert place, on account of its vicinity to Seleucia, a city built for that very purpofe by Nicator.* See Pliny's Natural hiftory, Book VI. Chap. xxx. in Harduin’s edition*
J ‘ Babylon the greateft of all thefe cities which ever the fun fhone upon, has now nothing remaining befides its walls.* See Paufanias, Book III* Ghap. xxxiii*
§ * Babylon forfaken.* See Maximus Tyrius, Differtation VI. near the end. *	'
|| ‘ Not long hence it will be fearchcd for like Nineveh.’ See ljucia£*8 Contemplations, near the end.
Vol. I* No. 4.	\J
154	DISSERTATIONS ON
ved by Etrfebius, faith that he himfelf was Upon the fpot, and an eye-wrtnefs of the defolate and miferable condition of the city. In Jerome’s time (who lived in the fourth centu-!.ry after Chrift) it was converted into a chafe to keep wild beatfo within the corupafs of its walls for the hunting of the later kings of Perfia. We have learned, * faith he, from a certain Elamite brother, who coming out ofthofe parts, now 1 liweth as ajnonk at Jerufalem, that the royal huntings are in Babylon, and wild beads of every kind are confined within the circuit of its walls. And a little afterwards he faith, t that excepting the brick wall, which after many years are repaired for the inclofing of wild beads, all the lpace within is defolation. Thefe walls might probably be demolifhed by the Saracens who fubverted this empire ofTne Perfians, or they might be ruined or dedroyed by time : but of this we read nothing, neither have we any account of Babylon for leveral hundred years afterwards, there having been luch a dearth of authors during thofe times of ignorance.
Of later authors the fird who mentions any thing concerning Babylon, is Benjamin of Tudela, a Jew who lived in .the twelfth century. In his Itinerary, which was written almo$700 years ago, he aflerts, J that ancient Babylon is now lard-wade, but fome ruins are dill to be-leen of Nebuchadnezzar’s palace, and men fear to enter there on account of the lerpents and fcorpions which are in the midd of it. ■Texeira, a Portuguese, in the defeription of his travels from India to Italy, adirms § that of this great and famous city
* ‘ We have been informed by a certain Elamite friar, who at 'prefent leads a monadic life in Jerufalem, but came from that country, that Babylon is a royal hunting park, and that wild beads of e-very kind are (hut up within its circuit.’ See Jerome’s'Commentary on lfa. xiii. page HI, VoL 3. in the Benedidtine edition.
f ‘ For excepting the walls of brick, which after the lapfe of many yearB, are repaired, for confining the wild beads, all the fpace in the middle is gone to a wildemefs.’ See the fame on Chap, xiv, page 115,
% Benjamin in his Itinerary, page 7G, faith that men are afraid to enter into it, by reafon of the ferpents and fcorpions, which dwell in the midd oFit. See Bochart’s Phaleg, Book IV. Chap. xv. Col. 234. See Vitringaon Ifa. xiii. page 421. Vol. 1. Prideaux’ Con-nedtions, Part I. Book VIII. year 293, and 12, of Ptolemy Soter. See Calmet’s Didtionary on the word Babylon.
$ ‘ None but a few vediges remain of this city*; nor is there any place in that country lefs frequented ’ See Bochait in the fame place, and Prideaux.
THE PROPHECIES.	155
there is nothing but only a few veftiges remaining, nor in the whole region is any place lefs frequented.
A German traveller, whofe name was Rauwolf, paffed that way in the year of our Lord 1574, and * his account of the ruins of this famous city is as follows. ‘ * The village of E*-lugo now lieth on the place where formerly old Babylon, the metropolis of Chaldea, was fituated. The harbour is a quarter of of a league’s diftance from it, where people go a-fhore in order to proceed by land to the celebrated city of Bagdat, which is a day and a half s journey from thence eaft-ward on the Tigris. This country is fo dry and barren, that it cannot be tilled, and fo bare that I could never have her lieved that this powerful city, once the moll ftately and re*-nowned in aft the world, and fituated in the pleafant and fruitful country of Shinar, eouki have evcrftooa there, if I had not known it by its fituation, and many antiquities of great beauty, which are (till Handing hereabout in great de-folation. Firft by the old bridge which was laid over the Euphrates, whereof there are fome pieces and arches ftill remaining built of burnt brick, and fo Itrong that it is admirable.—Juft before the village of Elugo is the hill wheron the cattle ltood, and the ruins of its fortifications are ftill vifible, though demolifhed and uninhabited. Behind it, and pretty
near to it, did ftand the tower of Babylon.--It is ftill to be
feen, and is half a league in diameter; but fo ruinous, fo low, and lo full of venomous creatures, which lodge in holes made by them in the rubbifh, that no one durft approach nearer to it than within half a league, except during two months in the winter, when thete animals never ftir out of their holes. There is one fort particularly, which the inhabitants in the language of the country, which is Perlian, call Eg/o, the poi-fon whereof is very fearching: they are larger than our lizards.”
A noble Roman, Petrus Vallenfis, (Della Valle) was at Bagrat* in the year 1616, and Went to fee the ruins as they are thought of ancient Babylon ; and he informs us t that “ in the middle of a vaftand level plain, about a quarter of a league from Euphrates, which in that place runs weftward,
* See Babylon in Calmet’s Di&ionary, and Prideaux as before, and Ray’s edition of thefe Travels in Englifh, Part 2. Chap. 7.
f See Viaggi de Pietro della Valle, Part 2. Epiftle xvii. See Le Clerc’s Commentary on Ifa, xiii. 20. See Vitringa’s Commentary on the fame, page 421, of Vol. 1. See alfo Univerfal Hiftory, Book 1. Chap. II. Se&. 4. Note N.
U 2
DISSERTATIONS CM
1 oQ
appears a heap of ruined buildings, like a huge mountain, the materials of which are fo confounded together, that one knows not what to make of it.—Its iituatiop and form cor* refpond with that pyramid which Strabo calls the tower of Belus; and is in all likelihood the tower of Nimrod in Babylon, or Babel, as that place is itill called-——There appear no marks of ruins, without the compafs of that huge mats, to convince one fo great a city as Babylpn had ever i'tood there: all one difcovers within fifty or fixty paces of it, being only the remains here and there of fome foundations of buildings ; and the country round about it fo flat and level, that -one can hardly believe it fhould bechofen for the fituation of* fo great and noble a city as Babylon, or that there were ever any remarkable buildings on it; but for my part I am allo-irifhed there appears fo much as there does, considering it is at leaft four tfioufend years fioce that city was built, and that Diodorus Siculus tells us, it was reduced almoft to nor thing in his time.* •
Tavernier, who is- a very celebrated traveller* relates, * that “ at the parting of the Tigris, which is but a little way from Bagdat, there is the foundation of a city, which may feem to have been a large league in com pais. There are iome of the walls yet (landing, upon which fix coaches may go abreaft: They are made of burnt brick, ten foot iquare and three thick. The chronicles of the country lay here flood the ancient Babylon.** Tavernier, no doubt, few the feme ruins, as Benjamin the Jew, and Rauwolf, and Peter delle Valla did ; but he thought them not to, be the ruins of Nebuchadnezzar’s palace orpf the tower of Babel. He adopts the opinion of the Arabs, and conceives them to be rather the remains pf fome tower built by one of their princes for a beacon to aifemble his fubjefts in time of war : and this in all probability was the truth of the matter.
Mr t Salmon’s observation is juft and pertinent: “ What is as ftrange as any thing that is related of Babylon is, that we cannot learp either by ancient writers or modern travellers, where this famous city ltood, only in general, that jt was fituated in the province of Chaldea, upon the river Euphrates confiderably above the place where it is united with the Tigris. Travellers have gueifed from the great ruins they have difeovered in feveral parts of this country, that in
* See Tavernier in Harris’ Colle&ion, Vol. 2. Book 2. Chap. v.
+ See Salmon’s Modern Hiftory, Yol. 1. Prefent State of the Turkifh Eempire, Chap. xi.
THE PROPHECIES.
157
this or that place Babylon once ltood : but when we come to examine nicely the places they mention, we'only learn that they are certainly in the wrong, and havemiltaken the ruins of beleucia, or fome other great town.”
Mr * Hanway going to give an account of the fiege of Bagdat by Nadir Shall, prefaceth it in this manner. “ Before we enter upon any circumftance relating to the fiege of Bagdat, it may afford lome light to thefubjeCt, to give alhort account of this famous city, in the neighbourhood of which formerly ftood the metropolis of one of the molt ancient and tnoft potent monarchies in the world. The place is generally called Bagdat or Bagdad, though lome writers preferve the ancient name of Babylon. The realon of thus confounding thele two cities is, that the Tigris and Euphrates, forming pne common ftream before they difembogue into the Perfian gulf, are not unfrequently mentioned as one and the lame river.. It is certain that the prefent Bagdat is fituated on the Tigris, tout the ancient Babylon, according to all hiliorians facred and profane, was on the Euphrates. The ruins of the latter, which geographical writers place about fifteen leagues to the fouth of Bagdat, are now lb much efiaced, that there are hardly any velliges of them to point out the fitOation. In the time of the emperor Theodofius, there was only ^ great park remaining, in which the kings of Perfia bred wild beaits for the amufement of hunting.”
By thefe accounts we fee, how punctually time hath fulfilled the predictions of the prophets concerning Babylon. When it was converted into a chafe for wild beaits to feed and breed there, then were exactly accomplilhed the words pf the prophets, that * the wild beaits of the defert with the wild beaits of the illanfls fhould dwell there, and cry in their defolate houfes.’ One part of the country was overflowed By the river's having been turned out of its courfe and never reltored again to its former channel, and thence became boggy and marlhv, lo that it might literally be faid to be ‘ a polleflion for the bittern and pools of water.' Another part is delcribed as dry and naked, and barren of every thing, fo that thereby was alfo fullihed another prophecy, which ieem-ed in fome meafure to contradict the former. ‘ Her cities are a defolation, a dry iand,and a wildernels, a land wherein no man dwelleth, neither doth any fon of man pals thereby.’ The place theieabout is reprefen ted as over-run with lerpents., fcorpions, and all forts of venomous and unclean creatures,
See Hallway's Travels, Vol. IV. Part III. Chap. x. page 78.
158	DISSERTATION? QJf
fo that c their houfes are full of doleful creaturesy and dra-
fjons cry in their pleafant palaces; and Babylon is become leaps, a dwelling place for dragons, an aftoniftiment and ap hiding without an inhabitant/ For all thefe reafons ‘ neither can the Arabian pitch his tent there, neither can the (hepherds make their folds there/ And when we find that modem travellers cannot now certainly difcover the fpot of rground, whereon this renowned city once was fituated, we may very properly fay, * How is Babylon become a deflation among the; nations ? Eveiy purpofe of the Lord hath he
Serformed againlt Babylon, to make the land of Babylon a efolation without an inhabitant / and the expreflion is no lefs true than fublime, that ‘ the Lord of holts hath fwept ft with the befom of deftru6tion/
How wonderful are fuch predi6tions compared with the events, and what a convincing argument of the truth and divinity of the holy fcriptures! Well might God alledge this as a memorable inftance of his prefcience, and challenge all the falfe gods, and their votaries, to produce the like, Ij*. xlv. 21. xlvi. 10. ‘Who hath declared this from ancient time ? who hath told it from that time ? have not I the Lord ? and there is no God elfe befide me, a juft God and a Saviour, there is-none belide me; Declaring the end from the beginning, and from ancient times the. things that are not yet done, faying, My counfel lhall ftand, and I will do all my pleafture/ And indeed where can you find a limilar inftance but in fcripture, from the beginning of the world to this day.
At the lame time it muft afford all readers of an exalted tafte and generous fentiments, all the friends and lovers of liberty, a very fenfible pleafure to hear the prophets exulting over fuch tyrants and oppreffors as the kings of Alfyria. In the 14th chapter of Ilaiah there is an Epinikion, or a triumphant ode upon the fall of Babylon. It reprefents the infernal manfions as moved, and the ghofts ofdeceafed tyrants as riling to meet the king of Babylon, and congratulate his coming among them. It is really admirable for the fevereft itrokes of irony, as well as for the fublimeft ftrains of poetry. The’Greek poet * Alcaeus, who is celebrated for his hatred to tyrants, and whole odes were animated with the lpirit of
* And O Alcaeus,—thee founding thy no tea more fully with a golden bow, &c. See Horace, Ode 11.
Quintilian in his oratorial inftitutions, Book 1. Chap. I. faith, that Alcaeus in a part of the work is prefented with a golden bow, becaufe he employs it againft tyrants, &c.
TIIE PROPHECIES#
15$
liberty no lefs than with the fpirit of poetry, we may prefume to fay, never wrote any tiling comparable to it. The late worthy profeffor of poetry at Oxford hath eminently diftinguilhed it in his * le6tures upon the facred poely of the Hebrews, and hath given it the character that it juftly defences, of one of the moft fpirited, mod fublime, and moft perfedt compofitions of the lyric kind, fuperior to any of the productions of Greece or Rome 2 and he hath not only illustrated it with an uleful commentary, but hath alfo copied the beauties of the great original in an excellent Latin Alcaic ode, which if the learned reader hath not yet feen, he will be not a little pleafed with the perufal of it. Another excellent hand, Mr Malon, hath likewife imitated it in an Englifli ode, with which I hope he will f one time or other oblige the public.
But not only in this particular, but in the general the fcrip-tures, though often perverted to the purpofes of tyranny, are yet in their own nature calculated to promote the civil as well as the religious liberties of mankind. True religion, and virtue, and liberty are more nearly related, and more intimately connected with each other, than people commonly confider. It is very true, as St Paul faith, 2 Cor. iii. 17. that ‘ where the fpirit of the Lord is, there is liberty or as our Saviour himfelf exprdfeth it, John viii. 31, 32. 4 If ye continue in my word, then are ye my difciples indeed ; And ye lhall know the truth, and the truth lhall make ye free.’
* Lowth in his thirteenth Prele&ion, page 120, See. faith, throughout the whole, a free, fublime, and truly divine fpirit prevailed ; nor is there any thing wanting to add to the fublimity and perfect beauty of this Ode: to which if I fhould fpeak freely what I think, there is nothing that equals, or indeed that comes near to it, either in Greek or Roman poetry.' See alfo Prele&icn XXVIII. page 2772.
f Mr Mafon hath fmee publilhed this with fome other Odes ia 1756.
160
DISSERTATIONS 6Hf
XI.
The Prophecies concerning Tyre*
ANOTHER city that was an enemy to the Jews, and another memorable inflance of the truth of prophecy* is Tyre, whofe fall was predi6ted by the prophets, and particularly by Ifaiah and Ezekiel. But it hath been queftioned among learned men, which of the Tyres was the fubjed of thefe prophecies, whether Pahetyrus or old Tyre that wair feated on the continent, or new Tyre that was built in air ifland almoft over againft it. The truelt and bed anfvver I conceive to be, that the prophets appertain to both, Ionic expreflions being applicable only to the former, and others only to the latter. In one place, Ezek. xxvii. 3, it is defended as 4 fituate at the entry of the Tea :* in others, ver. 4. and Q5. as ‘ in the midlt of the Teas,’ or according to the original 4 in the heart of the feas.’ Sometimes, Ezek. xxvi. 7, &c. it is reprefented as befieged 4 with horfes and with chariots ;’ a forty a mount, and engines of war, are Jet againjtit: at other times, If. xxiii. 2, 4, 6. it is exprefsly called ani-JIand, and the fea, even the Jircngth of the Jea. Now it is laid, Ezek. xxvi. 10. 4 By reafon of the abundance of his horfes, their dull fhall cover thee, thy walls (hall (hake at the noife of the horfemen, and of the wheels, and of the chariots w hen he lhall enter into thy gates, as men enter into a city w herein is made a breach.’ Then it is laid, ver. 12. They lhall breakdown thy walls, and deilroy thy plealant houfes, and they (hall lay thy hones, and thy timber, and thy dult in the midlt of the water;’ and again, Ezek. xxviii. S.
4 They lhall bring thee down to the pit, and thou (halt die the deaths of them that are (lain in the midlt of the feas.’ The inlular Tyre therefore, asw'ell as the Tyre upon the continent, is included in thefe prophecies; they are both comprehended under the lame name, and both fpoken of as one and the fame city, part built on the continent, and part on an ifland adjoining. It is commonly laid indeed, that when old Tyre was cloiely befieged, and was near falling into the hands of die Chaldeans, then the Tyrians fled from thence, and built new lyre in the illaiid : but the learned * Vitridga hath proved at large from good authorities*
* See Vitringa/s Commentary on Ifa. xxiii. VoL I. pages 667*"
671.
Till: pttopHtciES;	161
that new Tyre was founded feveral ages before, arid was the llation for (hips, and confidered as part of old Tyre; and * Pliny fpeaking of the compafs of the city, reckons both the old and the new together.
Whenever the prophets denounce the downfal and deflation of a city or kingdom, they ufuahy afcribe by way of contrail its prelent flourishing condition, to lhow in a ftronger point of view how providence (hifteth and changeth the fcene, and ordereth and difpolerh all events. The prophets tfaiah and Ezekiel obferve the fame method with regard to Tyre. Ifaiah fpeaketh of it as a place of great antiquity, xxiii. 7.
‘ Is this your joyous city, whole antiquity is of ancient days?* And it is mentioned as a llrong place as early as in the days of Jofhua, Jolh. xix. 99. * the llrong city Tyre,’ for there is no reafon for fuppofing with t Sir John Marlliam, that the name is ufed here by way of prolepjis or anticipation. Nay there are even heathen authors, who (peak of the irifulaf Tyre, and yet extol, the great antiquity of the place. The J Greek geographer Strabo faith, that after Sidon the greateft and molt ancient city of the Phoenicians is Tyre, which is & rival to Sidon in greatnefs, and lulire, and antiquity. The § Roman hiltorian Quintus Curtius faith, that it is a city remarkable to polterity both for the antiquity of its origin, and for its frequent change of fortune. Herodotus || who was Jiimfelf at Tyre, and enquired into the antiquity of the temple of Hercules, was informed by the priefts, that the temple was built at the fame time as the city, and from the building of the city they counted two thoufand and three hundred years. The ironical exprelfion of the prophet, * In this your * * * §
* ‘ The circumference, including old Tyre, is nineteen miles/ See Pliny's Natural Hiftofy, Book V. Chap. xvii. in fiarduin'tf edition.
f Marfham, in his chronicle of the XI' Agfe, faith in page 290. * That name is given by way of anticipation/
% Next to Sidon, Tyre is the largeil and moft ancient city of the Phoenicians, and comparable to it in fi2e, beauty and antiquity/ See Strabo, Book XVI. page 756, in tlte Paris edition, and page 1Q07, in that of Amfterdam, printed in 1707.
§ 4 The ancient origin of this city, and the frequent changes of Its condition, have rendered it memorable to polterity/ See Quintus Curtius, Book IV. Chap. iv.
|| 4 For they faid, that along with the city, the foundation'of the temple of the God (Hercules) was laid; and that from the building of Tyre, they reckoned two thoufand and three hundred years/ See Herodotus, Book II. Chap. xliv. page 107, in Gale's edition.
Y.ul. I. No. 5.	X
I62f	Bl3SEfiTATI05S 05
joyous city, whofe antiquity is of ancient days?' implies that the Tyrians were apt to boaft of their antiquity: and by this account of Herodotus it appears that they did io, and much exceeded the truth : but there could have been no pretence for their boafting of thoulands of years, if the city had not been built (as ibme contend) till after the de-ftru<5tion of the old city by the Chaldeans, tliat is not 130 years before. Jofephus * afferts tliat from the building of Tyre to the building of Solomon’s temple were 240 years: but he is with reafon f fuppofed to fpeak of the infular Tyre; for the other part of the city on the continent was much older, was a Itrong place, as we have feen, in the days of Jo-fliua, and is mentioned in the fragments of J Sanchonuthon, flie Phoenician hilloriaii, who is § reckoned to have lived a-bout the time of Gideon, |[ or lbmewhat later.
But ancient as this city was, it was the daughter of Sidon, as it is called by the prophet Ilaiah, xxiii. 12. and, ver. 2.
4 the merchants of Sidon who pals over the fea, replenilhed it.’ Sidon was the eldeft foil of Canaan, Gen. x. 15. and the city of Sidon is mentioned by the patriarch Jacob, Gen. Xlix. 13. and in the days of Jofhua it is called great Sidon9 Jofh. xi* 8. and in the days of the Judges the inhabitants of Laifh are laid, Jud. xviii. 7. to have c dwelt carelefs and fecure after the manner of the Sidonians.’ We have leen already that Strabo affirms, that after Sidon Tyre was the greateft and molt ancient city of the Phoenicians; and he 1T afferts likewife, that the poets have celebrated Sidon more, and Homer hath not fo much as mentioned Tyre, though he commends Sidon and the Sidonians in feveral places. It may be therefore with reafon inferred, that Sidon was the * * * §
* 1 From the building of Tyre, to the raifing of Solomon’s tern* pie, there were two hundred and forty years.’ See Jofephus’ Antiquities* Book VIII. Chap* iii. Se&. 1. page 34-1, in Hudfon’* edition.
f See Vitringa in the fame plape, page 669*
j See Eufebius’ Evangelical Preparation, Book I. Chap. x. page 35, in Vigerus’ edition*
§ 1 Therefore he is properly thrown back to the time of Gideon/ See Bochart’s Canaan, Book II. Chap. xvii. Col. 776.
|| See Stillingfleet’s book, entituled Origines Sacra, Book I* Chap. ii.
^ ‘ Indeed the poets employ themfelves more in celebrating the praife of Sidon. Homer is filent with refpedt to Tyre.’ See Stra* bo in the place above quoted, page 1097-
T1IE PROPHECIES.
more ancient: and * Juftin, the epitomizer of Trogus, hath exprefsly informed us, that the Sidonians being befieged by the king of Afcalon, went in flrips and built Tyre. But though Tyre was the daughter of Sidon, yet the daughter foon equalled, and in time excelled the mother, and became the molt'celebrated place in the world for its trade and navigation, the feat of commerce and the centre of riches, and is therefore called by Ifaiah, xxiii. 3, 8. ‘ a mart of nations, the crowning city, whofe merchants are princes, whole traffickers are the honourable men of the earth: ’ and Ezekiel, as it were commenting upon thofe words of Ifaiah, a mart of nations, Chap, xxviii. recounts the various nations, whole commodities were brought to Tyre, and were bought and fold by the Tyrians.
It was in this wealthy and flourilhing condition, when the prophets foretold its deltru&ion, Ifaiah 125 years at lealt before it was deltroyed by Nebuchadnezzar. An extenlive and beneficial trade foon produces luxury and pride. So it fared with the Tyrians; and for tliefe and their other vices, as well as for their intuits and injuries done to the Jews, the
ahets prophefied againtt them. Ifaiah mentions their j as the great occalion of their fall, xxiii. 9. * The Lord of holt hath purpofed it, to ltain the pride of all glory, and to bring into contempt all the honourable of the earth.* Edekiet, xxvii. 3, &c. deferibes at large their luxury even in their (hipping. Cleopatra’s failing down the river Cydnos to meet her gallant, Antony, was not with greater finery and magnificence; nor have f the hiltorians and poets painted the one in more lively colours, then the prophet hath ihe other. He cenfures likewife the pride of the king of Tyre in arrogating to himlelf divine honours xxviii. 2, &c. 4 Son of man, lay unto the prince of Tyrus, Thus faith the Lord God, Becaufe thine heart is lifted up, and thou halt faid, I am a God, l lit in the leat of God, in the midft of the leas; yet thou art a man, and not God, though thou fet thine heart as the heart of GodWith thy wifdom and with thine underftanding thou had gotten thee riches, and hall gotten gold and filver into thy trealures: By thy great wildoin and by thy traffie haft thou increafed thy riches, and
* i Many years afterwards, the inhabitants of Sidon being driver} from their city, by the king of Afcalon, and conveyed by their fhips, went and built Tyre.* See Juftin, Book XVIII. Chap. i. Se6t. 5* page 362, in Graevius’ edition.
f See Plutarch’s life of Antony, page 913, Vol. in the Paris edi* U9ii of 1624, Set alio Shakefpear and Dry den.
*2
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thine heart is lifted up becaufe of thy riches; Therefore thn* lit 1th the Lod God, Becaufe thou haft fet thine heart as the heart of God ; Behold therefore, I will bring ftrangers upon thee, the terrible of the nations; and they lhali draw tneir , fwords againft the beauty of thy wifdom, and tjiey fhall defile they brightnefs: They lhali bring thee down to the pit, and thou (halt die the deaths of them that are flain in tfhe midft of the fleas.* The prophets Joel and Amos had before denounced the divine judgments upon the Tyrians for their wickednefs in general, and in particular for their cruelty to the children ot Ifrael, and for buying and felling them like cattle in the markets. Thus faith the Lord by the prophet Joel, iii. 5, &c. ‘ Becaufe ye have taken my filver and my gold, and have carried into your temples my goodly pleafant thing: The children alfo of Judah, and the children pf Jerufalem have ye fold unto the Grecians, that ye might remove them far from tjieir border: Behold, I will raife them put of the place wuither ye have fold them, and will return your recompence upon your own head.* Amo$f fpeaketh to the fame purpofe, i. 9. * Thus faith the Lord, For three tranigrelfions of Tyrus, and for four I will not turn away the pun i foment thereof; becaufe they delivered up the whole captivity to Edom, and remembered not the brotherly covenant,* that is the league and alliance between Hiram king of Tyre on one part, and David and Solomon on the other. The Plalmift reckons them among the molt inveterate and implacable enemies of the Jewifh name and nation, Plal. lxxxiii 6, 7. ‘ The tabernacles of Edom, and the Ifomael-ites, of Moab, and the Hagarenes, Gebal, and Ammon, and Amafok, the Philiftines with the inhabitants of Tyre.* Ezekiel alfo begins his prophecy againft them with a declaration, that is was occafioned by their irifulting over the Jews upon the liking of Jerufalem by Nebuchadnezzer, xxvi. 2, 3. * Son of man, Becaufe that Tyrus hath faid againft Jerufalem, Aha, fhe is broken that was the Gates of the* people; foe is turned unto me, I lhali be replenifoed, now ihe is laid wade: Therefore thus faith the Lord God, Behold, I am againft thee, O Tyrus, and will caufe many nations to come up againft thee, as thefea cauleth his waves to come up.’
Thefe were the qccafions of the prophecies againft Tyre: and by carefully confidering and comparing the prophecies together, we fhall find the following particulars included in them ; that the city was to be taken and deitroyed by the Chaldeans, who were at the time of the delivery of the
1S&
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•copljccy incoafiderable people, and particularly by Nebuchadnezzar king of Babylon; that the inhabitants fliould fly over the Mediterranean into the iflands and countries adjoining, and even there fliould not find a quiet (ettle-raent; that the city would be reftored after 70 years, and ^ return to her gain and merchandife ? that it lhquld be taken and deftroyed again; that the people fliould in time foriake their idolatry, and become converts to the true religion and worfhip of God; and finally that the city fliould be totally deftroyed, and become a place only for Albers to fpread their nets upon. We (hall find thefe particulars tu be not only diltinctly foretold, but likewife exactly fulfilled.
I.	The city was to be taken and deftroyed by the Chaldeans, who were at the time of the delivery of the prophecy an inconfiderable people. This, we think, is fudiciently implied in thefe words of the prophet Ilaiah, xxiii. 13.
* Behold, the land of the Chaldeans; this people was not till the A flyrian founded it for them that dwell in the wilder-nefs, they fet up the towers thereof, they raifed up the palaces thereof; and he brought it to ruin/ Behold, an exclamation that he is is going to utter fomething new and extraordinary; ‘ the land of the Chaldeans,’ that is Babylon and the country about Babylon; ‘ this people was not*,’ was of no note or eminence, ‘ till the Aliyrian founded it for them that dwell in the wildernefs,’ they dwelt before in tents, and led a wandering life in the wildernefs, till the Aflyrians built Babylon for their reception. Babel or Babylon was lirft built by the children of men after the flood. After the dilperfion of mankind,. Nimrod made it the capital qf his kingdom. With Nimrod it funk again, till the Aflyrians rebuilt it for the purpofes here mentioned ; 4 they fet up the towers thereof, they raifed up the palaces thereof,’ and Herodotus, Ctefias, and other ancient, hiftorians agree that the kings qf Alfyria fortified and beautified Babylon ; and he,’ that is, this people mentioned before, the Chaldeans or Babylonians, * brought it to ruin,’ that is, Tyre, which is the lubjedt of the whole prophecy. The Aflyrians were at that time the great monarchs of the ealt; the Chaldeans were their flayes and fubje6ts; and therefore it is the more extraordinary, that the prophet lhould fo many years beforehand forefee the fucceffesand conquefts of the Chaldeans.
Ezekiel lived nearer the time, and he declares exprelsly that the city fliould be taken and dettroyed by Nebuchadnezzar king of Babylon.; xxvi. 7—11. ‘ Thus faith the Lord God, Behold, I will bring upon Tyrus, Nebuchadnezzar
DWSEltTAtlONS W
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king of Babylon, a king of kings from the north, with horfes/ and with chariots, and with horfemen, and companies, and much people ;—he (hall (lay thy people by the (word, and and thy ftrong garrifons (hall go down to the ground.’ Sal-(rnaneier king of Atfyria* had befieged Tyre but without luccefs; the Tyrians had with a few (hips beaten his large fleet; but yet Nebuchadnezzar (hould prevail. Ezekiel not cnjdy foretold the fiege, but mentions it afterwards as a paft tranfa&ion, xxix. 18. 4 Son of man, Nebuchadnezzar king of Babylon caufed his army to ferve a great (ervice agaiqlt Tyrus; every head was made bald, and every (houlder was peeled.’
Menander the Ephefian tranllated the Phoenician annals into Greek * and f Jofephus allerts upon their authority/ that Nebuchadnezzar befieged Tyre 13 years when Ithobal was king there, and began the liege in the feventh year of of Ithobal*s reign, and that he fubdued Syria and all Phoenicia. The lame J hiltorion likewife oblerves, that Philoftra-tus in his Indian and Phoenician hiftories affirms that this king (Nebuchadnezzar) befieged Tyre thirteen years, Ithobal reigning at that time in Tyre. The fiege continuing lb long, the fold iers mult needs endure many hard (hips, fothat hereby we better underhand the jqftnefs of Ezekiel’s expref-fion, that * Nubuchadnczzar caufed his army to ierve a great fervice againft Tyrus; every head was made bald, and every lhoulder was peeled fuch light doth profane hiftory upon (acred. It farther appears from the Phoenician annals quoted by the lame § hi(torian, that the Tyrians received their kings afterwards from Babylon, which plainly evinces that lome of the blood royal mull have been carried captives thither. The Phoenician annals too, as Dr || Prideaux hath clearly (hown, agree exactly with Ezekiel’s account of
* See Menander’s Annals in Jofephus’ Antiquities, Book IX* Chap. xiv. Sed. 2. page 428, in Hudfon’s edition.
f See Jofephus againft Apion, Book I. Sed. 20 and 21, in liudfon’s edition.
f Philoftratus both in the hiftories of India and Phoenicia aflerts,
* that this king (Nebuchadnezzar), befieged Tyre for the fpace of' thirteen years, at the time that Ithobalus was its fovereign.’ See Antiquities, Book X. Chap. xL SeCfc. J. page 460 in Hudfon’s e*. dition.	•
$ -See Jofephus againft Apion, Book I. Sed. 21. page 1344, in Hudfon’s edition.
|| See Prideaux’ Connections/Part I. Book II* year 573, and 32 of Nebuchadnezzar*	*
TffB PROPHECIES,
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the time and year tvherein the city was taken. N Tyre therefore according to the prophecies was fubdued and taken by Nebuchadnezzar and the Chaldeans: and after this we hear little more of that part of the city which ftood upon the continent. It is fome fatisfa&ion that we are able to product fuch authorities as we have produced, out of heathen hiftou rians for traniactions olTuch remote antiquity.
II.	Tire Inhabitants lhould pals over the Mediterranean into the illands and countries adjoining, and even there lhould find no quiet lettlement. This is plainly fignified by Ifaiab, xxiii. t>. * Pafs ye over to Tarfhifh,’ that is to Tartelfus in Spain, * howl ye inhabitants of the ifleand again, ver. 12.
•	Arife, pals over to Chittim/ that is the illands and countries bordering upon the Mediterranean; ‘ there alfo lhalt thou have no reft.’ What the prophet delivers by way of advice, is to be underftood as a prediction. Ezekiel intimates the fame thing, xxvi. IS. ‘ The ifles that are in the fea (hall be troubled at thy departure.’ It is well known that the Phoenicians were the belt navigators of antiquity, and fent forth colonies into feveral parts of the world. A. great fcholar of the laft century hath written a whole * treatile of the colonies of the Phoenicians, a work (as indeed all Ins are) of immenfe learning and erudition. And of all the Phoenicians the Tyrians were the molt celebrated for their dripping and colonies. Tyre exceeded Sidon in this refpeft, as f Strabo teftifies, and fent forth colonies into A frica and Spain unto and beyond the pillars of Hercules: and J Quintus Cur-tius faith, that her colonies were ditfufed almoft over the whole world. The Tyrians therefore haying planted colonies at Tarlhilh and upon the coafts of Chittim, it was natural for them, when they were prelfed with dangers and difficulties at home, to fly to their friends and countrymen a-broad for refuge and protection. That they really did fo, St Jerome alferts upon the authority of Allyrian hiftories,
which are now loft and perilhed. ‘ We have read, § faith
*
* See Bochart's Canaan.
•j* ‘ But the Colonies fent into Africa and Spain, to and beyond the pillars of Hercules, celebrated Tyre much in their fongs.’ See Straf>o, Book XVI. page 1097.
J ‘ Surely its colonies were fpread almoft over the whole world.' See Quintus Curtius, Book IV. Chap. iv.
$ ‘We have read in the Aflyrian hiftories, that when the Tyrians being befieged, perceived that no hope of efcaping was left, went «n board their (hips and fled to Carthage, or to the illands of the
168
DISSERTATION! 0*
lie, in the hiftories of die Aflyrians, that when the Tyriat* Were befieged, after they faw no hope of efcaping, they went on board their (hips, and fled to Carthage, or to 1‘ome iflands of the Ionian and iBgean feu/ And in another place he * faith, that when the Tyrians faw that the works for carrying on the fiege were perfected, and the foundations of the v walls were (haken by the battering of the rams, whatlbevcr precious things in gold, filver, clothes, and various kinds of furniture the nobility had, they put them on board their (hips, and carried to the iflands; fo that the city being taken, Nebuchadnezzar found nothing worthy of his labour.* It muft have been grievous to Nebuchadnezzar, after fo long and laborious a fiege, to be difappointed of the fpoil of lb rich a city; and therefore Ezekiel was couimiflioned fo promife him the conqueft of Egypt for his reward; xxix. 18, 19.
4 Son of man, Nebuchadnezzar king of Babylon cauled his army to fervc a great fervice againft Tyrus: every head was made bald, and every (boulder was peeled : yet had he no wages, nor his army for Tyrus, for the fervice that he had ferved agaihll it. Therefore thus faith the Lord God, Behold I will give the land of Egypt unto Nebuchadnezzar king of Babylon, and he (hall take her multitude, and take her fpoil, and take her prey, and it (hail be the wages for his army/
But though the Tyrians fhould pafs over to Tarfhifh and to Chittim, yet even there they fhould find no quiet fettle-ment, * there alio (halt thou have no relt/ Magafthenes, t w ho lived about 300 years before Chrilt, and was employed By Seleucus Nicator in an embally to the king of India, wrote afterwards a hiftory of India, wherein he mentioned Nebuchadnezzar with great honour. This hiltorian is quoted by
Ionian and Egean fea. See Jerome on Ifa. xxiii. 6. page 144, i* the Benedi&ine edition.
* ‘ Which (works for carrying, on the liege) when the Tyrians faw completed, and the foundations of their walls lhaken by the blows of the battering rams, whatever precious commodity in gold, or filver, in apparel or furnitnre, the Nobleffe were in pofTefiion of, they put it on board of fhipS and conveyed it to the iflands : fo that when the city was taken, Nebuchadnezzar found nothing in it to reward his toil.* See Jerome on Ezek. xxix. page 909.
f See Arrian’s expedition of Alexander, Book V. Chap. vi. page 203. See alfo his Indian hiftory, Chap. v. page 31S, in Gronovius* edition. See Vofiius> Greek Hiftorv, Book I. Chap. xi. See alfo Prideaux’ Connections, Part I. Book VIII. year 298, and 7th* •f Ptolemy So ter.
THE PROPHECIES.
169
feveral ancient authors, and he is cited particiilaHy by * Strabo, Joiephus, and Abydenus in Eufebius, for Hiving that Nebuchadnezzar furpaflfed Hercules in bravery and great exploits, that he fubdued great part of Africa and Spain * and proceeded as tar as to the pillars of Hercules. After Nebu, chadnezzar had fubdued Tyre and Egypt, we may fuppof* that he carried his arms farther weftward: and if he proceeded fo tar as Megafthenes reports, the Tyrians might well be laid to have no reft, their conqueror purfiling them from one country to another. But befides this and after this, the Carthaginians and other colonies of the Tyrians lived in a very unjettled ftate. Their hillory is made up of little but wars and tumults, even before their three fetal wars with the Romans, in every one of which their affairs grew worfe and worle. Sicily and Spain, Europe and Africa, the land and their own element the fea, were theatres of their calamities and mileries; till at laft not only the new, but old Carthage too was utterly deltroyed. As the Carthaginians fprung from the Tyrians, and the Tyrians from the Sidonians, and Sidon was the firlt-born of Canaan, Gen. x. 1,5. : lo the curie upon Canaan ieemeth to have puriued them to the moil diftant parts of the earth,
III.	The city ihould be reitored after 70 years, and return to her gain and her merchandife. This circumttance i* exprefsly foretold by Ifaiah, xxiii. 15,10, 17- ‘ And it fliall come to pafs in that day, that Tyre fliall be forgotten feventy years, according to the days of one king,’ or kingdom * meaning the Babylonian which was to continue 70 years: * after the end of feventy years fliall Tyre fing as an harlot. Take an harp, go about the city, thou harlot that haft been forgotten, make fweet melody, fing many fongs, that thou may it be remembered. And it fliall come to pafs after the end of feventy years, that the Lord will vifit Tyre, and flie fliall turn to her hire, and fliall commit fornication with all the kingdoms of the world upon the face of the earth.’ Tyre reprefented as a harlot, and from thence thefe figures are borrowed, the plain meaning of which is, that flie ihould lie neglected of traders and merchants for 70 * years* as long as
* See Strabo, Book XV. page 687, in the Pans edition, and page 1007, in that of Amfterd&m, printed in 1707. See Jofephtfs* Antiquities, Book X. Chap. xi. Se&. 1. page 460. See him again It Apion, Book I. Se6t. 20. page 1343, in Hudfon’s edition. See alfo Eufebius’ Evangelical Preparation, Book IX. Chap. xvi. page 45t>, in Vigerus’ edition.
Vol. 1. No< 5.
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the Babylonian empire lafted, and after that fhe Ihould reco* ter her liberties and her trade, and draw in feveral of all nations to deal with her, and particularly the kings of the earth to buy her purples, which were worn chiefly by emperors and kings, and for which Tyre was famous above all places in the world.
Seventy years was the time prefixed for the duration of the Babylonian empire. So long the nations were to groan under that tyrannical yoke, though thefe nations were fub-dued fome fooner, fome later than others,Jer. xxv. 11, 12.
*	Thefe nations fliall ferve the king of Babylon feventy years: And it fliall come to pafs when feventy years are accom-plifhed, that I will punilh the king of Babylon, and that nation, faith the Lord, for their iniquity, and the land of the Chaldeans, and will make it perpetual defolations.’ And accordingly at the end of feventy years Cyrus and the Perfians fubverted the Babylonian empire, and reltored the conquered nations to their liberties.
But we may compute thefe 70 years after another manner,
*	Tyre was taken by Nebuchadnezzar in the 32d year of his reign, and in the year 573 before Chrift. Seventy years from thence will bring us down to the year 503 before Chrift, and the 19th of Darius Hyftafpis. At that time it appears from f hiftory that the Ioniafts had rebelled againft Darius, and the Phoenicians aflifted him with their fleets: and confequent-ly it is reafonable to conclude that they were now reftored to their former privileges. In the fucceeding reign we find J that they together with the Sidonians furnifhed Xerxes with feveral (hips for his expedition into Greece. And by the time of A lexander, the Tyrians were grown to fuch power and greatnefs, that they (topped the progrefs of that rapid conqueror longer than any part of the Perfian empire befides. But all this is to be underttood of the infular Tyre; for as the old city flourilhed moil before the time of Nebuchadnezzar, fo the new city flourilhed moft afterwards, and this is the Tyre that henceforth is fo much celebrated in hiftory.
IV.	The city Ihould be taken and deftroyed again. For when it is laid by the prophets, If. xxiii. 6. * Howl ye in-
* See Prideaux’ Connexions, Part I. Book II. and Book IV.
+ See Herodotus, Book V. Chap, cviii, &c. page 330.
I See Herodotus, Book VII. Chap, lxxxix, &c. page 412, in Gale’s edition. See Diodorus Siculus, Book XL page 244, in Stephanas’ edition, and page 3, Vol. 2. in that of Rhodomanus.
THE PROPHECIES.
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habitants of the ifle Ezek. xxvii. 39. ‘ What city is like Tyrus, like the deltroyed in the midttof the lea?* xxviiL 8. ‘ They (hall bring thee down to the pit, and thou (halt die the deaths of them that are (lain in the midlt of the fea / thefe expreflions can imply no lefs than that the infular Tyre (hould be deftroyed as well as that upon the continent; and as the one was accoiitpli(hed by Nebuchadnezzar, fo was the other by Alexander tne great. But the fame thing may be inferred more dire&ly from the words of Zechariah, who prophefied in the reign of Darius, Zcch. i. 1. vii. 1. probably Darius Hyftafpis, many years after the former deftruc-tion of the city, and confequently he muft be underftood to (peak of this latter. His words are thefe, ix. 3, 4. ‘ And Tyrus did build herfelf a ftrong hold, and heaped up filver as the dull, and fine geld as the mire of the ftreets. Behold the Lord will call her out, and he will finite her power in the fea, and (he (hall be devoured with fire/ It is very true that Tyrus did build her a ftrong hold; for her (ituation wa$ very ftrong in an ifland, and belides the fea to defend her (he was * fortified with a wall of 150 feet in heighth, and of a proportionable thicknefs. ‘ She heaped up filver as the dull, and fine gold as the mire of the ftreets,’ being the mod celebrated place in the world for trade and riches, * the mart of, nations,’ as (he is called, conveying the commodities of the eaft to the weft, and of the weft to the eaft. But yet * Behold the Lord will eaft her out, and he will finite her power in the fea, and (he ihall be devoured with fire/ Ezekiel had iikewife foretold that the city (hould be eonfumed with (ire, xxviii. 18. * I will bring forth a fire from the midlt of thee, it (hall devour thee, and I will bring thee to allies upon the earth, in the fight of all them tliat behold thee/ And accordingly Alexander befieged, and took, and t fet the city on fire. The ruins of old Tyre contributed much to the taking of the new city: for £ with the (tones and timber and rubbilh of the old city Alexander built a bank or caufey from die continent to the ifland, thereby literally fulfilling the
* See Arrian's expedition of Alexander, Book II. Chap. xxi. page 96, in Gronovius’ edition. ‘ The height was an hundred and fifty feet, and of a correfponding thicknefs.
f See Quintus Curtius, Book IV. Chap. iv. 4 And he orders fire to be thrown into the houfes/
J See Quintus Curtius, Book IV. Chap. ii. See Diodorus Siculus, Book XVII. page 583, in Stephanas' edition, and 519* VqL 2. in that of Rhodomanus*
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words of th<* prophet Ezekiel, xxvi. 19., ‘ They fliall lay thy ftones, and tny timber, and thy dull in the midft of the water.’ He was feven months in completing this work, but the time and labour were well employed, for by means hereof lie was enabled to dorm and take the city.
As in the former fiege the inhabitants according to the prophecies fled over the Mediterranean to the iflands and countries adjoining; fo they did like wife in this latter fiege; for * Dipdorus Siculus and Quintus Curtius both teftify that they fent their- wives and children to Carthage; and upon the taking of the place the f Sidonians fecretly conveyed away fifteen thoufand more in their fhips. Happy were they who thus efcaped, for of thole who remained behind, the £ conqueror flew eight thoufand in the ftorming and taking of the city, he cauled two thoufand afterwards cruelly to be crucified, and thirty thoufand he fold for (laves. They had before fold fome of the captive Jews, and now it was returned upon them according to the prediction of Joel, iii. (j. 7, 8. 4 The children alfo of Judah, and the children of Jerufalem have ye fold ; Behold I will return your recompence upon your own head, and will fell your fons and your daughters.’ This is the main of the prophecy, that as they had Ibid the captive Jews, fo they fhould be fold themfelves: and having ieen this io pun&u^lly fulfilled, we may more eafily believe that the other parts were lb too, though at this diltance of time, and in this fcarcity of ancient hiftorians, we are not able to prove all the particulars. When the city was taken before, the Tyrians received their kings afterwards from Babylon ; arid now their § king held his crown by Alexander’s appointment. The cafes are parallel in many ref pedis: but the city recovered much fooner from the calamities of this fiege than from the fatal confequences of the former. For * * * §
* * They determined to fend their children and wives and aged people to Carthage.—They prevented a part of their children and wives from falling into the hands of the enemy, by fending them away fecretly to the Carthaginians/ See Diodorus Siculus, Book XVII—* They delivered their wives and children to be conveyed to Carthage/ See Quintus Curtius, Book IV. Chap. iii.
•f See Quintus Curtius, Book IV. Chap. iv.
% See Arrian, Book II. Chap. xxiv. page 100, in QronoviusT edition. See the fame place of Quintus Curtius.
§ See Diodorus Siculus, Book XVII. page 587, in Stephanusf edition, and page 524. Vol. II, in the edition of Rhodomanus*,
17$
¥HE PROPHECIES.-
in * nineteen years time it was able to withfiand the fleets and armies of Antigonus, and luftained a fiege of fifteen months before it was tak^n : a plain proof, as Dr Prideaux obierves, of “ the great advantage of trade. For this city being the grand mart, where molt of the trade both of the call and weft did then centre, by virtue hereof it was, that it lb loon revived to its priftine vigour.”
V.	It is ufual with God to temper his judgments with mercy: and amidft thefe calamities it is alfo foretold, that there ftiould come a time, when the Tyrians would forlake their idolatry, and become converts to the true religion and worftiip of God. The Pfalmift is thought to have hinted as much, in laying, xlv. 12. ‘ The daughter of Tyre (hall be there with a gift,’ and again, lxxii. 10. ‘ The kings of Tar-fhilh and of the ides (hall bring prefents.’ Zechariah, when he foretels the calamities which the Tyrians and neighbouring nations fliould fuller from Alexander, ix. 1—7. at the fame time predicts their converfion to the true God ; * but he that remaineth, even he (hall be for our God.’ But nothing can be plainer than Ifaiah’s declaration that they Ihould confecrate the gains of their merchandife for the maintenance of thofe who minifter to the Lord in holy things, xxxiii. 18. * And her merchandife and her hire (hall be ho-linefs to the Lord: it (hall not be trealured, nor laid up: for her merchandife (hall be for them that dwell before the Lord, to eat fufticiently, and for durable clothing.’ Here particularly we mult be much obliged to the learned f Vi-tringa, who hath fully (hown the completion of this article; as indeed every one who would rightly underftaud the prophet Ilaiah, mult be greatly ohliged to that able commentator, and will receive more light anc| affiftance from him than from all befides him.
The Tyrians were much addicted to the worftiip of Hercules as he was called by the Greeks, or of Baal as he is denominated in (cripture. But in procefs of time, by the means of fome Jews and prolelytes living and converting
* He appointed one named Byllonymus, king of the city of the Tyrians.*
* See Diodorus Siculus, Book XIX. page 704, in Stephanus* e-dition, and page 703. Vol. II, in that of Rhodomanus. See Pri# deaux* Connections, Part I. Book VIII, year 313 and 4, of Alexander.
f See Vitringa’s Commentary on Ifa. xxiii. Vol. I. page 740.
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DISSERTATIONS ON
among them, fome of them alio became profelytes to the Jewim religion ; lb that 4 a great multitude of people from the fea coaft. of Tyre and Sidon cpme to hear’ our Saviour, Luke vi. 17. 4 and to be healed of their difeafesand our Saviour, who was 4 fent only to the loft Iheep of the houle of Ilfael,’ yet came 4 into the coafts of Tyre and Sidon Matt. xv. 51, &c. Mark vii. 54, &c. and the firlt fruits of the gofpel there was a Tyrian woman, 4 a woman of Canaan,’ as (he is called, a 4 Syrophoenician by nation.’ When St Paul in his way to Jerufalem came to Tyre, he found dil* ciples there, who were infpired by the Holy Ghoft and pro* jphefied, A&s xxi. 4. and with them he 4 tarried feven days.’ The Tyrians were 1‘uch fincere converts to chriftianity, that in the time of Diocletian’s perfecution they exhibited feveral glorious examples of conieilbrs and martyrs, * Eulebius himfelf faw, and hath amply teftified in his book of the mar* tyrs of Paleltine. Afterwards when the ftorm of perfecution was blown over, the Tyrians under their bilhop Paulinus built an oratory or rather a temple for the public worlhip of God, the molt magnificent and fumptuous in all Paleltine and Phoenicia, which temple f Eulebius hath delcribed, and celebrated in a handfome panegyric, whereof he hathinlerted a copy in his hiftory, but modeftly concealed the name of the author. Eulebius therefore commenting upon this j>al-fage of Ilaiah, might very well + fay that 4 it is fulfilled in our time. For lince a church of God hath been founded in Tj're as well as in other nations, many of its goods gotten by merchandiie are confecrated to the Lord, being offered to his church;’ as he afterwards explains himfelf, 44 for the ufe of the minifters of the altar or gofpel, according to the inllitution of our Lord that they who wait at the altar Ihould live of the altar.” In like manner § St Jerome: 44 We * * * §
* See Eufebius* Ecclefiaftical Hiftory, Book VIII. Chap vii. See the Palelline Martyrs, Chap, y, and vii.
f See Eufebiua* Ecclefiaftical Hiftory, Book X. Chap. iv.
J ‘ Which we fee accomplifhed in our time. For fince a church of God hath been eftabiiftied in the city of Tyre, in like manner as in ether nations, much of its wealth procured by merchandife, offered to its church, is confecrated to the Lord. This he foon afterwards explains by faying, that it is applied to the ufe of the minifters of the altar, or of the gofpel, according to the Lord’s appointment, that they who ferve at the altar, Ihould live by it.*
§ We may behold in Tyre, churches built to the honour of Chrift, and may fee that the wealth of all its inhabitants is not hoarded or treafured up, but given to them who dwell before the Lord.——For
THE PROPHECIES*
175
may behold churches in Tyre built to Chrift; we may fee their riches that they are not laid up, nor treafured, but ffiven to thole who dwell before the Lord. For the Lord hath appointed, that they who preach the gofpel (hould live of the gofpel.’ And how liberally and munificently the biihops and clergy were at that time maintained, how pleiw tifuily they were furnifhed with every tiling, * to eat fuflici-ently, and for durable cloathing,’ no man can want to be informed, who is ever fo little converlant in ecclefialtical history. To thefe proofs we will only add, that as Tyre con* fecrated its merchandife and hire unto the Lord, fo it had the * honour of being erefted into an archbifliopric, and the firft archbifliopric under the patriarchate of Jerufalem, having fourteen bifliops under its primacy ; and in this ftate it con* tinued feveral years.
VI.	But after all the city (hould be totally deftroved, and become a place oply for filhers to lpread their nets upon. When the prophets denounced the dellru6tion of a city or country, it was not intended that iucH denounciation lhould take etfe& immediately. The lentence of condemnation (as I may fay) was then palled upon it, but the execution might be refpited for fome time. When it was threatened that Babylon lhould become a defolation without an inhabitant, there were yet many ages before it was reduced to that condition ; it decayed by degrees, till at lalt it came to nothing; and now the place is fo little known that you may look for Babylon in the midft of Babylon. In like manner Tyre was not to be ruined and defolated all at once. Other things were to, happen firft. It. was to be reftored after 70 years ; it was to be deftroyed and reftored again in order to its being adopted into the church. Thefe events were to take place, before Ezekiel’s prophecies could be fully accomplilhed :
xxvi.	3, 4, 5. ‘ Thus faith the Lord God, Behola, I am againft thee, O Tyrus, and will caufe many nations to come up againft thee, as the fea cauleth his waves to come up : And they (hall deltroy the walls of Tyrus, and break down her towers ; I will alfo fcrape her dull from her, and make her like the top of a rock: 11 lhall be a place for the fpreading of nets in the midft of the fea: for I have fpoken it, faith the
fo hath the Lord appointed, that they who preach the gofpel, lhould live by the gofpel. See Jerome on Ifa. xxiii. page. 146. Vol. Ill, in the Benedi&ine edition.
* See Sandy’s Travels, Book III. page 168, fixth edition, printed ia 1670. See Hoffman's Lexicon,
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DISSERTATIONS ON
Lord God.’ He repeats it to fhow the certainty of it, ver* 14. 4 I will make thee like the top of a rock; thou fhalt be a place to fpread nets upon ; thou fhalt be built no more; for I tlie Lord have fpoken it, faith the Lord God:’ and again, ver. 21. 4 I will make thee a terror, and thou fhalt be no more ; .though thou be lought for, yet fhalt thou never be found again, faith the Lord God.*
Thefe prophecies, like molt others, were to receive their completion by degrees. Nebuchadnezzar, as we have feen, deftroyed the old city ; and Alexander employed the ruins and rubbifhin making his caufey from the continent to the ifland, which henceforwards were joined together. 44 It is no wonder therefore,** as Bifhop * Pococke oblerves, 44 that there are no figns of the ancient city; and as it is a fandy fhore, the face of every thing is altered, and the great aque-du6t in many parts is almoft buried in the $tnd.’* So that as to this part of the city, the prophecy hath literally been fulfilled 4 Thou fhalt be built no more; though thou be lought for, yet fhalt thou never be found again.’ It may be queitioned whether the new city ever after that arofe to that heighth of power, wealth, and greatnefs, to which it was elevated in the times of Ifaiahand Ezekiel. It received a great blow from Alexander, not only by his taking and burning the city, but much more by his building of Alexandria in E-gypt, which in time deprived it of much of its trade, and thereby contributed more effectually to its ruin. It had the misfortune afterwards of changing its matters often, being fbinetimes in the hands of the Ptolemies kings of Egypt, and lotnetimes of the Selucidae kings of Syria, till at length it fell under the dominion of the Romans. It was taken by the t Saracens about the year of Chrilt 639 in the reign of Omar their third emperor. It was retaken by the t Chrif-tians during the time of the holy war in the year 1124, Baldwin the lecond of that name being then king of Jerula-lem, and aflifted by a fleet of the Venetians. From the Chriftians it was § taken again in the year 1289 by the Ma-maiucs of Egypt, under their Sultan Alphix, who racked and
* See Pocock’s Defcription of the Eafl, Vol. II. Book I. Chap, xx. page 81, 82.
f See Ockley’s Hiftory of the Saracens, Vol I. page 340.
^ See Abul-Pharajius, Hiftory, Dynafty 9. page 250. See Pocock, and Savage’s Abridgment of Knolles and Rycaut, Vol. I. page 26.
$ See Savage’s Abridgment, Vol. I. page 95. and Pocock’s Def-criptiofi of the Ealt, Vol. II. Beck I. Chap, xx. pjige 83.
THE PROPHECIfifc.
177
faZed this and Sidon and other ftrong towns, that they might not ever again afford any harbour or ifhelter to the Chriltians. From the Mamalucs it was * again taken in the year 15 by Selim, the ninth emperor of the Turks ; and under thei> dominion it continues at prefent. But alas, how fallen, how changed from what it was formerly ! For from being the centre of trade, frequented by all the merchant fbips of the eaft and weft, it is now become a heap of mins, vifited . only by the boats of a few poor fifhermen. So that as to this part likewife of the city, the prophecy hath literally been fulfilled, ‘ I will make thee like the top of a rock; thou (halt be a place to fpread nets upon.’
The famous t Huetius knew one Hadrianus Tarvillerius, a Jefuit, a Very candid man and a matter of Arabic, who refided ten years in Syria ; and lie remembers to have heard him fometimes fey, that when he approached the ruins of Tyre, and beheld the rocks ftretched forth to the fea, and the great ftones fcattered up and down on the fhore, made clean and fmooth by the fun and waves and winds, and ufe-ful only for the drying of fifhermen’s nets, marly of which happened at that time to be fpread thereon, it brought to his memory this prophecy of Ezekiel concerning Tyre; xxvi. 5, 14. ‘ I will make thee like the top of a rock ; thou fhalt be a place to fpread nets upon; thou fhalt be built no more; for*I the Lord have fpoken it, faith the Lord God.’
Dr f Shaw in his account of Tyre thus expreffeth himfelf, “ I vifited feveral creeks and inlets in order to difcover what provifion there might have been formerly made for the Security of their vefi’els. Yet notwithftanding that Tyre was the
* See Savage’s Abridgments, Vol. I. page 241.
-f I remember to have been told by Hadrianus ParviHerius, a Jefuit, a man greatly diftinguifhed forhis candour* and forhisfirill in the Arabic language, and who ipent ten years of his time *n Syria, that long ago when he drew near to the fallvti down ruins of Tyre, he beheld at a diftknee, the rocks ftretching out towards the fea, and the ftones fcattered in different dire&ions upon the fhore, wafhed and fmoothed by* the fun, the waves and the wind, and only ufefiil for drying the fifhermen’s nets, which then happened to be fpread upon them, it brought to his recolle&ion thefe words of the prophet Ezekiel. * It fhall be a place for the fpreading of nets in the midft of the fea, for I have fpoken it faith the Lord God.—And I will make thee like the top ef a rock ; thou fhalt be a place to fpread nets upon : thou fhalt be built no more : for I the Lord have fpoken it, faith the Lord God.’ See Chap. xxv. 5, 14.
$ See Shaw’s Travels, page SSO.
Vol. I. No 5.	Z
17?
DISSERTATIONS ON
chief maritime power of this country, I could not obferv* the lead token of either cotkon or harbour that could have been of any extraordinory capacity. The coaiting (hips indeed, ftill find a tolerable good lhelter from the northern winds under the fouthern (bore, but were obliged immediately to retire, when the winds change to the weft or fouth ; fo that there muft have been fome better iiation than this for I their fecurity and reception. In the N. N. E. part likewife of the city, we fee the traces of a fafe and commodious baton, lying within the walls; but which at the fame time is very lmall, fcarce forty yards in diameter. Neither could it ever have enjoyed a large area, unlefs the buildings which now circumfcribe it, were encroachments upon its original dimenfions. Yet even this port, fmall as it is at preleDt^ is notwithftanding fo choakedup with land and rubbifh, that the boats of thole poor rilhermen, who no<| and then vilit this once renowned emporium, can with great difficulty only be admitted.”
But the fulled for our purpofe is Mr Maundrell, whom it is a pleafure to quote as well as to read, and whole journal ,of his journey from Aleppo to Jerufalem, though a little book, is yet worth a folio, being 1b accurately and ingeni-oufly written, that it might Ra ve as a model for all writers of travels. “ This city, * faith he, (landing in the lea upon a peninlula, promifes at a diltance lbmething very magnificent. . But when you come to it, you find no (imilitude of that glory, for which it was fo renowned in ancient times; and which the prophet Ezekiel deicribes Chap. 20', 27, 28. On the north fide it has an old Turkilh ungarrifoned cadle ; beficles which you lee nothing here, but a mere Babel of broken walls, pillars, vaults, &c. there being not lb much as one entire luvie left; its prelent inhabitants are only a few poor wretches harbouring themlelves in the vaults, and tub--filling chiefly upon killing, w1k> feem to be prel'eived in this place by divine providence, as a vifible argument, how God has fulfilled his word concerning Tyre, viz. that it Jhould be as the top of a rock, a place for fifliers to dry their nets on
Such hath been the fate of this city, once the moll famous in the wrorld for trade and commerce. But trade is a iludilating thing: it palled from Tyre to Alexandria, from Alex-' ander to Venice, from Venice fo Antwerp, from Antwerp to Amfterdam and London, the Englifh rivalling the Dutch,
* See Maundrell, page 48, 49. fifth edition.
tHE PROPHECIES.	179
sis the French are now rivalling both. All nations almolt are wifely applying themfelves to trade ; and it behoves thofe who are in pofleflion of it, to take the greateft care that they do not loie it. It is a plant of tender growth, and requires fun, and foil, and fine feafons, to make it thrive and flourilh. It will not grow like the palm-tree, which with tile mqre weight and prelfure rifes the more. Liberty is a friend to that, as - that is .a. friend to liberty.. But the greateft enemy to both is licentioufnels, which tramples' upon all law and lawful authority, encourages riots and tumults, promotes drunkennefs and debauphery, fticks at nothing to iup-ply its extravagance, praciifes every art of illicit gain, mins, credit, ruins trade, and will in the end ruin liberty itfelfo Neither kingdoms nor common-wealths, neither public companies nor private perfons, can long carry on a beneficial flouriihing trade without virtue, and wrhat virtue teacheth, iobriety, induftry, frugality, modefty, lionefty, punduality,, humanity, charity, the love of our country, ana the fear of God. The prophets will inform us how the Tyrians loll it; and the like caules will always produce the like effe&s. If. xxiii. 8, 9. ‘ Who hath taken this counfel againft Tyre, the crowning city, whofe merchants are j)rinces, whole traffickers are the honourable of the earth ? The Lord of holts b^th purpofed it, to Itain die pride of all glory, and to bring into contempt all the honourable of the earth.’ Ezek.
xxvii.	3, 4. ‘ Thus faith the Lord God, O Tyrus, thou hall faid, I am of perfeft beauty. Thy borders are in the midll of the leas, thy builders have perfected thy beauty.’ xxviii. 5, &c. .* By tby great wifdom, and by thy traffic haft thou increafod thy riches, and thy heart is lifted up becaule of thy riches. By the multitude of tby merchandifethey have tilled the mid ft of thee with violence, and thou bait finned; therefore will I caft thee as profane out of the mountain of God. Thine heart was lifted up becaiife of thy beauty, thou hall corrupted thy wifdom by reafon of thy brightnefs. Thou halt defiled thy fanctuaries by the multitude of thine iniquities, by tlie iniquity of thy traffic; therefore will I bring forth a fire from the midlt of thee, it /hall devour thee, and I will bring thee to afnes upon the earth, in the fight of all them that behold thee. All they that know thee among the people, lhall be altonilhed at thee; thou (halt be a terror, and never lhalt thou be any more.’
Z 2
DJ$SSETA.TIt)N3 ON
m
XII.
The prophecies concerning Egypt.
EGYPT is one of the firft and. mod famous countries that we read of in hiftpry. In the Hebrew fcriptures It is called Mizraim and the land of Ham, having been firft inhabited after the deluge by Noah’s youngefi fon Ham or Hammon, and by his fon Mizraim, The name of Egypt is of more uncertain derivation. It appears that the river was fb called in * Homer’s time ; and from thence, asllefychius imagines, the name might be derived to the country. Others more probably conceive that the meaning of the name t iEgyptius is aia Cuphti, the land of Cuphti, as it was for-jnerly called by the Egyptians themfelves and their neighbours the Arabians. AU agree in this, that the kingdom of Egypt was very ancient; but fome have carried this antiquity to an extravagant and fabulous height, their dynafties being utterly irreconcilable to realbn and history both, and no ways to be folved or credited but by fuppofing that they extend beyond the deluge, and that they contain the catalogues of leveral contemporary, as well as of fome fucceflive Icings and kingdoms. It is certain that in the days of Jo-feph, if not before thofe in the days of Abraham, it was a great and flouridling kingdom. There are monuments of its greatnefs yet remaining to the furprize and aftonifhment of all pofterity, of which as we know not the time of their erection, fo in all probability we flrall never know the time of their deflru&ion.
This country was alfo celebrated for its wifdom, no lefs than for its antiquity. It was, as I may call it, the great academy of the earlier ages. Hither the wits and luges of Greece and other countries repaired, and imbibed their
* 4 On the fifth day we came to the beautifully flowing Egypt, and I equiped in the river Egypt, veffels rowed on both Tides.’ See Homer’s Odyffey, Book XIV. Lines 257, 258.
The fifth fair mem we Item the Egyptian tide,
And tilting o’er the bay the veffels ride. See Pope’s Translation. Hcfychius faith, that Egypt is the river Nile, and hence the coun« try by later writers hath beep called Egypt.
t See Mede’s Works, Book I. Dii'cowfe 50, page 281. See alfo Hoffman’s Lexicon.
THE PROPHECIES.
1S1
learning at this fountain. It is mentioned to the commendation of Mofes, A6ts vii. 22. that he * was learned in all the wifdom of the Egygtians :’ and the higheft character given of Solomon’s wildom, 1 Kings iv. 30. is that it * excelled all the wifdom of the children of the eait country, and all the wifdom of Egypt.* But with this wifdom and this greatnefs, it was early corrupted; and was as much the parent of fuperftition, as it was the miltrels of learning ; and the one as well as the other were from thence propagated and diliufed over other countries. It was indeed the grand corrupter of the world, the fource of polytheifm and idolatry to feveral of the ealtern, and to molt of the more weftera nations ; and degenerated at laft to fuch monltrous and beafily worlhip, that we lhall fcarcely find a parallel in all hiftory.
However this was the country, where the children of lira-el were in a manner bom and bred; and it mult be laid they were much perverted by their education, and retained a fondnels for the idols of Egypt ever afterwards. Several of Mofes* laws and initiations were plainly calculated to wean them from, and to guard them againlt the manners and cul-toms of the Egvptians. But flill in their hearts and affections they were much inclined to return into Egypt. Even Solomon married his wife from thence. And upon all occafions they courted the friendlhip and alliance of Egypt rather than of any of the neighbouring powers. Which prejudice of theirs was the more extraordinary, as the Egyptians generally. treated them very injurioufly. They oppreiled them with molt cruel fervitude in Egypt. They gave them leave to depart, and then purfued them as fugitives. Shilhak king ©f Egypt, came up againlt Jerufalem, 1 Kings, xiv. 25, 2 and plundered it. And in all their leagues and alliances Egypt was to them as * a broken reed,’ If. xxxvi. G. * wdiereon if a man lean, it will go into his hand, and pierce it.* Upon all thele accounts we might reasonably expe6t (hat Egypt would be the fubject of leveral prophecies, and we (hall not be deceived, in our expe£lation.
It is remarkable, that the prophecies uttered againft any city or countty, often carry the infcription of the burden of that city or country. The prophecies againlt Nineveh, Babylon, and Tyre, were infcribed Nahum i. 1. * the burden of Nineveh,’ If. xiii. 1. ‘ the burden of Babylon, If. xxiii.
1.	- the burden of Tyre and fo here likewile If. xix. 1. the prophecies againlt Egypt Ihould have the title of * the burden of Egypt.’ And by burden is commonly underftood a threatening burden, foine prophecy, big with ruin and de*
dissertation on
182
itructlon, which like a dead weight is hting ujxrtr a city t>r country, to fink it.v But the word in the original is of more general import and figntfication. Sometimes it fignifies a prophecy at large: as the .prophecies of Habakkijk and Mala- chi are entitled  the bu&rleh which Habakkuk the prophet did fee* and the burden of the word of the Lord to Ifrael by Malachi and it is rendered a vf/ion or prophecy in the Sep-jtu.agint and other ancient verlions. Sometimes it fignifies a prophecy of good as well as of evil: as itwas faid of the falte prophets who prophelied peace when there was no peace, Lament, ih 14. ‘ Thy prophets have feen vain and ioolilh things for thee, they have feen for thee fallie burdens ;* and Z-echariah’s prophecy of the reftoration and triumphs of the Jews in the latter days is entit led, Zech. xii. 1. ‘ the burden of the word of the Lord for IfraeL’ Sometimes it is tranfla-fed a prophecy, where there is no prophecy, but only Ibnie grave moral layings or fentences, as Prov. xxx. 1. < the words of Agur the fon of Jakeh, even the prophecy;’ ancl again, Prov. xxxi. 1.. * The words of king Lemuel, the prophecy that his mother taught him.’ We may farther obferve that the word is uled of the author of the prophecy, as well as the lubjeft of it: and there is * the burden of the Lord, end the burden of the word of the Lord, as well as the burden of Babylon, and the burden of Egypt.’ We may be certain too, that this title was affixed to the prophecies by the prophets themielves, and not by the feribes who colle6ted their writings afterwards, becaufe it appears from Jeremiah xxiii. 33, &c. that the lcoffers and infidels of his time made a jeit and derifion of it; and therefore they are forbidden to mention it, any more as being a term of amhiguous fignifica-*tion ; and inltead of inquiring. ‘ what is the burden of the Lord , ’ they are commanded to fay ‘ what hath the Lord an-iwered’? and what hath the Lord fpoken ?’ The * word in the original is derived from a verb that fignifies to take up, to lift up, to bring forth, and the like; . and the proper meaning of it is any weighty important matter or fen fence, which ought not to lie neglected, but is tv or thy of being- carried in the memory, and deferves tu be lifted up and uttered with* empliafis. Such, eminently fuch are all thefe prophecies, and thole relating to Egypt as wTeil as the reft; For they
* The Hebrew word Mafiia, a burden, is derived from Nafha, which fignifies he carried, he tpok up, he lifted up, he brought ford}, £ee Buxtorfs Lexicon.
183 .
TirE PftOFHECIKS. ;
comprife tire principal revolutions of that kingdom from the times of the prophets to this day.
‘ I. The firit great revolution, that we (hall ihention, was the conquelt of this kingdom by Nebuchadnezzar, which, was particularly foretold by Jeremiah and EzekieL Thefe two prophets have both employed feveral lections or chapters upon this occalion. Jeremiah was carried into Egypt, and there foretold, Chap., xliii. the conquelt of Egypt by Nebu-ciiadnezzar king of Babylon: and fome of his prophecies arc entitled xlvi. 13. ‘ The word that the Lord lpake to Jeremiah the prophet, how Nebuchadnezzar king of Babylon ihould come and fmite the land of Egypt.’ EzekieL alfo^ declares, xxx. 10, 11. ‘ Thus faith the Lord God, I will alfo make the multitude of Egypt to ccale by the hand of Nebuchadnezzar king of Babylon : He and his people with him, the terrible of the nations lhall be brought to dellroy the land ; and they (hall draw their iwords againit Egypt* and fill the land with the llain:’ and the conquelt of this kingdom was promifed to Nebuchadnezzar as a reward lor his fervices againft Tyre, which after along liege he took and destroyed, but was dilappoiuted of the fpoil, as was obferved in the foregoing differtation; Ezek. xxix. 18, 19. ‘ Nebuchadnezzar king of Babylon caufed his army to ferve a great lervice againft Tyrus: every head was made bald, and every lhoulder was peeled : yet had he no wages, nor his army for Tyrus, for the lervice that lie had ferved againft it. Therefore thus faith the Lord God, Behold, I will give the land of Egypt unto Nebuchadnezzar king of Babylon, and he lhall take her multitude, and take her fpoil, and take her prey, and it lhall be the wages for his army.’
Now for this early tranfaetion we have the * teftimonies of Megalihencs and Berolus, two heathen hiltorians, who lived about 300^years before Chriit, one of whom affirms ex-prefsly that Nebuchadnezzar conquered the grcatelt part of Africa, and the other affirms it in effect, in faying that when Nebuchadnezzar heard of the death ofliis lather, having let-tied his affairs is Egypt, and committed the captives whom
* ‘ For they fay, that he (Nebuchadnezzar) reduced into his obedience a great part of Africa.* See Mpgafthenes in Jofephus, Antiquities, Book X. Chap. XI. Sect. 1, in Hudfon’s edition. ‘ But Nebuchadnezzar not long after, having heard of the death of his father, and having fet in order his affairs in Egypt, &c.* See Berofus as quoted by the fame author. See alfo Eufcbius* Evangelical Preparation, Book- IX. Chap. ::1, and xli«
184
DISSERTATION OH*/
he took in Egypt to the care of fome of his friends to bring them after him, he halted dire&ly to Babylon. If neither Herodotus nor Diodorus Siculus have recorded this tranfac-* tion, what * Scaliger faid of one of them may be very j util/ applied to both, that thofe Egyptian priefts, who informed them of the Egyptian aftairs, taught them only thole things which made for the honour of their nation; other particulars of their idlenels, fervitude, and the tribute which they paid to the Chaldeans they concealed. Jofephus, we may prefume, had good authorities, and was fupported by earlier hi-itorians, when he f afferted, that Nebuchadnezzar, having fubdued Coelo-Syna, waged war againft the Ammonites and Moabites; and having conquered them, lie invaded Egypt, fend flew the king who then reigned, and appointed another.
It is indeed moll highly probable, that Apries was dethroned, and Amalis conftituted king by Nebuchadnezzar; and I think we may infer as much from Herodotus himfelf. The name of the king of Egypt at that time according to Jeremiah was Pharaoh-Hophra, and he can be none other than the Apries of Herodotus. Ezekiel reprefents him as an arrogant impious prince, xxix. 3. as * the great dragon nr crocodile that lieth in the midll of his rivers, which hath faid, My river is my own, and I have made it for mylelf :* and agreeably hereto i Herodotus informs us, that the A pries proudly and wickedly boafted of having eftablifhed his kingdom io furely, that it was not ip the power of any god to difpoffefs him of it. However Jeremiah foretold, that he fhould be taken and llain by his enemies, xliv. 30. ‘ Thus
* What is plainly related by Jeremiah, Herodotus was ignorant of. For thefe Egyptian priefts, who anfwered his queftions concerning the affairs of Egypt, candidly told him, that they only made mention of thefe things, which tended to the hone \ir of their nation, but that they concealed every thing relating to their idlenefs, their fervitude, or the tribute which they paid to the Chaldeans. See Scaliger’s Fragments, page 11.
f < He (Nebuchadnezzar) invaded Ccelo-Syria^and having mace himfelf mailer of it, he fought againft the Ammonites and Moabites. When he had reduced thefe nations under his power, he made an in-curfion into Egypt. There he flew the reigning king, and appointed another.' See Jofephus' Jewiih Antiquities, Book X. Se<ft. 9-page 454, in Hudfon's edition.
J It is reported that Apries was fully perfuaded, that no one of the gods was able to put an $nd to his kingdom, as it feemed to him to be fo firmly etlabliflied.’ See Herodotus, Book II. Se&. 169? in Gale’s edition.
fHE PROPHECIES.
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Faith the Lord, Behold, I will give Pharaoh-Hophra king of Egypt into the hand of his enemies, and into the hand of them that leek his life, as I gave Zedekiah king of Judah into the hand of Nebuchadnezzar king of Babylon, his enemy; and that fought his life and accordingly * Apries was taken and itrangled by Amalis, who was by Nebuchadnezzar conllituted king in his room.
Ezekiel foretold, that ilie country fhould be defolated forty years, and the people carried captive into other countries: xxix. 12.	‘ I will make the land of Egypt defolate-in the
nudlt of the countries that are defolate, and her cities among the cities that are laid wafte, (hall be defolate forty years ; and 1 will Icatter the Egyptians among the nations, and will dilperfe them through the countries.’ We cannot prove indeed from heathen authors, that this defolation of the country continued exactly forty years, though it is likely enough that this, as well as the other conquered countries, did not lhake off the Babylonian yoke till the time of Cyrus, which was about forty years'after the conqueit of Egypt bv Nebuchadnezzar : but we are allured by f Berolus, that Nebuchadnezzar took feveral captives in Egypt, and carried them to Babylon ; and from + Megalthenes we learn, that he tranImplanted and lettlcd others in Pontus. So true it is, that they were ‘ Icattered among the nations, and difperled through the countries,’ and might upon the diifolution of the Babylonian empire return to their native country.
II.	.Not.long after this was another memorable revolution, and the country was invaded and i'ubdued by Cambyles and the Perlians, which is the main lubjed of the 19th chapter of Ilaiah. Some parts indeed of this prophecy hate a near affinity with thole of Jeremiah and Ezekiel concerning the conqueit of Egypt by Nebuchadnezzar, and St Jerotthe and others apply it to Nebuchadnezzar: but this prophecy, ak well as feveral others, might admit of a double completion,
i
* See Herodotus in the place above quoted. See Diodorus Siculus, Book I. page 43, in Stephamis* edition, and page 62, in that of Rhodomanus.
•f Berofus as quoted by Jolephus, Book X. Chap. xi. Se&. 1. page 459, in Hudfon*s edition, faith, ‘ that having joined the E-gyptian prifoners, with thofe whom he had taken from other ria-tions, their (Egyptian) allies, he fent them to Babylon.*
J i He caufed a colony of them to be fettled on the right hand fide of Pontus.* See Megafthenes in Eufebius, in the place above quoted, Chap. xli. page 456, in Vigerus* edition.
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and befulfilkd at both thofe periods. For this prophecy of Ilaiah is a general representation of the calamities of the nation ; it includes various particulars; it is applicable to Nebuchadnezzar and the Babylonians, as well as to Cambyles. and the Persians. They might therefore be both intended and comprehended in it: but the latter, I conceive, were principally intended, and for this reafon ; becaute the delive-tance of the Egyptians by fome great conqueror, and their converfion afterwards to the true religion, which are foretold in the latter part of this chapter, were events coniequent to the dominion of the Perfians, and not to that of the Babylonians.
The prophet begins with declaring that the conqueft of Egypt Should be l*vvift and Hidden, and tlrat the idols of E-gypt fhould be deftroyed ; ver. 1. ‘ Behold the Lord rideth upon a Swift cloud, and (hall come into Egypt, and the idols of Egypt (hall be moved at his pretence, and the heart of .Egypt (hall melt in the midlt of it.’ The lame thing is foretold of Nebuchadnezzar by Jeremiah, xliii. J l, &e. ‘ And when lie cometh’ he (hall finite the land of Egypt*—And! will kindle a fire in the houfes of the gods of Egypt, and lie fhall burn them, and carry them away captives—He (hall break alfo the images of Bethlhemeih, that is in the land of Egypt; and the houfes of the gods of the Egyptians (hall he bum with fire and again by Ezekiel, xxx. 13. ‘ Thus iaith the Lord God, I will alfo deltroy the idols, and I will cau-le their images to ceafe out of Noph,* or Memphis. We are not fumilhed with ancient authors Sufficient to prove thefe particulars (however probable) in the hiitory of Nebuchadnezzar and the Babylonians ; but we have ample proofs with relation to Cambyles and the, Perfians. The firil attempt made'by Camby les was upon * Pelufiani, a Strong town at the entrance of Egypt, and the key of the kingdom ; and he fucceeded by the Stratagem of placing before his army a great number of dogs, Iheep, cats, and other animals, which being held facred by the Egyptians, not one of them would caft a javelin, or (hoot an arrow that way; and fo the town was llormed and taken in a manner without rcfiftance. He f treated the gods of Egypt with marvellous contempt,
* See Polyaenus* Stratagems, Book VI*I. Chap. ix. page 620, in Maasvicius’ edition.
f See Herodotus, Book III. Se&. 27, &c. page 172, and Se&. 37r	page 176, in Gale’s edition. See Strabo, Book XVII.
page 805, in the Paris edition, and poge 1158, in the Amilerdam
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laughed at the people, and chaftifed the priefts for worfhip-ping fuch deities. He flew Apis, or the lacred ox which the Egyptians worfhipped, with his own hand; and burnt and demoliflied their other idols and temples; and would likewiie, if he had not been prevented, have deftroyed the famous temple of Jupiter Hammon. Ochus too, who was another kin* of Perfia, and iubdued the Egyptians again after they had revolted, * plundered their temples, and caufed A pis to be flain and ferved up in a banquet to him and his friends.
The prophet fcretels, that they fhould alfo be miferably diftra&ed with civil wars; ver. 2. ‘ And I will fet die E-gyptians againft the Egyptians; and they (hall fight every one againft his brother, and every one againft his neighbour, city againftcity, and kingdom againft kingdom;’ nomosepi nomon as the Seventy t ran date it, province againft province, Egy pt being divided into nomoi prefectures or provinces.* V itringa and others apply this to the time of the f dodekarchia or the reign of the twelve kings, the anarchy that preceded, and the civil wars that enlued, wherein the genius and fortune of Pfammitichus prevailed over the reft. But it may perhaps be more properly applied to what agrees better iu point of time writh other parts of the prophecy, + the civil wars between A pries and Amafis at the time of Nebuchadnezzar’s invafion, and the § civil wars between Tachoe, Ne&anebus, and the Mendeiian, a little before the country was finally fubdued by Ochus.
It is no wonder, that in fuch diftra&ions and diftrefles as thel'e, the Egyptians being naturally a cowardly people,
edition of 1707* See Juftjn, Book I. Chap. ix. page 29, in Grac-vius’ edition,
* See Diodorus Siculus, Book XVI. page 537, in Stephanus’ edition, and page 44*8 of Vol. 2. in the edition of Rhodomanus. See Plutarch upon Ifis and Ofiris, page 355, in the Paris edition of 1624.
f See Herodotus, Book II, Se£t. 147—154. page 146—150, in Qale’s edition. See Diodorus Siculus, Book I. page 41, &c. in Stephanus’ edition, and page 59, &c. Vol. 1. in that of Rhodomanus.
£ See Herodotus, Book II. Se&. 169, page 155, in Gale’s edition. See Diodorus Siculus, Book I. page 43, in Stephanus’ edition, and page 62, Vol. 1. in that of Rhodomanus.
§ See Plutarch’s life of Agefilaus. See Diodorus Siculus, Book XV. page 506, in Stephanus’ edition, and page 390* &c» Vol. 2. in that of Rhodomanus.
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jfiionld be deftitute of eounfel, and that * the spirit of Egypt fliouid fail in the midft thereof,’ as the prophet foretels; ver. 8* and that being alfo a very luperftitious people, ‘ they Should feek to the idols, and to the charmers, and to them that have familiar fpirits, and to the wizards.’ But their divination was all in vain; it was their fate to be fubdued mid opprelled bv cruel lords and tyrants; ver. 4. ‘And the (Egyptians will I give over into the hand of a cruel lord ; and ja lierce king (hall rule over them, faith the Lord, the Lord ofholls.' This is the molt eifential part of the prophecy; and this Grotius and others underhand ofPtammitichus: but it doth not appear from hiftory, that Pfamraitichus was fuch a Jierce and cruel tyrant; on the contrary he * re-ftablilhed file government, and reigned long and prolperouhy for Egypt in many refpects. It may with greater truth and propriety be underiioodof Nebuchadnezzar and the Babylonians, whole dominion was very grievous to the conquered nations; but with the greateft propriety and jullice it may be applied to to the Perlians, and especially to Cambyfes and Ochus; one of whom put the yoke upon the neck of the Egyptians, and the other rivetted it there; and who are both branded iu hiftory for cruel tyrants and monltersof men. The Egyptians faid that Cambyles, after his killing of Apis, was liricken with madnefs; but his actions, faith t Dr Prideaux after Herodotus, ihowed him to have been mad long before. He could hardly have performed thele great exploits, if he had been a downright madman and yet it is certain that he was very much like one ; there was a mixture of barbarity and madneis in all his behaviour. Ochus was the cruellelt and worft of all the kings of Perlia, and was fo deftructive and oppreflive to Egypt.in particular, th,it his favourite eunuch + Bagoas, who was an Egyptian, in revenge ol his injured country, poifoned him. The favours fliowh to himfelf could not
* See Herodotus, Book II. Soft. 153-;—15.7. page 150, 151, in Gale’s edition. See Diodorus Siculus, Book I. page 42, in Ste-phanus’ edition, and page 60. Vol. 1. in that of Riiodomanus. See alio Marlham’s Chronicle, Age XVII. page 505.	• -	i
f See Prideaux’ Connections, Part I. Book III. year 525, and 5 of Cambyfes. See Herodotus, Book III. Sect. 30. page 173, in Gale’s edition. 4 But Cambyfes (as the Egyptians fay,) on account of this wickednefs, was immediately liricken with madnefsj but before that, he was not in his right fenfes.’
J See Diodorus Siculus, Book XVI. page 564, in Stephanus’ edition, and 490, of Vol. 2. in that of llhodomanus. See Aeliaa** Various hiltory, Book VI. Chup. via.
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com pen Pate for the wrongs done to his country. None other allegation is wanting to prove, that the Perftan yoke was galling and intolerable to the Egyptians, than their frequent revolts and rebellions, which lerved [till but to augment their mifery, and enflave them more and more.
The prophet then proceeds to let forth in figurative language ver. 5—10. the conlequences of tliis lubjedion and ilavery, the poverty and want, the mourning and lamentation, the confulion and mifery, which Ihould be entailed on both them and their polterity: and afterwards he recounts ver. 11—17. the immediate caufes of thele evils, tlie folly of the princes and rulers who valued themlelves upon their wii-dom and the cowardice and effeminacy of the people in general. Thete things will plainly appear to any one by perilling the hiltory of the nation, but it would carry us beyond all bounds to prove them by an induction of particulars. In general it may be laid, that Egypt would not have become a prey to fo many foreign enemies, but through the excetlive weaknefs of the Egyptians both in counlel and in adion. They had not the courage even to defend themfeives. They trusted chiefly to their Grecian and other mercenaries, who inltead of defending, were often the firit to betray them.
Ill.	The next memorable revolution was effected by Alexander the great, who fubvertedthe Perlian empire in Egypt as well as in all other places : and this event, I entirely agree with Vitringa,is pointed out to us in this lame 19tb chapter of Ilaiah. It is alio foretold, that about the lame time leve-al of the Egyptians fhould be converted to the true religion, and the worlhip of the God of Ifrael. And .as thefe events, which are the lubjeds of the latter part of the chapter, ver,. 18—-25. followed upon the fubverfion of the Perlian empire ; we may be iatisfied, that our application of the former part of tlie chapter to the Perlians in particular, was not a mitap-plication of the prophecy. In that day, that is'after that day, after that time, as the phrafe figuilies, and Ihould be trail Hated in leveral pallages of the prophets, /hall live cities in the land of Egypt 1‘peak tlie language of Canaan,’ pro-this .the religion of the Hebrews ; as in Zephaniah iii. 9. ‘ I will turn to the people a pure language’ ligniiies I will re^ ftore to the people a pure religion, ‘ that they may all call upon the name of the Lord, to ferve him with one content. And [wear to the Lord of hoils : one fhall be called the city of deitrudion,’ or of the inn, as it is in the margin of ourbi-blcs, meaning Heliopolis, a famous city in Egypt, ‘ In that day iliall there be an altar to the Lord in the midlt of tlie
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land o° Egypt, and a pillar at the border thereof to the Lord/ fuch as Jacob erected, Gen. xxviii. 18. at Bethel. ‘ And it (hall be for a fign, and for a witnefs unto the Lord of holts in the land of Egypt: for they fha.ll cry unto the Lord be-caufeof the oppreflors, and he (hall lend them a faviour and a great one, and he (hall deliver thefti. And the Lord (hall be known to Egypt, and the Egyptians (hall know the Lord in that day, and (hall do facritice and oblation, yea, they ihall vow a vow unto the Lord, and perform it.* The pro* phet defcribes the worthip of future times, according to the rites and ceremonies ofhis own time. ‘ And the Lord fhall (mite Egypt, he (hall fmite and heal it, and they (hall return even to the Lord, and he (hall be intreated of them, and (hall heal them/ The prophet then proceeds to (how, that Aflyria or Syria in Egypt, which tiled to be at great enmity with each other, fhall be united in the fame worihip by the intermediation of Ilrael, and they three (hall be a blefling in the earth. * In that day (hall there be a high way out of Egypt to Aflyria, and the Ailyrian lhall come into Egypt, and the Egyptian into Aflyria, and the Egyptians (halllerve with the Aflyrians. In that day (hall Ilrael he the third with Egypt, and with Aflyria, even a blefling in the midftof the land : Whom the Lord of boils (hall blels, faying, Blef-fed be Egypt my people, and Aliyria the work of my hands, and Ifraet mine inheritance.’
Here is dearly foretold, that a givat prince, a faviourfent by God, from a foreign country, fhould deliver the Egyptians from-their Perlian opprejjbrs, and heal their country, which was fmitten of God and affli&ed : and who could this be but Alexander, who is always diftinguilhed by the name of Alexander the great, and whofe firll fueeeifor in Egypt was called the great Ptolemy, and Ptolemy Soterorthe faviour f Upon Alexander’s firll coming into Egypt, the * people all chear-fully lubmitted to him out of hatred to the Pedians, fo that he became mailer of the country without any oppolition. For this reafon he treated them with humanity and kindnels, built a city there which after his own name he called Alex-r andria, appointed one of their own country for their civil governor, and permitted them to be-governed by their own laws and cuiloms. By thele changes and regulations, and by the
* See Diodorus Siculus, Book XVII. page 588, in Stephanas’ edition, and page 526, of Vol. 2. in that of Rhodomanus. See Arrian, Book III. Chap, i, &c." See Quintus Curtius, Book IV. Chap. viL and viii.
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prudent and gentle adminiftration of fome of the firft Ptolemies, Egypt revived, trade and learning tlourilhed, and for a while peace and plenty bIdled the land.
But it is more largely foretold, that about the fame time tile true religion and the worihip of the God of Ilktel fhould begin to lpread and prevail in the land of Egypt: and what event was ever more unlikely to happen than the converliou of a people fo funk and loft in fuperilition and idolatry of the worft and grolfell kind ? It is certain that many of the Jews, after Nebuchadnezzar had taken Jerufalem, tied into Egypt, and carried along with them Jeremiah the prophet, J or. xliiL &c. who there uttered moll of his prophecies concerning the conqueft of Egypt by Nebuchadnezzar. From thence lome knowledge of God, and fome notices of the prophecies might ealily be derived to the Egyptians. It is laid that this alteration fhould be effe&ed principally in five cities. If a certain number be not here put for an uncertain, I Ihould conclude with * Le Clerc, that the Jive cities, wherein the worfhip of the one true God was received, were Heliopolis, which is particularly named in the text, and the four others, which are mentioned in Jeremiah, xliv. 1. as the places of the refidence of the Jews, Migdol or Magdolum, Tahpanhes or Daphne, Noph or Memphis, and the fourth in the country of Pathros or Thebais, not .mentioned byname, perhaps Amon-no or Diofpolis. There the Jews chiefly refided at that time: and though they were generally very wicked men, and difobedient to the word of the Lord, and upon that
* c If one might form a conje&ure, concerning the names of five (four) other cities, I would fay that they are thefe mentioned by Jeremiah in Chap. xliv. 1. namely Migdol, called by Herodotus Magdolus, Tahpanhes, called by the fame author Daphne, Noph or Memphis, and the fourth, in the country of Pathros or Pathyris, the name of which is not mentioned, perhaps Amon—No, or Diofpolis. In thefe cities dwelt the Jews, who through fear of the Chaldeans, migrated into Egypt, and who forced Jeremiah to accompany them thither. Although thefe men were very wicked in general, on which account, the prophet denounced againft them'very heavy calamities, yet amongft them there might be a few godly men, who made known to the Egyptians his predictions. And thefe lalt, when they faw them accomplilhed, embraced the Jewilh religion. This however is not to be underltood of all the inhabitants of thefe places but only of fome. For that is a fufficient reafon, why mention Ihould be made of five cities, that were to fpeak the language of Canaan, and to fwear by the name of Jehovah.’ See his Commentary on the paflage.
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account the prophet Jeremiah denounced the heavidt judg* menfs againlt theta ; yet tome good men might be mftigled among them, who might open his prophecies to the Egyptians, and they themielves when they (aw them fulfilled, might embrace the Jewilh religion. But this is to be understood not of all the inhabitants of thole places, buttonly of ibnie; which is fufficient to juliify the expreffion of ‘ live cities lpeaking the language of Canaan, and (Wearing by the Lord of holts/
Alexander the great * tranfplanted many of the Jews into his new city of Alexandria, and allowed them privileges and immunities equal to thole of the Macedonians tliem-felves. Ptolemy Soter f carried more of them into Egypt, who there enjoyed fuch advantages, that not a few of the other jews went thither of their own accord, the goodnefs of the country and the liberality of Ptolemy, alluring them. Ptolemy Philadelphus J redeemed and releafed the captive Jews: and in his reign or his father’s, the books of Moles were traudated into Greek, and afterwards the other parts of the Old Teftament. The third § Ptolemy, called Eu-evgetes, having lubdued all Syria, did not lacrifice to the gods of Egypt in acknowledgment of his victory; hut coming to Jeruiiilem, made his oblations to God after the manner of the Jews: and the king’s example, no doubt, would influence many of his fubjecls. The lixth |j Ptolemy, called Pnilometor, and his queen Cleopatra committed the w hole management of the kingdom to two Jews, Onias and Dofitheus, who were their chief minilters and generals, and had the principal dire&ion of all affairs both civil and military. This Onias obtained a licence from the king and queen to
* See Jewifh wars, Book II. Chap, xviii. Sedl. 7. page 1093. See his work againft Apion, Book II. Sect. 4*. page 1364, in Hud-fqn’s edition.
f See Jofephus’ Antiquities, Book Xlf. Chap. i. page 508. See Hecatfeus in Jofephus. See him againft Apion, Book I. Sedl. 22. page 1347, in Hudfon’s edition.
J See Jofephus’ Antiquities, Book XII. Chap. ii. page 508. See him againft Apion, Sedt. 4. page 1365, in Hudfon’s edition. See Hody on the Greek verfion, Book II. Chap. ii.
$ See Jofephus againft Apion, Book II. Sedt. 5. page 1365, in Hudfon’s edition.
|| See Jofephus againft Apion in the fame place. See his Antiquities, Book XIII. Chap. iii. page 562. See his Jewifh wars, Book I. Chap. i. Sedt. 1. page 958. E*ok VII. Chap. x. Sedt. 2. page 1325, in Hudfon’s edition.
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build a temple for the Jews in Egypt like that at Jerulalem, allcdgVig for this purpofe this very prophecy of Ifaiah, that there Ihould 4 be an altar to the Lord in the midft of the land of Egypt:* and the king and queen in their refcript make honourable mention of the law and of the prophet Ifaiah, and exprefs a dread of finning againft God. The place, " cholen for the building of this temple, was in the prefecture of Heliopolis or the city of the fun, which place is likewife mentioned in the prophecy. It was built after the model of the temple at Jerulalem, but not fo fumptuous and magnificent. He himfelf was made high-prielt; other priefts and Levites were appointed for the miniftration; and divine fervice wTas daily performed there in the fame manner as at Jerulalem, and continued as long; for Vefpafian, having deftroyed the temple at Jerufalem, ordered this alio to be demolilhed.
By thefe means the Lord muft in fome degree 4 have been known to Egypt, and the Egyptians mult have known the Lord :* and without doubt there mult have been many profelytes among them. Among thole who came up to the fealtof Pentecolt, Acts ii. 10. there are particularly mentioned 4 the dwellers in Egypt and in the parts of Lybia about Cyrene, Jews ,and profelytes.* Nay from the inftance of Candace’s eunuch, A&sviii. 27. we may infer that there were profelytes even beyond Egypt, in Ethiopia. ^Thus were the Jews fettled and encouraged in Egypt, imomuch that* Philo reprelents their number as not lefs than a hundred myriads or ten hundred thouland men. Nor were they lefs favoured or rewarded for their fervices, by the kings of Syria. Seieucus Nicator f made them free of the cities, which he built in Afia and the lower Syria, and of Antioch itfelf the capital of* his kingdom; and granted the fame rights and privileges to them as to the Greeks and Macedonians. An-tiochus the great { publiflied feverai decrees in favour of the Jews, both of thofe whp inhabited Jerufalem, and of thofe who dwelt in Melopotainia and Babylonia. Jofephus § faith that the Jews gained many profelytes at Antioch. And thus * * * §
* 4 They were not Ihort of a hundred myriads/ See him a-gainft Flaccus, page 971> in the Paris edition of 1640.
f See Jofephus' Antiquities^ Book XII. Chap. iii. page 519> ia Hudfon's edition.
‘ * J See the fame olace of Jofephus.
§ See his Jewilh wars, Book VII. Chap. iii. 3e&. 3. page 1299^ in Hudfon’s edition.
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by the means of the Jews and profelytes dwelling in ^Egypt and Syria, Ifrael, Egypt and Syria were in iome mealure united in the fame worfhip. But this was more fully accom-plifhed, when thefe countries became chriftian, and fo were made members of the lame body in Chrift Jefus. And we pioufly hope and believe, that it will Hill receive its moft perfect completion in the latter days, when Mohammedifm 1 fhall be rooted out, and Chriltianity Ihall again flourilh in thefe countries, when ‘ the fulnefs of the Gentiles fhall come in, and all Ifrael (hall be laved.’
IV., But there is a remarkable prophecy of Ezekiel, which comprehends in little the fate of Egypt from the days of Nebuchadnezzar to the prefent. For therein it is foretold, that after the defolation of the land and the captivity of the people by Nebuchadnezzar, xxix. 14, 15. it ‘ fhould be a bale kingdom: It fhall be the bafeft of the kingdoms, neither Ihall it exalt itfelf any more above the nations; for I will diminifh them, that they fhall no more rule over the nations:’ and again in the next chapter, ver. 19, 13. ‘ I will fell the land into the hand of the wicked, and I will make the land walte, and all that is therein, by the hand of ftrangers: and there fhall be no more a prince of the land of Egypt.* Such general prophecies, like general rules, are not to be underltood fo itri&ly abfolutely, as if they could not polfibly admitgrf any kind of limitation or exception whatever.. It is fufficient if they hold good for the molt part, and are confirmed by the experience of many ages, though perhaps not without an exception of a few years. The prophets exhibit a general view of things, without entering into the particular exceptions. It was predibted Gen. ix. 25. that * Canaan ihould be a fervantof fervants unto his brethren;’ and generally his pofterity were fubje&ed to the defcendents of his brethren: hut yet they were not always fo; upon 1‘orne occafioi*s they were fuperior; and Hannibal and the Carth-ginians obtained leveral victories over the Romans, though they were totally fubdued at laft. In like manner it was not intended by this prophecy, that Egypt Ihould ever afterwards, in every point of time, but only tlrat it fhould for much the greater part of time, be a bafe hrngd(my be tributary and fubjed to ftrangers. This is the purport and meaning of the prophecy; and the truth of it will beft appear by ' a fhort deduction of the hiltory of Egypt from that time to this.
Amafis was left king by Nebuchadnezzar; and as he held his crown by the perniiUion and allowance of the Babyloni-
THE PROPHECIES.
m
ans, there is no room to doubt that he paid them tribute for it. Berofus, the Chaldean hiltorian, * in a fragment preferred by Jolephus, fpeaketh of Nebuchadnezzar’s reductng E-gypt to his obedience, and afterwards of his fettlingthe affairs of the country, and carrying captives from thence to Babylon. By his conftituting and fettling the affairs of Egyyt nothing lefs could be meant than his appointing the governors, and the tribute that they fhould pay to him: and by carrying fome Egyptians captive to Babylon, he plainly intended not only to weaken the country, but alfo to have them as hoftages to fecure the obedience of the reft, and the payment of their tribute. If Herodotus hath given no account of thefe tranfa<9ions, the reafon is evident, according to the obfervation cited before from Scaliger; the Egyptian priefts would not inform him of things, which were for the difcredit of their nation. However we may, I think, confirm the truth of this affertion even by Herodotus’ own narration. The Perfians lucceeded in the right of the Babylonians: and it appears f by Cyrus’ lending for the beft phyfician in Egypt to Amafis, who was obliged to force one from his wife and children; and by Cambyies’ demanding the daughter of Amafis, not for a wife but for a miftrels; by thefe inltan-ces, I fay, it appears that they confidered him as their tributary and iubjeft. And indeed no reafon can.be alligned lot the ftrong refentmfcnt of the Perfians againft Amafis, and their horrid barbarity to his dead body, fo probablAnd fa-tisfactory, as his having revolted and rebelled againft them. Herodotus himfelfj mentions the league and alliance, which Amafis made with Croelus king of Lydia againft Cyrus.
Upon the ruins of the Babylonian empire Cyrus ere6ted the Perfian. Xenophon hath written the life of this extraordinary man: and he affirms § both in the introduction and near the conclufion of his hiftory, that Cyrus alfo conquered Egypt, and made it part of his empire; and there is not a more faithful, as well as a more elegant hiltorian than Xe-noplion. But whether Cyrus did or not, it is univerfally
* ‘ And having fettled his affairs in Egypt, and in the reft of the country, he fent the prifoners which he lmd taken therein, to Babylon/ See Jofephus' Antiquities, Book X. Chap. xi. Se&. 1. page 459, in Hudfon's edition.
f See Herodotus, Book III. Se&. 1. page 161, in Gale's edition.
J See Herodotus, Book I. Se£t. 77* page 32, in Gale's edition.
$ See Xenophon's Cyrop^edia, Book I. page 2. Book VIII. page 137, in Henry Stephen’s edition of 1581. r	B b 9
196
DISSERTATIONS ON
allowed that his * fon Cambyfes did conquer Egypt, and deprived Pfammenitus of his crown, to which he had newly v fijcceeded upon the death of his father Amahs, Cambyfes purpofed to have madfe Pfammenitus adminiftrator of the kingdom under him, as it was the cuftom of the Perfians to do to the conquered princes: but Pfammenitus forming fchemesto recover the kingdom, and being convi6ted thereof, was forced to drink bull’s blood, and thereby put an end to his life. The Egyptians groaned under the yoke near forty years. Then they revolted + toward the latter end of the reign of Darius the fon of Hyttafpis: but his 1on and i'uccelfor Xerxes, in the fecond year of his reign, fubdued them again, and reduced them to a worle condition of lervi-tude than they had been in under Darius, and appointed his brother Achaemenes governor of Egypt. About four and twenty years after this, when J the Egyptians heard of the troubles in Perfia about the fucceflion to the throne after the death of Xerxes, they revolted again at the mitigation of I-narus king of Lybia; and having drove away the Perlian tribute-colleftors, they conftitutcd Inarus their king. Six years were employed in reducing them to* obedience, and all Egypt fubmitted again to the king Artaxerxes Longimanus, except Amyrtaeus who reigned in the fens, whither the Perfians could not approach to take him : but Inarus, the author of thefe evils, was betrayed to the Perfians, and was crucified. ^feowever they § permitted his fon Thannyra toluc-ceed his father in the kingdom of Lybia; and Egypt continued in lubje&ion ali the remaining part of the long reign of Artaxerxes. In the |j tenth year of Darius Nothus they revolted again under the conduct of Ainvrtaeus, who failed out of the fens, drove the Perfians out of Egypt, made hirn-lelf matter of the country, and reigned there fix years ; but * * * §
* See Herodotus, Book III. Se£t. 10-—15. page 164?—167, in Gale’s edition.
f See Herodotus, Book VII. Se&. 1, and 7. page 382, and 384, in Gale’s edition.
£ See Thucydides, Book I, Sedt. 104—110. page 57—60, i* Hudfon’s edition. See Diodorus Siculus, Book XI. page 279, in Stephanus’ edition, and page 54, &c. of Vol. 2. in that of Rhodo-manus.
§ See Herodotus, Book III. Se6t. 15. p. 167 in Gale’s edition.
|| See Eufebius’ Chronicle. See Ufher’s Annals, year of the « world 3590, page 146. See Prideaux* Connections, Part I. Book VI. year 411.
Tftfi PROPHECIES.
197
his fon Paufiris, * as Herodotus informs us, fucceeding him in his kingdom by the favour of the Perfians, this argues that the Perfians had again fubdued Egypt, or at leaft that the king was not eftablifhed Without their content and approbation. It is certain, that after this, Egypt gave much trou-ble to the Perfians. Artaxerxes Mnemon t made feveral efforts to reconquer it, but all in vain. It was not totally and finally fubdued till the + ninth year of the following reign of Ochus, about 350 years before Chrift; when Nebtanebus the laft king fled into Ethiopia, and Ochus .became abfolute ibalter of the country, and having appointed one of his nobles, named Pherendates, to be his viceroy and goverftorof Egypt, he returned with grea.t glory and immense treaiures tb Babylon. Egypt from'that, time hath never been able to recover its liberties. It hath always been lubjebt to ftrangers. It hath never been governed by a king of its own. From this laft revolt of the Egyptians in the tenth year of Darius Nothus, to their total fubjugation in the ninth year of Ochus, I think there are computed fixty four years : and this is the only exception of any fignificance to the general truth of the prophecy. But what are fixty four years compared to two thouland three hundred and twenty dive ? for lo many years have paffed from the conqueit of Egypt by Nebuchadnezzar to this time. They are really as nothing, and not worth mentioning in comparifon : and during, thefe fixty foiir years, we fee, that the Egyptians were not entirely independent of the Perfians; Pauliris fucceeded his father Amyrtaeus in the kingdom by their content and favour: and during the reltofthe time the Egyptians lived in continual fear and dread of the Perfians, and were either at war with them, or with one another. And perhaps this part of the prophecy was not intended to take effect immediately : its completion might be deligned to commence Iron; this period, when the Perfians had-totally fubdued Egypt, and then there fhould be no more a prince of the land of Egypt.*
After the Perfians, Egypt came into the hands of the Macedonians. It fubmitted to Alexander, the great without linking a ftroke ; made no attempts at that favourable junc-
* See Herodotus, Book III. SeX. 15, in the fame place.
f See Diodorus Siculus, Book XV. page 4*78, in Stephanus, e-dition, and page 357, &c. of Vol. II. in that of Rhodomamis.
J See Diodorus Siculus, Book XVI. page 537, in the edition of Stephanus, page 448, of Vol. II. in that of Rhodomanus. See Prideaux* Connexions, Part I. Book VII, and year 359.
Uflier’s Annals, year of the world'3654-
198
DISSERTATIONS ON
tare to recover its liberties, but was content only to change its mafter. After the death of Alexander it fell to the (hare of Ptolemy one of his four famous captains, and was governed by his family for feveral generations. The two or three firlt of the Ptolemies were wile and potent princes, but moil of the reft were prodigies of luxury and wickednefs. It is * Strabo's obfervation, that all after the third Ptolemy governed very ill, being corrupted by luxury; but they who governed worft of all were the fourth, and the feventh, and the lalt called Auletes. The perfons here intended by Strabo were f Ptolemy Philopator or the lover of his father, fo called (as Jultin conceives) by way of antiphrafis, or with a contrary meaning, becaufe he was a parricide, and murdered both his lather and his mother; and £ Ptolemy Phylcon or the big-bellied, who alfected the title of Euergetes or the benefactor, but the Alexandrians more juftly named him Kakergetes or the malefa6tor\ and § Ptolemy Auletes or the piper, fo denominated becaule he (pent much of his time in playing on the pipe, and uied to contend for the pyize in the public (hows. This kingdom of the Macedonians || continued from the death of A lexander 994 years, and ended in the famous Cleopatra, of whom it is not eafy to fay, whether fhe excelled more in beauty, or wit, or wickednefs.
After the Macedonians Egypt fell under the dominion of the Romans. The Romans had either by virtue of treaties or by force of arms obtained great authority there, and were in a manner arbiters of the kingdom before, but after the death of Cleopatra % O&avius Caeiar reduced it into the form * * * §
* ‘ All after the third Ptolemy, governed the ftate very ill, being, debauched by luxury : but of all, the worft were the fourth, and feventh, and laft, called Auletes.1 See Strabo, Book XVII. page 796, in the Paris edition, and page 1146, in the Amfterdam edition of 1707.
f See Juftin, Book XXIX. Chap. 1. Seft. 5. page 466, in Graevius’ edition. ‘ Ptolemy had gotten poffeflion of Egypt by flaying his father and mother. He had the firname of Philopater, by way of irony given to him, that is, the lover of his father.9
£ See Athenaeus, Book XII. page 549, in Cafiaubon’s edition.
§ See Strabo in the fame place.
|| Sjc the Stromata of Cleriicnt of Alexandria, Book I. page 143, in the Sylburgh edition, and page 396, in Potter’? edition. See Prideaux’ Connections, Part II. Book VIII. year 30, and 8 of Herod.
See Strabo, Book XVII. page 797, and 819, in the Paris e-dition, and page 1147> and i 175, in the Amfterdam edition of
THE PROPHECIES.
199
•f a Roman province, and appointed Cornelius Gatins, the friend of Virgil, to whom the tenth eclogue is infcribed, the firit prefeft or governor: and fo it continued to be governed by a prefeft or viceroy fent from Rome, or from Conftanti-nople, when after the divifion of the Roman empire it fell to the (hare of the ealtern emperors.' It was'firit made a province of the Roman empire in the year * 30 before Chrift, and in this (late it remained without much variation till the year 041 after Chrift, that is 0*70 years in the whole from the reign of Auguftus Caelar to that of the emperor Hera-clius.
Then it was that the f Saracens, in the reign of Omar their third emperor, and under the command of Amrou the fon of Aas, invaded and conquered Egypt, took Mifrah (formerly Memphis, now Cairo) by dorm, and alfo Alexandria, after they had befieged it fourteen months, and had loft twenty three thoufand men before it: and the reft of the kingdom loon followed the fortune of the capital cities, and lubmitted to the conqueror. There is one thing which was efte6ted partly in the wars of the Romans and partly by the Saracens, and which no lover of learning can pafs over without lamentation ; and that is the deftru&ion of the library at Alexandria. This famous library was founded by the firit Ptolemies, and was fo much enlarged and improved by their fucceffors, that it £ amounted to the number of (even hundred thoufand volumes. It confided § of two parts, one in that quarter of the city called Bruchion, containing four hundred thoufand volumes, and the other within the Sera-peum, containing three hundred thoufand volumes. It hap-
[>ened, that while Julius Caelar was making war upon the in-labitants of Alexandria, || the library in Bruchion together
1707. See Dion Cafiius, Book LI. page 455, in Leunclavius* edition.
* See Ufher, Prideaux, and others, under that year, f See Elmacinus’ hiftory of the Saracens, Book I. page 23, 24. See Abul-Pharajius’ hiftory, Dyn. 9. page 112, Pocock’s verfion. See Ockley’s hiftory of the Saracens, Vol. 1. page 344.
£ See Ammianus Marcellinus, Book XXII. Chap. xvi. page 343, in Valefius’ edition of 1681, and the note of Valefius on the paflage. See Aulus Gellius, Book VI. Chap. xvii.
§ See Epiphanius on meafures and weights, Vol. II. page 168, in Fetav^s’ edition, printed at Paris in 1622. See Chryfoftom’i firft oration againft the Jew3, page 595. Vol. 1. in the Benedi&ine edition.
|| See Plutarch’s life of Julius Cxfar, Vol. 1. page 731, in the
900
DISSERTATIONS ON
with other buildings was burnt, and the * four hundred thou* land volumes which was kept therein were all confumed. But this lofs wasjin tome meafure retired by the f Pergamean library , confiding of two hundred thoufand volumes, which Anthony prefented to Cleopatra, and by the addition of o* ther books afterwards, fo that J this latter library was reckoned as numerous and as famous as the other ever was; and if came to the fame fatal end, this being alfo deftroyed by fire. For § John the Grammarian, a famous philofopber of Alexandria, being in great favour with Amrou the Saracen general, atked of him the royal library. Amrou replied that it was not in his power to give it him, without leave fiift obtained from the emperor of the faithful. Amrou there* fore wrote to Omar, and acquainted him with John’s petition, to which the caliph returned this anfwer; that if what was contained in thofe books wras agreeable to the book of God or the Koran, the Koran was fuificient without them ; but if it was repugnant to the Koran, it wras no yvays uieful; and therefore he commanded them to be deftroyed. Amrou in obedience to the caliph’s commands ordered them to be diftributed among the baths of the city, and to be burnt in warming them, whereof there were no few er at that time in Alexandria than four thoufand : and yet there palled fix months before the books were all conlumed; which fuflici-eutly evinces how great their number was, and what an in-eftimable loft not only Egypt, but all the learned world hath fuilained. Egypt before this || was frequented by learned foreigners for tile fake of this library, and produced leveral leamed natives; but after this it became more and more a lafe kingdom, and funk into greater ignorance and fuperlti-
Paris edition of 1624*. See Dion Cafiius, Book XLII. page 202, in Leunclavius’ edition.
* See Seneca on the tranquillity of the mind, Chap. ix. fVol. 1. page 362, edition, varior. See Oroflus, hiftory, Book VI. Chap, xv. page 421, in Havercamp’s edition.
f See Plutarch’s life of Antony, Vol. 1. page 94, in the Paris edition of 1624.
J See Tertullian’s Apology, Chap, xviii. page 18, in Rigaut’s edition of 1675.
§ See Abul-Pharajins’ hiftory, ninth Dynafty, page 114, Po-cock’s tranilation. See Cckley’s hiftory of the Saracens, Vol. 1. page 359, &c. See Prideaux’ Conne&ions, Part II. Book 1. year 284, and firft of Ptolemy Philadelphia.
|| Sulimmianus Marcellinus, Book XXII. Chap. xvi. page 344y 4c. in Valcfius’ edition at Paris of 1681.
THE PROPHECIES*
SOI
tion. Mohammedifm was now eftabtilhed there inftead of Chriftianity, and the government of the Caliphs and Sultans continued till about the year of Chrift 1950.
About that time it was that the * Mamalucs uiurped the royal authority. The f word in general fignifies a (lave bought with money, but is appropriated in particular to thole Turkilh and Circaflian (laves, whom the Sultans of E-gypt bought veiy young, trained up in military exercifes, and lb made them their choiceft officers and lbldiers, and by them controuled their iubje&s, and fubdued their enemies. Thefe Haves perceiving how necelfaiy and uftful they were, grew at length inlolent and audacious, llew their ibvereigns, and uiurped the government to themlelves. It is commonly faid, that none but the Ions of Chriltians were taken into this order; and there are other popular miitakes about them, which are current among European authors, and which J Sir William Temple among others hath adopted and expreH-fed, as he doth every thing, in a lively and elegant manner. “ The Ions of the decealed Sultans enjoyed the eftates and riches left by their fathers, but by the conllitutions of th* government no fon of a lultan was ever either to fuccecd, or even to be elected Sultan: So that in this, contrary to all others ever known in the world, to be bom of a prince, \vas a certain and unalterable exclulion from the kingdom ; and none was ever to be chofen Sultan, that had not been a&ually fold for a Have, brought from Circaflia, and trained up a private loldier in the Mamaluc bands.** But § they * * * § *
* See Abul-Farajius’ Hiftory, Dynalty IX. page 325, &o. and Focock’s Supplement, page 8* &c.
f See Pocock’s Supplement, page 7. ‘ Mamluc, (and in the plural Mamalic,) fignifies a purchafed Have, or one that becomes the property of a mailer by a price told down/ See Herbelot’sOrientalLibraryjpage 525, on the word Mamlouk. ‘ This word, of which the plural is Me-malik, fignifies in Arabic, a Have in general, but in particular It hath been applied to Turkilh and Circaflian (laves/ &c.
X See Sir William Temple’s works, Vol. I. Mifcellaniea, Part II. Effay on Heroic Virtue, Sedt. 5. page 224?.
§ See Pecock’s Supplement, page 31; From what hag been faid, it is manifell that they are miftaken, who think that the Mamlucs are the fons of chriltians only. They have alfo been miftaken, who have written concerning the right of fuccefiion among them, and concerning their difeipline. Herbelotin his Oriental Library, page545. faith V It appears from what we have feen, that the Mamalucs were not the fons of Chriltians, (though perhaps there may be fome luch among; them,) as fome of our hiltorians have aflerted.
Vol. I. No. 0.	C g.
DIVERTATIOICS Olf*
202
who were better verfed in oriental authors, aifuie us that thefe are vulgar errors: and it appears from the * Arabian hiltorians, that among the Mamalucs the fbn often fuceeeded the father in the kingdom. Their government is thus characterized by an f Arabic author quoted by Dr Pococke; “If you conlider the whole time that they poffefi’cd the kingdom, efpecially that which was nearer the end, you will find it filled with wars, battles, injuries and rapines.*’ Their government J began with Sultan Ibeg in the G4Sth year of the Hegira and the year of Chrift 1250; and continued through a § feriesof24 Turkiih and 23 Circadian Mamaluc Sultans, 275 Arabic and 2(i7 Julian years; and || ended with Tamanbai in the 923d. year of the Hegira and the year of Chrift 1517.
For at that time Selim the ninth emperor of the Turks conquered the Mamalucs, hanged their lalt Sultan Tumanbai before one of the gates of Cairo, put an end to their government; caufed five hundred of the chiefelt Egyptian families to be tranfported to Conftantinople, as likewife a great number of Mamaluc’s wives and children, befidest lie Sultan’s, treafure and other immenie riches; and annexed Egypt to the Othman empire, whereof it hath continued a province from that day to this. It is governed as prince Cantemir informs us, by a Turkifh Baflia ** with twenty four begs or princes under him, who are advanced from iervitude to the adminiftration of public affairs ; a fuperltitious notion pollef-iing the Egyptians, that it is decreed by fate, that captives fhall reign, and the natives be fubje6t to them. But it cannot well be a lupevftiiious notion, being a notion in all probability at firlt derived from tome tradition of thele prophe- * * * § **
* See Poeock’s Supplement, page 8, 10, II, 13,18, 20, 22, 23, 24, 25.
f Al-Janabius in Pocoek’s Supplemeut, page 31> faith, ‘ if you take a retrofpefUve view of the whole time in which they poffeffed the kingdom, efpeeiafiy that which approacheth to the termination of it, you will find it filled with a detail of wars, fights, injuries and plunderings.* § *
J See Pocock, page 8. See Herbelot, page 479.
§ See Pocock, page 8—30. See Herbelot, page 54-5*
|| See Pocock, page 30, See Herbelot, page 1031.
*[ See Pocock’s Supplement, page 30 and 49. See Herbelot** Oriental Library, page 545rand 802, and 1031. See alfo Savage’s A-bridgementof Knollesand Rycaut's Turkifh Hiflory, Vol. I. pag.241.
** See Prince Cantimir’s Hiftory of the Othman Empire, Part I. Book III. page 156, in the Notes*
THE PROPHECIES,
m
cres, that * Egypt ihould be a bafe kingdom, that there ihould be no more a prince of the land of Egypt, and that Ham in his pofterity ihould be a lervant of fervants unto his brethren.*
By this dedu6tion it appears, that the truth of Ezekiel*s prediction is fully attefted by the whole feries of the hiftory of Egypt from that time to the prefent. And who could pretend to lay upon human conjecture, that fo great a kingdom, lb rich and fertile a country, Ihould ever afterwards become tributary and lubject to ltrangers ? It is now a great deal above two thouland years fince this prophecy was firft delivered; and what likelihood or appearance was there, that the Egyptians Ihould for fo many ages bow under a foreign yoke, and never in all that time be able to recover their liberties, and have a prince of their own to reign over them ? But as is the prophecy, fo is the event. For not long afterwards Egypt was conquered by the Babylonians, and after the Babylonians * by the Perfians; and after the Perlians it became fubjeCt to the Macedonians, and after the Macedonians to the Homans, and after the Romans to the Saracens, and then to the Mamalucs; and is now a province of the Oth-man empire.
Thus we fee how Nineveh, Babylon, Tyre and Egypt, the great adverlaiies and opprelfors of the Jews, have been irifited by divine vengeance for their enmity and cruelty to the people of God. Not that we mull think God fo partial as tQ punilh thefe nations only for the lake of the Jews; they were guilty of other flagrant lins, for which the prophets denounced the divine judgments upon them. Egypt in particular was fo feverely threatened by the prophet EzekielJ Chap. xxix. xxx. xxxi. xxxii. for her idolatry, her pride, and her wickednefs. And the Egyptians have generally been more wretched, as they have generally been more wicked, than other nations. Ancient authors deferibe them jevery where as fuperltitious and luxurious, as an f un warlike and unferviceable people, as i a iaithleis and fallacious na-
* See Prideaux’ Connexions, Part I. Book I, year 589, and 10, • ©f Zedekiah.
\ See Strabo, Book XVII. page 817, in the Paris edition, and page 1175,in the Amfterdam edition of 1707. See alfo Juvenal’s Satyre XV. line 126, ‘ An unwarlike and u/elefs rabble/
J See Liiean, V. line 58th ‘ a faithlefs nation/ See Hirtius Wars «>f Alexander, Chap. xvi. * A treacherous nation, always defigning «me thing, and pretending another/
Cc?
264
D1898ft?AT 10X3 018
tion, always meaning one thing and pretending another, aa * lovers of wine and ftrong drink, as t cruel in their anger, as J thieves and tolerating all kinds of theft, as § patient of tortures, and though put to the rack, yet choofing rather to die than to confefs the truth. Modern authors paint them ftill in blacker colours. The famous H Thevenot is very ftrong and levere: ** The people of Egypt (generally (peaking) are all lwarthy, exceeding wicked, great rogues, cowardly, lazy, hypocrites, buggerers, robbers, treacherous, fo very greedy of money, that they will kill a man for a maiden or three halfpence.” Bifhop 1f Pococke’s charafter of them is not much more favourable, though not fo harfh and opprobrious ; “ The natives of Egypt are now a flothful peo-» p!e, and delight in fitting ftill, hearing tales, and indeed leem always to have been more fit for the quiet life, than for any active lcenes.—^-They are alfo malicious and envious to a great degree, which keeps them from uniting and fetting up for themfelves ; and though they are very ignorant, yet they have a natural cunning and artifice as well as falfehood, and this makes them always fufpicious of traveller?—The love of money is lb rooted in them, that nothing is to be done without bribery—>They think the greateft villanies are expiated, when once they walh their hands and feet.--Their words pafs for no hing, either in relations, promifes, or pro-feffions of friendlhip, &c.” Such men afe evidently born Hot to command, but to lerve and obey. They are altogether unworthy of liberty. Slavery is the fitteft for them, as * * * §
* ^.thenacus in Dion, Book I. page 34, in Cafaubon’s edition, 4 much addi&ed to wine and ftrong drink/
f Polybius Book XV. pege 719, in Cafaubon’s edition, faith, 4 That this feems to be conftitutional with the Egyptians, that they are wonderfully irafcible and cruel, *
J Aulus Gellius, Book XI. Chap, xviii, 4 on the authority of A-rifto, faith, that all kinds of theft were fuffered to pafs with impunity.* See Diodorus Siculus, Book I. page 50, in Stephanas’ edition, and page 72, in that of Rhodomanus.
§ Aelian in his Various Hiltory, Book VII. Chap, xviil has thefe Words ; 4 It is faid that the Egyptians endure torture with the greateft patience; and that.an Egyptian will rather die when examined upon the rack, than tell the truth/ See Ammianus Marcellinus, Book XXII. Chap xvi. page 347» in Valefius’ edition of 1681.
|| See Thevenot in Harris’ Colle&ion, Vol. II. Chap. viii. page 429.
See Pocock’s peferiptien ©f the Eaft, Vol, Book IV. Chap* iv. pajje 177.
THE PROPHECIES.
205
<hey are the fitted for flavery. It is an excellent political aphoritm of the wifelt of kings, and all hillory will bear wit-nefs to the truth of it, that, Prov. xiv. 34. * righteoufnefo exalteth a nation, but (in is a reproach and ruin to any people.*
XIII.
Nebuchadnezzar’s dream of the great empires.
WE have feen how it pleafed God to reveal unto the prophets the future condition of feveral of the neighbouring counties; but there are other prophecies which extend to more remote nations, thole nations efpeciaiiy and their trania&ions, wherein the church of God was particularly intereiled and concerned. It pleafed God too to make thefe revelations, at a time when his people feemed in other refpe&s abandoned and forlaken, and did not fo much deferve, as Hand in need of light and comfort. Ilaiali and Jeremiah prophelied in the declenfion of the kingdoms oflfrael and Judan. Ezekiel and Daniel prophelied during the time of the Babylon ilh captivity. And the prophecies of Daniel are lb clear and exa6l, that in former as well as in latter times it hath confidently been aflerted, that they mull have been written after the events, which they are pretended to foretei.
The famous Porphyry (who flourifhed at the latter end of the third century after Chrilt) was I think the firlt who denied their genuinnefs and authority. He wrote * fifteen books againit the Chriftian religion, the twelfth of which was defigned to depreciate the prophecies of Daniel; and therein he alfirmed, that they were not compofed by Daniel whofe name they bore, but by fomebody who lived in Judea about thp time of Antiochus Epiphanes ; becaufe all to that time contained true hillory, but all beyond that were manifellly falfe. This work of Porphyry together with the anfwers of Eufebius, Appolinarius, and Methodius, is wholly loll, excepting a few fragments and quotations, which are preferved iu Jerome and others of the fathers. But as f Jerome rightly
* See Caves* Literary Hillory, Vol. I. page 156. See Jerome's Preface to the book of Daniel, VoL III. page 1072, in the Bene-di&ine edition.
f The oppofing of which (prophecies,) is a testimony of their
206
M83ERTAYIONS? OJC
obferves, tins method of oppofing the prophecies is the ftrongeft teftimony of their truth. For they were fulfilled with fuch exa&nefc, that to infidels the prophet feemed not to have foretold things f uture but to have related things part*
The celebrated author of the Scheme of Literal Prophecy coujidered hath followed the fteps of Porphyry. He hath collected every thing, that in the courle of his reading he thought icould be turned to the difparagement of the book of Daniel. He hath framed all that he had collected into eleven objections agaiiift it; and upon the whole concludes with much pofitivenefs and affurance, that it muft be written in the days of the Maccabees. But his * two learned opponents, both of the fame name, have folidly and clearly refuted his eleven obje&ions, and fhown them all to be mere cavils or dire6fc tilfities, groundless allertions, wrong quotations, or plain contradictions.
And indeed it may be proved, it hath been proved to a demonilration, as. much as any thing of this nature can be proved to a demonftration, bv all the chara&ers and teltimo-nies both internal and external, that the prophecies of Daniel were written at the time that the feripture fays they were written, and he profpered on account of thele prophecies, Dan. vi. 23. ‘ in the reign of Darius the Mede, and in the reign-of Cyrus the Perlian that is between five and fix hundred years before Clirift. It is very capricious and un-reaionable in unbelievers to object, as Colins doth, to the prophecies of Daniel, fometimes that they are too plain, and fometimes that they are too obfeure. But it will entirely overthrow the notions of their being written in the days of Antioch us Epipbanes or of the Maccabees, and will eftablilh the credit of Daniel as a prophet beyond all contradiction, if it can be proved that there are feveral prophecies of his which have been fulfilled fince the days of Antiochus Epi-phanes and the Maccabees as well as before, nay that*there are prophecies of his which are fulfilling in the world at this very time.
Daniel’s firft prophecy, and the groundwork as I may fay
truth. For fo great was the truth of their words, that even to men that were not credulous, the prophet fee toed not to be fpeakirtg of future events, but to be relating fuch as were paft. See the'fame place of Jerome.
* See Bp. Chandler's Vindication of his Defence of Chriftianity, and Mr. Samuel Chandler's Vindication of the Antiquity and Authority of Daniel's Prophecies, in anfwer to the Scheme of Literal Prophecy considered.
*'T1I£ PROPHECIES,
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of all the reft, was his interpretation of Nebuchadnezzar’s dream. This monarch ‘ in the fecond year of his reign/ Dan. ii. 1. according to the Babylonian account, oi\the fourth according to the Jewifh, that is in the fecond year of his reigning alone, or the fourth from his firlt reigning jointly with his father, having fubdued all his enemies, and firmly eftablifhed his throne, was thinking ‘ upon his bed,’ ver. 29* ‘ what fhould .come to pafs hereafter/ what fhould be the future fuccefs of his family and kingdom, and whether any or what families and kingdoms might a rife after his own : and as our waking thoughts ufnally give fome tin&ure to our dreams, he dreamed of fo me thing to the fume pur pole, which aftonilhed him/but which he could not rightly underllamL The dream affected him ltrongly at the time ; but awaking in confufion, he had but an imperfect remembrance of it, he could not recollect all the particulars. He called therefore, Ver. 2. for ‘ the magicians and altrologers; and as abfurdiy as imperioufly demanded of them, ver. 5. upon pain of death and deftru&ion, * to make known unto him both the dream and the interpretation thereof.’ They anlwered very re a-fonably, that no king had ever required fuch a thing, that it tranlcended all the powers and faculties of mein, God alone or only beings like God coukl. dilclole it; ver. 10, 11.
‘ There is not a man upon earth that can lliow die king’s matter ; therefore there is no king, lord, noi* ruler, that aiked fuch things at any magician, uftrologer, or Chaldean : And it is a rare thing tliat the king requireth, and there is none other that can fhew it before the king, except the God, whofe dwelling is not with flelh.’ But the pride of abfolute power cannot hear any realon, or bear anv controul; and the king greatly ihbenfed preiently ordered all the magicians and wife-men of Babylon to he deftroyed; ver. 12. * For this cau(e the king was angry and very furious, and commanded to deltroy all the wife-men of Babylon.’
Daniel and his fellows would have been involved in the fame fate as the reft ; but by their joint and eavnelt prayers to the God of heaven, * the iecret was revealed unto Daniel in a night vifion ;* ver. 19. ‘ and Daniel blelled the God of heaven/ Daniel thus inftru&ed was defirous to lave the lives of the wife-meii of Babylon, who were unjulily condemned, as well as his own : and lie ‘ went unto Arioch, the captain of the king’s guard, whom the king had ordained to deltroy the wife-men of Babylon : he went,’ver. 24. ‘ and laid thus; unto him, Deftroy not the wife-men of Babylon ; bring me in before the king, and I will lliow unto
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the king the interpretation/ The captaih of the guatd im* mediately introduced him to the king, and faid, ver. 25. * I have found a man of the captives of Judah, that w ill make known unto the king the interpretation.’ I have found a man faid he, though Daniel had voluntarily offered himfelf; where Jerome remarks-the manner of courtiers, qui qnum bona nuncianty fua videri9 volunt, who when they relate good things, are willing to have them thought their own, and to have the merit afcribed to themfelves. But Daniel was far from afi’uming any merit to himlelf, and laid veiy modeftly, that * this fecret,’ ver. 27. 4 which the wife-men, afiroiogers, magicians, and foothfayers could not fhow unto the king, w as not revealed to him,* Ver. 30. * for any wif* dom that he had more than others : but there is a God in heaven, ver. 28. * that revealeth lecrets and maketh known to the king Nebuchadnezzar* what (hall be in the latter days; or ‘ what (hall come to pats hereafter,’ as it is exprelled, ver. 29 and 45. twice afterwards. The impious king, as * Jerome juftly obferves, had a prophetic dream, that the Saint interpreting it, God might be glorified, and the captives and thofe wrho ferved God in captivity might receive great confolation. We read the fame thing of Pharaoh, not that Pharaoh and Nebuchadnezzar deferred to lee iuch things* but that Jofeph and Daniel by interpreting them might be preferred to all others. And as St Jerome farther obferves, that Nebuchadnezzar might admire the grace of divine infpiration. Daniel not only told him what he law in his dream, but alio what he thought within himfelf before his dream, ver. 29. 4 As for thee, O king, thy thought* came into thv mind, upon thy bed what (hould come to pals hereafter: and he that revealeth fecrets, maketh known unto thee what (hall come to pafs.’
* See Jerome’s Commentary on verfe 1. He faith, ‘ That the wicked king had a prophetic dream, that by the faints making known and interpreting Jo him what was revealed, God might be glorified, and that great confolation might be imparted to them who ferved God, and that wrere in a (late of captivity. The very fame thing we read of in the cafe of Pharaoh, not that Pharaoh and Nebuchadnezzar de-ferved to have fuch things revealed to them, but that Jofeph and Daniel were found worthy to be preferred to all others, by the interpretation of them.’ And afterwards on verfe 29, he addeth, * And that Nebuchadnezzar might admire the grace of divine infpiration, he (Daniel) not only told to him the dream, whiqh he was favoured with, but even the fecret thoughts of his heart, previous to the dream.’ See Vol. III* page 1077, and 1080, in the Eenedictine edition.
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200
Nebuchadnezzar’s dream was of * a great image. This gTeat image,’ ver. 31. ‘ whofe brightnefs was excellent, flood before him, and the form thereof was terrible.’ It appears from ancient coins and medals, that cities and people were often reprefented by figures of men and women* A great terrible human figure was therefore not an improper emblem of human power and dominion; and the various me* tals of which it was compofed, not unfitly typify the various kingdoms which fhould arife. It-confided of four different metals, gold and filver and brafsand iron mixed with clay; and thefe four metals according to Daniel’s own interpretation, mean fo many kingdoms: and the order of their fuc-ceflion is clearly denoted by the order of the parts, the * head and higher parts fignitying the earlier times, and the lower the parts, tne later the times. From hence, f as Calvin conceives, the poets drew their fables of the four ages of the world, the golden, the filver, the brazen, and the iron age; by which declenfion in this place it is fignified, that the world always degenerates, and manners grow worfe and worfe. But Hefiod, who lived about 200 years before Daniel, mentioned the four ages of the world; lb that thisvi-fion was formed agreeably to the common received notion , and the common received notion was not firft propagated from hence. Whether this notion of the world’s degenerating and growing worfe and worle be true or not, thefe different kingdoms will naturally conflitute the different heads of our difcourfe. And we fhall follow the belt commentators from Jolephus down to Sir Ifaac Newton, but we fhall regard no commentator fo much as the truth of hiltory, the evidence of reafon, and the analogy of feripture.
I. ‘ This image’s head was of fine gold,’ Ver. 32. which Daniel interprets, ver. 38. ‘Thou art this head of gold,’ thou, and thy family, and thy reprefentatives. The Baby-fonian therefore was the fir 11 of thefe kingdoms ; and it was fitly reprefented by ‘ the head of fine gold,’ on account of its great riches; and Babylon for the lame reafon was called by
* 4 The part of the ftatue which was higher, fignifie9 what was firft in the order of time, and the parts lower downwards, events that were to follow after in the fame order.1 See Grotius an the paflage.
f * From this paflage of Daniel, poets have deduced their fable concerning the four ages of the world, namely, thefe of gold, filver, brafs andiron; by which declenfion in this paflage is fignified, that the world is always degenerating, and its manners growing worfe/ See Calvin in Poofs Synopfis.
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DISSERTATIONS ON
Ifaiah, xiv. 4. ‘ the golden city.” The Ajjijrian is ufually laid to be- the firft of the four great empires; and the name may be allowed to pafs, if it be not taken too ftri&ly. For the Affyrian empire properly fo called was diffolved before this time ; the Babylonian was erefted in its Head ; but .the Babylonians are lometimes called A (Tyrians in thebeft claffie authors, Herodotus, Xenophon, Strabo, and others, as well as in the holy fcriptures. Daniel addrelTeth Nebuchadnezzar, as if he was a very powerful king, and his empire very large andextenfive; ver.37. ‘ Thou, 0 king, art a king of kings.’ He perhaps might think, like fome of his prodeceiTors, that his conquelts were owing to his own fortitude and prudence ; If. x. 13. ‘ By the llrength of my hand I have done it, and by my wifdom, for,!am prudent; and I have removed the 1)ounds of the people, and have robbed their treafures, and I have put down the inhabitants like a valiant inan/ But the prophet affures him that his fuccefs mult be primarily impiw ted to the God of heaven ; ver. 37 and 38. ‘ For the God of heaven hath given thee a kingdom, power, and llrength, and glory: And wherelbever the children of men dwell, the beaits of the field, and the fowls oftli'e heaven hath he given into thine hand, and hath made thee ruler over, them all.’
All the ancient eallern hillories almolt are loll: but there are fome fragments even of heathen hiltorians yet preferved, which (peak of this mighty conqueror and his extended empire. Berofus in Jofephus * faith, that he held in fubje&ion Egypt, Syria, Phoenicia, Arabia, and by his exploits furpaf-fed allthe Chaldeans and Babylonians who reigned before him.. Jofephus f fubjoins, that in the archives of the Phoenicians there are written things confonant to thofe which ares
* ‘ He further faith, that this Babylonian king held in fubje&ion to himfelf, Egypt, Syria, Phoenicia and Arabia, and that by his il-luftrious a&ions, he far furpalTed all the Chaldean and Babylonian kings, who had gone before him.* See Jofephus* againft Apion, ‘ Book I. Se&. 19. page 1342, in Hudfon’s edition.
f * In the archives of the Phoenicians, are to be found things written, which agree .with what is related by Berofus, concerning the king of the Babylonians. For in thefe it is affirmed that he fuh-dued Syria and all Phoenicia. And with them, Philoftratus' in his hiftory exactly accords.—Nay Megafthenes, in the fourth*volume of his Indian hiftory, attempts to (hew, that the foremCntioned king of the Babylonians furpaffed Hercules in bravery, and in fplen-^ dor of aftion, for he faith, that he conquered a great part of Africa and Spain.* See Jofephus againft Apion, Book I. Se&. 2. page' 1343.
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THE PROPHECIES.
find by Berofus concerning this king of the Babylonians, that he fubdued Syria and all Phoenicia: With thefe likewife a-greesPhiloftratus in hishiftory, and Megalthenes in the fourth book of his Indian hiftory, throughout which he attempts to ftow, that the forementioned king of the Babylonians exceeded Hercules in fortitude and greatnels of exploits: for he affirms that he fubdued the greateft part of Lybia and Spain. Strabo likewiiefrom the fame Megalthenes * afferts, that this king among the Chaldeans was more celebrated than Hercules, and that lie proceeded as far as to the pillars of Hercules, and: led his army out of Spain into Thrace and Pontus. But his empire, though pf great extent, was yet of no long duration; for it f ended in ms grandfon Bellhazzar, not 70 years after, the delivery of this prophecy, nor above $3 years after the death of Nebuchadnezzar; which may be the realbn of Daniel’s lpeaking of him as the only king,
‘ thou art this head of gold,’ and * after thee lhall ante, &c.’ the reft being to be conlidered as nothing; por do we read of any thing good or great that was performed by them.
II.	‘ His brealt and his arms of lilver,’ ver. 3$., which Daniel interprets, ver. 39. ‘ And after thee (hall &rife another kingdom inferior to thee.’ It is very well known, that the kingdom which arole after the Babylonian, was the Me-do-Pertian. The two hands and the (houlders, faith J Jo^ le^hus, lignify that the empire of the. Babylonians Ihould be dilfolved by two kings. The two kings were the kings of the Medes and Perfians, whofe powers were united under Cyrus, who was fon of one of the kings and fon-in-law of the other, and who befieged and took Babylon, put an end to that empire, and on its ruins ereXed the Medo-Perfian, or the Perfian as it is more ulually called, the Perfians having loon gained the alcendency over the Medes. This empire is laid to be inferior as being lejs than the former, minus te as the Vulgar Latin tranllates it, becaule neither Cyrus nor any of
* < But Nebuchadnezzar, who is more extolled among the Chaldeans than Hercules, marched to the pillars of Hercules.-—and afterwards conducted bis army out of Spain, into Thrace arid Pontus.’ See Strabo, Book XV. page 687, in the Paris edition, and page 1007, in the Amfterdam edition of 1707.
* f See Uflier’s Annals, year of the world 3466, page 100. See Prideaux’ Connexions, Part I. Book II. year 539, and 17 of Bellhazzar.
J ‘ But the two hands and the Ihoulders, fhew that your kingdom will be diffolved by two kings.’ See Jofephus’ Antiquities, Book X. Chap. x. SeX. 4. page 457, in Hudfon’s edition.
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Jiis fucceffafs ever carried their arras into Africa or Spain fo far as Nebuchadnezzar is reported to have done; or rather inferior as being worfe thati the former, detenus te as Cafta-lio tranflates it, for * Dr Prideaux alferts, and I believe he may affert very truly, that the kings ofPerfia were “the * worft race of men that ever governed an empire.” This em-
f)ire from its firit eftablifhment by Cyrus to the death of the aft king Darius Codoraannus lafted not much above 200 years. Thus far all critics and commentators are agreed, that the two firft kingdoms reprefented in Nebuchadnezzar’s dream were the Babylonian and the Perfian. As to the reft there hath been feme controverfy, but with little reafon or foundation for it, only that feme perfensare troubled with the? fpiritqf contradiXion, and will dispute about the plaineft points.
III.	* His belly and his thighs of brafs,’ ver. 32. which Daniel interprets, ver. 39. ‘ And another third kingdom of brats which ihall bear rule over all the earth.* It is univer-fally known, that Alexander the great fubverted the Perfian empire. The kingdom therefore which fucceeded to the Perfian, was the Macedonian; and this kingdom was fitly reprefented by brafs; for the Greeks were famous for their brazen armour, their ufual epithet being the brazen-coated Greeks. Daniefs* interpretation in t Jofephus is, that another coming from the weft, completely armed in brafs, (hall deftroy the empire of the Medes and Pei Hans. This third kingdom is alfo laid to ‘ bear rule over all the earth* by a figure ufual in almoft all authors. Alexander himfelf J commanded, that he fhould be called * the king of all the world ;* hot that he really conquered, or near conquered the whole world, but he had confiderable dominions in Europe, Afia, and Africa, that is in all the three parts of the world then known; and § Diodorus Siculus and other hiftorians give an account of amballadors coming from almoft all the world * * * §
* See Prideaux* Connexions, Part I. Book II. year 559, and firft of Nerigliffar.
+ i But another completely armed in brafs, coming from the weft, fhall deftroy their kingdom/ See Jofephus* Antiquities, Book X. Chap. x. SeX. 4. page 457, in Hudfon*s edition.
f ‘ After he had received the empire, he gave orders that he fhould he called the king of all lands, and of the world/ See Juftin,, Book XII. Chap. xvi. SeX. 9. in Graevius* edition.
§ * At this time, ambaffadors from almoft every part of the world came to him, &c. See Diodorus Siculus, Book XVII. page 622, in Stephanus* edition, and p. 579, Vel. 2. in that of Rhodomanus.
213
f HE PROPHECIES*	213
to congratulate him upon his fuceefs, or to fubmit to his empire and then efpecially, as * Arrian remarks, did Alexander himfelf appear to himlelf and to thofe about him to be • mailer both of all the earth and fea/
That this third kingdom therefore was the Macedonian, every one allows, and muff allow: but then it is controverted, whether this kingdom ended in the perfon of Alexander* or was continued in his fucceifors. St Jerome faith f ex-prefsly, that the third kingdom fignifies Alexander, and the kingdom of the Macedonians, and of the fucceifors of Alexander. Which is rightly named brazen, faith he: for among all metals brafs is more vocal, and tinkles louder, and its found is diffufed far and wide, that it portended not only die lame and power of the kingdom, but alio the eloquence of die Greek language. Another commentator obferves + that this kingdom is compared to the belly, to denote the drunk-ennefs of Alexander, and die profufe luxury of his fucceifors efpecially of the. Ptolemies. It was a ltrange wild conceit in Grotius and others, to think that the kingdom of A iexander and of his fucceifors made two different kingdoms. Grotius was indeed a very great man, and for the moft paiit a very able and ufeful commentator: but the greateil and ableii men have their weakneffes, aud none hath betrayed more weaknefs, or committed more errors in chronology and history than he hath done, in explaining the prophecies. His notions here are as mean and contraded, as they are generous and enlarged in other initances.
The Seiucidae who reigned in Syria, and the Lagidae who reigned in Egypt, might he defigned particularly by 4 the two thighs' of brafs. Of all Alexander's fucceifors they might be' pointed out alone, becaufe they alone had much
* ‘ And then efpecially, Alexander appeared to himfelf, and to them that Were about him, to be mailer of every land and fea/ See Arrian’s expedition of Alexander, Book VII. Chap. xv. page 294?, in Gronovius’ edition.	'
f And another third kingdom of brafs, which Jhatt bear rule over all the earth, Dan. ii, 39. ‘ This means Alexander, and the kingdom oF the Macedonians, and of the fucceffors of Alexander. They rightly may be faid to be of brafs. For among all the metals, brafs is moft fonorous, it tinkles loudeft, and its found is diffufed far and wide; and fo it ihews not only the fame and power of the kingdom, but alfo the eloquence of the Greek tongue/ See Jerome, Vol. III. page 1Q81, in the Benedi&ine edition.
is compared to the belly, to denote the drunkennefs and profufe luxury of Alexander, and of his fucceffors, efpecially the Ptolc-jnies/ See Tirinus in Pool’s Synopfis.
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connection with the Jewiih chiirch and nation; But their kingdom ^was no more a different kingdom from that of A-texander, than the parts differ from the whole. It was the fame government lull continued. They who governed were Call Macedonians. The metal was the fame, and the nation was the lame: nor is the fame nation ever reprefented by different metals, but the different metals always fignify different nations. All ancient authors too lpeak of the kingdom ! of Alexander and of hiS fucceffors as one and the fafne kingdom. The thing is implied in the very name by which they are ufually called, ‘ the fucceflbrs of Alexander. * A lexander being dead, * faith Jpfephuvthe empire was divided among his mcceffors *, he doth not fay that lo many new empires were ereCted. After the death of Alexander, faith f juftin,* the kingdoms of the eaft were divided among his fucceilors : and he (till denominates them Macedonians, and their empire the Macedonian ; and reckons Alexander the fame to' the Macedonians, as Cyrus was to the Perfians, and Romulus to the Romans. Grotius himfelf acknowledgeth, :£ that even now the Hebrews call thole kingdoms by one name the kingdom of the Grecians. There is one inf uperable objection againlt the kingdoms of the Lagidse and of the Selucidae being a different kingdom from that of Alexander/becaufe if they are not confidered as parts of Alexander’s dominion, they cannot be counted as one kingdom, they conftitute properly, tWo leparate and diftinCt kingdoms.
IV.	‘ His legs of iron, his feet part of iron, and part of clay,’ ver. 33, which is thus interpreted by Daniel, ver. 40.
* * Upon the death of Alexander, his empire was divided among his fupcefTors.* See Jofephus* Antiquities, Book XI. Chap. viii. SeCt. 7. page 505, in Hudfon’s edition.
< f ‘ After the death of Alexanderthe Great, whilft his eaftem kingdoms were divided, among his fucceflbrs.* &c. See Juftin, Book XL I. Chap. iv. SeCl. 1. fpeaking of the Parthians, he faith, * that he triumphing in the eaft, they laft of all became ftibject to the Macedonians,’ Chap. i. Seft. 5. They afterwards, the Macedonians being drawn into a civil war, See. Chap. iv. SeCt. 2. Tho government of the nation, after their revolt from the Macedonian empire was monarchical, Chap, ii. Seel. 1. Thus Arface6 having fought and eftablifhed his kingdom, .was no lefs renowned among’ the Parthians, than Cyrus among the Perfians, or Alexander among the Macedonians, or Romulus among the Romans. He died in an extreme old age, Chap. v. Se$. 5. in Gneviiis* edition.
*	Even at prefent, the Jews call thefe kingdoms by one name, that
of the Greeks.* - See Grotius on Dan. vii. 7.
THE PROPHECies	216
41, 42, 43. c And the fourth kingdom lhall beftrong as iron? forafmuch as iron breaketh in pieces andlubduethall tilings; and as iron that breaketh all thefe, (hall it bre^k m pieces and bruife. And whereas thou law eft the feet apd toes, part of potter’s clay, and part of iron ; the kingdom, thall be dir vided, but there (hall be in it of the ftrength of the iron* forafmuch as thou laweft the iron mixed with miiy clay * And as the toes of the feet were part of iron, and part,of clay; fo the kingdom fhall be partly ltrong and partly broken? And whereas thou faw iron mixed with miry clay, they dial! mingle themfelves with, the feed of men; hut they- Iball not cleave one to another, even as iron is not mixed with clay,’ Here are farther proofs that the kingdoms of the Selucidifi and of the Lagidae cannot poftibly be the fourth kingdom, becaufe the marks- and characters here given of the fourth kingdom by no means agree with either of thofe kingdoms. This fourth kingdom is delcribed as ftronger than the preceding. As iron breaketh and bruifeth all other metals, lb this breaketh and fubdueth all the former kingdoms: but the kingdoms of the Lagidae, and of the Selucidae were lo far from being itronger, that they were much weaker, and lets than any of the former kingdoms. This kingdom too is represented as divided into ten toes : but when or where were the kingdoms of the Lagidae and of the Seleucidae divided ip to lb many parts ? Belides, the metal here is different, and confequently the nation Ihould be different from the preceding. The four different metals mult fignify four different nations: and as the gold fignified the Babylonians, and the lilver the Perfians, and the brafs the Macedonians; fo the iron cannotfignify the Macedonians again, but muft necelfariiy denote fome other nation: and we will venture toj lay that there is not a nation upon earth, to which this def-cription is applicable, but the Romans.
The Romans fucceeded next to the Macedonians, and therefore in courle were next to be mentioned. The Roman, empire was ftronger and larger than any of the preceding. The Romans brake in pieces, and fubdued all the former kingdoms. As Jofephus laid, that the two amis offilv’er denoted the kings of the Medes and Perfians ; fo we might-fay in like manner, that the two legs of iron fignified, the two Roman confuls. The iron was ‘ mixed with miry clay/ < and the Romans were defiled with a mixture of barbarous nations. The -Roman empire was at length divided into ten! leller kingdoms, anfwering to the ten toes of the image, as* we lhall lee hereafter. Thefe kingdoms retained much pf;
9\6	DISSERTATIONS ON
the old Roman ftrength, and manifeiled it upon leveral oe* cafions, lb that ‘ the kingdom was partly ftrong and partly broken/ They ‘ mingled themfelves with the teed of men / they made marriages and alliances one with another, as they continue to do at this day : but no hearty union enfued; reafons of ftate are ftronger than the ties of blood, and inte-relt generally avails more than affinity. Some expound it of the iecufar and ecclefiaftical powers, fometimes agreeing, fometimes daffiing and interfering with each other, to the weakening of both, and endangering their breaking to pieces. Or if by ‘the feed of men’ we are to underhand the lame as by ‘ the daughters of men/ Gen. vi. 2. thofe of a falle and different religion, it may allude to the intermarriages, which leveral of the European nations, and particularly the French, Spanifh and Portuguefe, have made with the Indians, Africans and Americans. Thus lome of the ten kingdoms who call themfelves ‘ Tons of God/ and the only fons of God by adoption, have mixed with 4 the feed of men/ with ftrau-gers to men; and yet no Iblid union enfues. Which obfervu-tion was fuggefted to me by an unknown Correlpondent, Mr Hercules Younge, an ingenious Cla'gyman of Carrick in Ireland. The Roman empire therefore is represented in a double ftate, firft with the ftrength of iron, conquering all before it, ‘ his legs of iron / and then weakened and divided by the mixture of barbarous nations, ‘ his feet part of iron, and part of clay/ It fubdued Syria, and made the kingdom of the Seleucidifi a Roman province in the * year 65 before Chrift; it fubdued Egypt, and made the kingdom of the Lagidae a Roman province in the year 30 before Chrift : and in the fourth century after Chrift, it began to be tom in pieces by tTfe incurfions of the barbarous nations.
St Jerome lived to lee the incurfions of the barbarous nations : and his t comment is, that “ the fourth kingdom, which plainly belongs to the Romans, is the iron that break-eth ana lubaueth all tilings; but his feet and toes are part of
* See Uflier, Prideaux, and other chronologer6.
< But the fourth kingdom, which evidently belongs to the Romans, is that of iron, which breaks in pieces, and fubdues all things. JSut its feet and toes are partly of iron, and partly of clay, which is moft manifeftly proven at this time. For as in the beginning, no-thing was firmer and harder than the Roman empire, fo in the end, nothing is weaker, feeing both in the civil wars, and againft foreign nations, we require the aid of other barbarous nations/ See Vol. Ill* page 1082, in the Befledi&ine edition.
i*UE PROFttECttfS.
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iron, and part of clay, which is moft manifeftty proved at fhis time: For as in the beginning nothing was stronger and harder than the Roman empire, io in the end of things no* 4hing is weaker ; fince both in civil wars, and againft divers nations, we want the aftiftance of other barbarous nations/* He hath given the fame interpretation in other parts of his works ; and it feemeth that he had been blamed for it, as a felle&ion upon the government; and therefore he maketh this apology for himfelf. “ If * faith he m *?xplaining the ftatue and the difference of his feet and toes, ! have interpret* ed the iron and clay of the Roman kingdom, which the fcripture foretels fliould fil’d be ftrong, and then weak, let them not impute it to me, but to the prophets For we mult not fo flatter princes, as to negleft the verity of the holy fcriptures, nor is a general difputation an injury to a Angle perfon.”
AU ancient writers both Jewidi and Chriftian, agree with Jerome in explaining the fourth kingdom to be the Roman. Porphyry, who was a heathen, and an enemy to!Chrift, was the firft who broached the other opinion ; which, though it hath been maintained fince by tome of the modems, is yet tiot only deltitute of the authority, but is even contrary to the authority of both fcripture and hiftory. It is a juft ob* fervation of f Mr Meide, Who was as able and confummate a judge as any in thefe matters: “ The Romaic empire to be the fourth kingdom of Daniel, was believed by the church of Ifrael both before and in our Saviour’s time; received by the difciples of the apollles, and the whole Chriftian chufchrfor the firft 300 years, without any known contradi&ion. And I confcfs, having fo good ground in fcripture, it is with me tantiim non articulusfdei, little lej'sthan an article of faith
V.	Befides this image, Nebuchadnezzar faw, Ver. 34* 35.
* till that a ftone Was cut out without hands, which fmote the image upon his feet that were of iroivand clay, and brake them to pieces : Then was the iron, the clay, the brafs, the filver and the gold broken to pieces together, and became
* 4 But if in expounding the ftatue, and the-different 'materials of ; its feet and'toes, I have interpreted the iron and clay of the Roman kingdom, which the fcripture foretels fliould be firft ftrong, and then weak,- let them not impute it to me, but to the prophet. For neither muft we fo pay adulation to princes, as to negle& the truth of the holy fcriptures, nor can a general difquifition be regarded as an infult ^offered to an individual/ See his preface to Ifa; xXxvi, Vol. III. page 283, in the Benedittine edition.
f See Mede’s Works, Book IV. Letter 6th. page 736.
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like the chaff of the fummer threfhing-floors, and the wind carried them away, that no place was found for them; and the ftohe that fmote the image became a great mountain, and filled the whole earth :’ Which is thus interpreted and explained by Daniel, ver. 44, 45. 4 And in the days of thefe kings (hall the God of heaven fet up a kingdom, which (hall never be deltroyed ; and the kingdom fhall not be left to other people, but it fhall break in pieces, and confume all thefe kingdoms, and it fhall ftand tor ever : Forafmuch as thou faweft that the ftone was cut out of the mountain without hands, and that it brake in pieces the iron, the brafs, the clay, the filver, and the gold/ They who maintain that the fourth kingdom was the kingdoms of the Seleucidae and of the Lagidae, do, many of them, maintain likewile that this fifth kingdom was the Roman. But how can thefe chara6tersagree with the Roman em pire? How was the Roman empire 4 cut out of the mountain without hands/ or formed without human force and human policy ? How was the Roman empire 4 of God’s ere&ion’ more than any of the former kingdoms? How can the Roman empire which is * left to other people/ be (aid ‘not* to be 4 left to other people,* and how can that which is 4 broken in pieces,’ be faid to 4 Hand for ever?’
This defcription can with propriety only be underftood, as the ancients Underftood it, of the kingdom of Chrilt. * And in thedays of thefe kings,’ that is in the days of fome of them. As 4 in the days when the judges ruled,’ Ruth, i. 1. fignifies 4 in the day when’ fome of4 the judges ruled / fo 4 in the days of thele kings’ fignifies 4 in the days of fome of4 thefe kingdoms / and it muft be during the days of the laft of them, becaufe they are reckoned four in fuccel-fion, and confequently this muft be the fifth kingdom. Accordingly the kingdom of Chrift was fet up during the days of the laft of thefe kingdoms, that is tlie Romans. The Jtone was totally a different tiling from the image, and the kingdom of Chrift is totally different from the kingdoms of this world. 4 The ftone was cut out of the mountain without hands,’ as our heavenly body is faid, 9 Cor. v. 1. to b6 4 a building of God, an houfe not made with hands / that, is fpiritual, as the phrale is ufed in other places. Mark xiv. 58. compared with John in 21. See alfo Cololf. ii. 11. This the * fathers generally apply to Chrift himfelf, who
* See Juftin Martyr's Dialogue with Tryphon, page 301, in Thirl-'bnis’ edition. See Irenseus againft Herefies, Chap, xxviii. page
THE PROPHECIES.
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was miTaculoufly born of a virgin without the concurrence of a man : but it fhould rather be underftood of the kingdom of Chrift, which was formed out of the Roman empire, not by number of hands, or ftrength of armies, but without human means, and the virtue of fecondcaufes. This kingdom was * fet up by the God of heaven •/ and from hence the phrafe of ‘ the kingdom of heaven* came to fignify the kingdom of the Meffiah ; and fo it was ufed and unaerftood by the Jews, and fo it is applied by our Saviour in the New Teftament. Other kingdoms were raifed by human ambition and worldly power : but this was tile work not of man but of God ; this was truly as it is called * the kingdom of heaven,* and, John xviii. 36. ‘ a kingdom Hot of this world / its laws, its powers, were all divine. This kingdom was 4 never to be deftroyed,* as the Babylonian, thePerfian, and the Macedonian empires have been, and in greiat meafure alio the Roman. This kingdom was to * break in pieces and coniurne all the kingdoms,* to fpread and enlarge itfelf, fo that it fhould comprehend within itfelf all the former kingdoms. This kingdom was to * fill the whole earth,* to become univerfal, and to * ftand for ever.*
As the fourth kingdom or the Roman empire was repre-fented in a twofold ltate, firlt ftrong and. flourifhing * with legs of iron/ and then weakened and divided ‘ with feet and toes part of iron and part of clay;* fo this fifth kingdom or the kingdom of Chrift is defcribed likewife in two ftates, which * Mr Mede rightly djftinguifheth by the names of regnum lapidis the kingdom of the ltone, and regnum montis the kingdom of the mountain ; the firlt when ‘ the Hone was cut out of the mountain without hands/ the fecond when it became itfelf * a mountain and filled the whole earth. The ftone was cut out of the mountain without hands/ the kingdom of Chrift was fet up firlt, while the Roman empire was in its full ftrength with * legs of iron.’ The Roman empire was afterwards divided into ten letter kingdoms, the remains of which are fubfifting at prefent. The image is ftill Handing upon his feet and .toes of iron and clay; the kingdom of Chrift is yet * a ftone of (tumbling, and a rock of offence V but the ftone will one day fmite the iihage upon the feet and toes, and deftroy it utterly, and will itlelf ‘ become a great mountain, and fill the whole earth / or in other words,
258, in Grabe’s edition. See Jerome’s Commentary on the paflage, Yol. III. page 1081, in the Benedi&ine edition.
* See Mede’i Works, Book. IV. Letter 8. page 743*
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Rev. xi. 15. ‘ the kingdoms of this world (hall become the kingdoms qf our I^ord, and of his Chriit, and he (hall reign, for ever and ever.’ YVe have therefore leen the kingdom of the jione, but we have not yet leen the kingdom of the moun«•> tain. Some parts of this prophecy ftill remain* to be fulfilled : but the exa6t completion of the other parts will not fufFer us to doubt of the accomplifhment of the reft aliq in due feafon.
As we may prefume to fay that this is the only true and genuine interpretation of this palfage, fo likevvite i? it the inoft confonant to the fenie of all ancient writers, both Jew* and Chriftians; and its antiquity will be a farther recommendation and confirmation of its truth. Jonathan Bel Uz-jpiel, who made the Chaldee Targum or paraphrale upon the prophets, * lived a little before our Saviour. He made no Chaldee verfion of Daniel, the greater part of this book be-*
Sig originally written in Chaldee, or his verfion is loft: but owever he applies the prophecies of Daniel in his interpretation of other prophets. Thus in his pavaphrafe upon Ha-bakkuk he fpeaketh of the four great kingdoms of the earth* + that they lhould in their turns be deftroyed, and be liicceed-edby the kingdom of the Melliah. For the kingdom of Babylon (hall not continue, nor exercife dominion over 11-rael; the kings of Media fhall be (lain, and the ftrong men of Greece fhall not profper; the Romans fhall be blotted out, nor colleft tribute from Jerufklem. Therefore becaule of tbe fign and redemption which thou fhalt accomplifh for thy Chriit and for the remnant of thy people, they who remain ihiall praife thee, &c.”
The lenfe of Jofephus w:e will give in the words of Bifhop J Chandler together with his reflexions upon it. “ Joft-phus’ expofition of this text is fo full in the point, that it pugbtnot tobeomitted. Jofephus was born while jelus Chriit
* See WaltQifs Preface, XII. 10.—See Wolfius’ Hebrew LiT brary, Book Vi. Chap. ii. Se£t. 2. S;e alfo Prideaux* Connections, Part IL Book VIII. year 27, and firft of Herod.
f Habak. iii. 17, 18.	* For the kingdom of Babylon fhall not
be permanent, nor exercife dominion over Ifrael. The kings .of Media fhall be llain, the brave men of Greece fhall not profper. The Romans fhall be deftroyed, nor fhall they collett tribute from Jerufalem. Therefore on account of the figri, and of the redemption which thou fhalt accomplifh for thy Chrift, and for the refidue of thy people, they who remain fhall celebrate thy praife faying,’ &c.
J See Defence of Chriftianity, Chap. ii. Se&. 2. page 104, &c. third edition.	*	’
the prophecies
lived, and wan, as he * fays, fkilful in the knowledge of th* tiered books of t^ie prophets, being himself a prielt, and the. fbu of a prieft, and exer.cifed this way . Hear then his fenfe of that part of the dream we have been upon. PanieJ fore* told, f that the fecond kipgdom fhould be taken, out of the Way, by one that fhoujd come from the west clothed with brazen arms and also that the itrength of this, ^empire) aiion tlier (hould put an end to, that lhould be like to iron,, which from the nature of die mineral is fuperior to gold, filver, and, bials. Daniel added his interpretation of the done; but \ don’t think, fit to relate that; my bufinefs beingonly to give a hiltory of pajftmd newly done things, not to write of future things. Yet if there be any one that is eager after truth* and will not give over inquiring, in order to learn thefe ob-» fcure events that are to come, let him carefully read the book itfeif, which he will find among our (acred (or canonical) books. Upon this pailage obferve, that the fourthem* pire is the Roman, in his judgment; becaufe the third kingdom, which he begins in Alexander, was deflroyed* not by the Greek generals, but by the Romans. Again, the fourth empire he reckons to be paft, i. e. to be fet up in the room of the Greek, and therefore he gives an biftorical explication of that, among the pall; events. But the kingdom of the Jtone being future, be refufes to touch on that. But he had a better reafon than he gave: he feared to oifend the power in being, whole protection he needed, and which, he forefaw, mult be offended, if he lhould publifh the hope of his captive nation, one day to lubdue their conquerors. We
* See Jofephus’ Jewilh wars, Book III. Chap, vii, Sect. 3. page 114*3, in Hudfon’s edition,
f 4 But their empire (hall be deftroyed by one coming fronv the weft, equipped with brazen armour. The ftrength of the kingdom fet up by him lhall be overcome by another power, which may be compared to iron, and (hall bring all under its power like that metal, which in its nature hath a firmer contexture than gold, or filver* pr brafs. Moreover BanieL expounded to the king, every thing relating to the ftone. But it is not becoming in me to relate thefe things, feeing I have prescribed thefe limits to: myfelf, to commit to writing what has happened long ago, or lately, without meddling with future eyentsw, But if any perfon (hould be eagerly defirous to come at the truth, and curious to pu(h his inquiries into thofe ob-fcure matters, that are yet future, let him carefully fearch the book of Daniel, which he will find among the (acred writings. ’ See Jo-fephus, Antiquities, Book X. Chap. x. Se&* 4. page 457> in Hud-fon’s edition.

THE PROPHECIES.

he call Nebuchadnczzar’s kingdom of gold, and that of the Perfians of filver, and that of the Macedonians of brafe, and that of the Romans of iron and day ? See the materials rightly difpofed; for gold repretents riches,  ; to likewise to that kingdom——and it occupies the head, becaufefc appeared the first. But that of the Perfians was hot lo wealthy, as neither was that of the Macedonians: but that of the Ro-ans was both more useful and ftronger, arid later in tune, whereof it occupies the place of the feet. But fbme parts of this kingdom are weaker and others are (hunger.—* And kingdom, which flail never be deftroyed and the kingdom shall not be left lo other people, but it shall break in pieces* and conjkme aU thefe kingdoms, and it flailfund for ever, Bring lather to me the Jews. What wiD thiey fey concerning thispropheey ?for it is by no means right to lay of aor human kingdom, that it (hall be everiaJHng or without end. —In the days oftkrfe kings, to wit, the Romans* But if they % how can he break in pieces the gold, the kingdom of the Babylonians deftroyed long ago? bow the filver, the kingdom of the Ptrfians ? how the brafe, the kingdom of the Macedonians ? for thele are pall long ago, and are come to an
end------how can be deftroy the k ingdoms which are already
deftroyed ? But to deftroy others in which thefe aremduded, amounts to the feme thing.*9
Sulpicius Secerns having given an account of Nebuchadnezzar's dream, and of all the particulars relating to it, fub-joins * an expofition of it, agreeable to Daniel’s mterpreta-
ozniely of the Romans. But if they fey other-wife. Let them tdl me, how he codd hreak in pieces and confome die kingdom of the Babylonians, which already had been long ago defrayed ? How the fiver, the kingdom of the Perfians ? How the brafe the kmgdom of the Macedonians ? For afi thefe were kingdoms that had been in
former time*, and then were no more.-But how can he deftroy
kingdoms which are already extind ? The icafan is plan, he de-ftroys other kingdoms that (wallowed up and deftroyed thole.* See John Chiyfeftont on Dame], page 214, and 216; in the&h. VoL of the Benemdine edition.
* TTierefore, according to the interpretation of the prophet, die image feen is a pftme of the wodd. The head of gold is the empire of the Chajdeans, forafinach as we have been tdd it was the firit and the mod wealthy. The breaft and arms of fiver (peak out the fecund kmgdom. For Cyrus whea he had vanquished the Chaldeans and Medes,' transferred the empire to the Perfians. In the belly of brafe is evidently fordhewn the third kingdom. This part
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fie however, in flus«nifeforfl(>ppiDgftwt, his fenfe eftbe prophecy that is yet unfulfilled, viz. dint the kingdom of the God ef heaven should break in pieces die Roman; and Which he mutt txkdequentty fuppofe will continue, till it gives place to the emU&ig kingdom «f the Ifeflhh. And la this belief Chrift confirmed the Jews, at the time he warned them of their own exdfion. The kingdom of God, iaith he, Mat. xxft. 43, 44. or all the advantages of the Meffiah*s coming, JhaU be taken from yon and given to a nation bringing forth (he fruits thereof For whosoever shall fall agamjl this fione (as one of your prophets prediAed, If. vhi. 14, 15.) fhall be broken: but, Iadd from another prophet, Dan. ii. 34, 35. something more grievous for those thatshall break you, on whomfoever it Jhoilfall it will grind Um to powder. The kingdom of thefont Khali braifithe Jews that (tumbled ait Chrift’s firit coming; hut the kingdom of the mountain, when manifefted, fhall beat the feet of themonarchial liatoe to dull, and leave no remains of the fourth monarchy in its hff and degenerate date.*9
The £une notion was prevalent among the ancient Chrifi dans, as well as among the Jews. St Jerome and all the fathers, who have ocrafion to comment upon this paflage, give the fame interpretation: but we love not to multiply quotations; it will be sofficient to produce the telfamontes of that eloquent preacher St Chryfinmn, and of that elegant hiftonan Sulpidus Severus. Sit Cfaiyfoftom is too copious to be quoted at large; we mud content ourfelves with tome extracts out of him. f‘ For what feafon, * faith be, doth
* ‘ Bat why doth he call Us (Nebuchadnezzar's) kingdom, a
kingdom of gold, and that of the Perfians, one of fiber, and that of ^ie Macedonians, of brafe, and that of the Romans of iron and day? You may obferrethe materials well chofeaaad anaeged. For gold k an emblem of riches—and Kb was that kmgdoob^aod k holds the place of the head, beca&fe it was firft in the order of time. But that of the Perfians was not fo opolait, nor that hf the MaotrinaLms. But that of the Romans was move ufefhl aad ftrooger, and followed the rell in the order of time, and therefore holds the place of the feet. But Koine parts of this kingdom are, weaker, sad others ftronger.—** And in the days of thefe kings, fall the God of hea* sen fet op a kingdom, whim fafl never be ddroyed, aod.the king, dom flail not be left to other people, hat k Khali break in pieces and eonhune all thefe kingdoms, and it Khali Hand for ewer.” Bring am hither the Jews, what will they fey concerning this paophocy! Foe hardy k is not fewfolto fey of any kiagyiom merely hmnan, that k hath do bounds ortamraattoaft^ Id the days of thefe Idngdoms,”

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tion. c< The image is an emblem of the world. The golden head is the empire of the Chaldeans : forafmuch as that was the firft and moft wealthy. The breaft and arms of filter fignify the lecond kingdom : For Cyrus, the Chaldeans and Medes being overcome, transferred the empire to the Perfians. In the brazen belly the third kingdom is declared to be portended; and that we fee fulfilled: Forafmuch as the empire taken from the Perfians Alexander vindicated to Macedonia. The iron legs are the fourth kingdom: and that is the Roman, the ftrongeft of alt the kingdoms before St. But the feet part of iron and part of clay, prefigure the Roman empire to he fo divided as that it fhould never unite again: which is equally fulfilled——Forafmuch as the Roman territory is occupied by foreign nations or rebels--*
and We fee (faith he, and he lived at the beginning of the'* fifth century) barbarous nations mixed with our armies, cities, and provinces——But in the tione cut out without hands, which brake in pieces the gold, the filver, the brafs, the iron, and the clay, we have a figure of Chrift. For he Shall reduce this world, in which are the kingdoms of the earth, to nothing, and fhall ethiblifh another everlalting kingdom. Of which alone the faith of lome is itill dubious, and they will not credit future things, when they are convinced of the paft.”
Nay Grotiushimfelf, the great patron of the other opinion, that the fifth kingdom is the Roman empire, commenting upon thole wrords, ver. 45. ‘ it brake in pieces the iron, the brals, the clay, the filver, and the gold,’ cannot but acknow-
of the prophecy we fee fulfilled. For Alexander having wrcfted the empire from the Perfians, delivered it up to the Macedonians. The legs of iron denote the fourth empire, namely the Roman which was the ftrongeft of all the kingdoms that had gone before it. But the feet partly of iron, and partly of clay, fignify that the Roman empire was to be divided in fuch a manner, as never to be again united. This alfo has been fulfilled.—For the Roman territory is now poflelTed by foreign nations or rebels.—In our armies, cities and provinces, we at prefent witnefs a mixture of barbarous nations.—Butin the ftone cut out without hands, which brake in, pieces the gold, the filver, the brafs, the iron and the clay, we have an emblem of Chrift. For he will bring to nothing, that world in which are earthly kingdoms, and fhall eftablilh another incorruptible kingdom. Concerning which alone, fome are ftill in doubt, difcrediting future things, though convinced of the pad.’ See Sulpicius* Sacred Hiftory, Book II. page* 66, 67, in the Elzivir edition of 1656.
-j* See Cave's Literary hiftory, Vol. 1. page 374*.
■"THE PROPHECIES
225
ledge that * thefublimer fenfe is, that Chrift Will put an end to all earthly empires, according to 1 Corinth, xv. 24. that ‘ he lhall put down all rule, and all authority, and power.*
Thus it pleafed God to reveal unto Daniel, and by Daniel -unto Nebuchadnezzar, the greatelt and fnoft figndl events of this world. As Daniel faid unto Nebuchadnezzar, ter. 45.
‘ The great God hath made known to the king what fhaH come to pafs hereafter; and the dream is certain, and the interpretation thereof is Cure.* The king hearing his dream related with £uch exa&nel's, might be better affured of the truth of the interpretation, and of the great events which fhould follow. And from hence we are enabled in fome xueafure to account for Nebuchadnezzar's prophefying a little before he died. A bydenus wrote the hiftory of the A {Tyrians. It is not well, known in what age he lived, and his hiftory is loft: but there is a fragment of it preierVed by Eul’e-bius, wherein it is aflerted upon the authority of Megaiihencs * that Nebuchadnezzar was divinely infpired and prophefied in f this manner : “I Nebuchadnezzarforetel unto you, O Babylonians, an imminent calamity, which neither Belus my progenitor, nor queen Beltis can perluade the fates to avert ; A Perfian mule lhall comeaffiftecl by your demons, and impofe fervitude upon you; whofe coadjutor fhall be a Mede, the boaftofthe Afiyrians.” And loon after he died. Herodotus, who was a much older hiftorian than Megafihe-nes, relates that a Delphic oracle was given to Crcefus king of Lydia, that + when a mule fhould rule over the Medes, then he fhould not be afhamed to fly away. Which oracle was afterwards thus interpreted by the Pythian prieftefs; Cyrus § was this mule; for he was born of parents of diflfe-
* ‘ The fublimer fenfe is, that Chrift will put an end to all earthly governments,* 1 Cor. xv. 24. See Grotius on the paffage.
6 0 Babylonians, I Nebuchadnezzar foretel to you an approaching calamity, which neither Belus my progenitor, nor queeri Beltis could ever perfuade the fates to turn away from you. A Perfian mule will come, aided by your demons, and lay a heavy yoke upon your necks. He lhall have for his afliftant a Mede, the pride of the Alfyrians. See Eufebius’ Evangelical Preparation, Book IX. Chap, xli* page 456, in Vigerus’ edition.
J * But when a mule fhall be king of the Medes, then O Lydian be not afhamed to flee away/ See Herodotus, Book I. Chap. lv. page 21, in Gale’s edition.
§ * For Cyrus truly was this mule, being defcended from two parents that belonged to different nations, and being of a nobler extraction by the mother’s fide than by the father’s, For fbe was a
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rent nations, the mother the better, and the father the meaner; for flie was a Mede, and the daughter of the king of the Medes, but he was a Perfian and fubject to the Medes.
If any credit is to be given to thele ltories, if any luch prophecy was uttered by Nebuchadnezzar a little before his death, if any luch oracle was received and believed of Cyrus .and the Perlians fubduing Afia, the notion, the tradition , jnay very well be luppofed to have been derived originally from this prophecy of Daniel, which being fo lolemnly delivered to a great king, and publilhed in Chaldee* might come to be generally known in tne eaft; and the event foon afterwards evinced the truth of it.
It was from this prophecy too, that the diltin&ion firft a-rdfe of the four great empires of the world, which hath been followed by molt hiftorians and chronologers in their diltri-bution of times. Thefe four empires, as they are the lub-je6t of this prophecy, are like wile the lubjebt of the molt celebrated pens both in former and in later ages. The hiito-ries of thefe empires are the belt writ, and the molt read of any; they are the ltudy of the learned, and the amulement of the polite * .they are of ufe both in fchools, and in fenates we learn them when we are young, and we forget them not .when we are old ; from hence examples, inltrudions, laws and politics are derived for all ages; and very little in companion is known of other times, or of other nations. Not but there have l>een empires as great or greater than fome of thefe, as thole of the Tartars for inltance, and of the Saracens, and of the Turks; and you may think perhaps, that they are as well deferving of a place in this fuccelfion of kingdoms, and were equally worthy to be made the objebts of prophecy, being as eminent for the wil'dom of their confutations, the extent of their dominions, and the length of their duration. But thefe four empires hacl a particular relation to the church and people of God, who were fubjebt to each of ..them in their turns. They were therefore particularly predidted ; and we have in them, without the intermixture of others, a line of prophecy (as I may fay) extending from the reign of Nebuchadnezzar to the full and complete efta-blilhment of the kingdom of the Meffiali. He who is arbiter of kingdoms, and governor of the univerfe, can reveal as much 6f their future revolutions as he pleafetli: aud he hath re-
Mede, the daughter of Aftyages, a king of the Medes. But he was a Perfian, and under the dominion of the Medes.’ See Herodotus, in the fame place, Chap. xci. page 39.
THE PROPHECIES.
m
vealed enough to manifeft his providence, and to confirm the truth of religion. What Daniel faid upon the firft difcoveiy of thefe things, well may we lay after the completion oflo many particulars, ver. 20—22. * Bleiied be the name of God for ever and ever; for wiidom and might are his. And lie changeth the times and the leafons :■ he removeth kings, and fetteth up kings : he giveth wifdom unto the wife, and knowledge to them that know underftanding. He revealeth the deep and fecret things: he knoweth what is in the dark-nels, and the light dwelleth with him.*
’ Daniel’s vifion of the fame.
HAT was revealed unto Nebuchadnezzar in the fe-
vv cond year of his reign concerning the four great em-' pires of the world, was again revealed unto Daniel Chap, vii. with fome enlargements and additions in the firltyearof Belfhazzar, that is about eight and forty years afterwards. But there is this difference, that what was exhibited to Nebuchadnezzar in the form of a great image, was reprefented to Daniel in the fhape of great wild beads. The realon of which is ingenioufly affigned by Grotius, and after him by * Mr Lowth, “ that this image appeared with a glorious ludre in imagination of Nebuchadnezzar, whole mind was wholly taken up with admiration of worldly pomp and lplen-dour; whereas the fame monarchies were reprefented to Daniel under the fhape of fierce and wild beads, as being the great fupporters of idolatry and tyranny in the world.”
Daniel dreamed, and the angel interpreted. * Thefe great beads, which are four,’ (fays the angel, ver. 17.) ‘are four kings,* or kingdoms, as it is tranflated in the vulgar Latin, and the Greek, and Arabic verfions, and as the angel himfelf explains it, ver. 23. ‘ The fourth bead fhall be the fourth kingdom upon earth.* They arife out of a dormy and tempeduous lea, that is out of the wars and commotions of the world : and they are called great in companion of other leffer dates and kingdoms, as they are denominated beajis for their tyrannical and cruel oppreliions and depreda-
* See Lowth’s Commentary on Chap. ii. 31. and Grotiui on th$ paflage.
XIV
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Ff 2
DISSERTATIONS Olf

tions. Thefe beafts are indeed monftrous productions; a lion with eagle’s wings, a bear with three ribs in the mouth of it, a leopard with four wings and four heads, and a beaft’ with, ten horns: but fuch emblems and hieroglyphics were ufual among the eaftern nations; a winged lion and fuch fiditious animals may ftill be leen in the * ruins of Periepo-lis; horns are attributed to beads, which naturally have i hone ; and thefe figures were, as I may fay, the arms and fymbol&of fuch and fuch nations, iand are no ftranger than ieveral which are ftill uled in modern heraldry. We will confider them in order, arid take notice only of fuch interpretations as carry in them fomething probable and plaufi-ble, to tbie end that we may eftablifh what is more certain. To recite all the various opinions of commentators would be but heaping up a monument of the abfurdities of former ages. We may collect fomething from one, and fomething from a-nother, and yet in all refpe&s perfectly agree with none.
I. The firft kingdom is reprefented by a beaft, ver. 4. that was ‘ like a lion, and had eagle’s wings: and I beheld till the wings thereof were pluckt, and it was lifted up from the earth, and made ftand upon the feet as a man, and a man’s heart was given to it.* This is the kingdom of the Babylonians: and the king of Babylon is in like manner compared to a lion by Jermiah, iv. 7. c The lion is come up from his thicket, and the deftroyer of the Gentiles is on hi$ way and he isfaid to fly as an eagle, xlviii. 40. c Behold, he flia.ll fly as an eagle, and (hall fpread his wings over Mo-i ab;’ and lie isalfo compared to an eagJe by Ezekiel, xvii. 3, et 19. * Thus faith the Lord God, A great eagle with great wings, &c.’ The lion is efteemed the king of beafts, and the eagle the king of birds : and therefore the kingdom of Babylon, which isdecribed as the firft and nobleit kingdom, and was the kingdom then in being, is laid to partake of the nature of both. Inftead of a lion, the Vulgar Latin, and the Greek, and Arabic verfions have a lionefs; and it is f Jerome’s obfervation, that the kingdom of Babylon for its cruelty is compared not to a lion, but to a lioftels, which paturaljits lay is the fiercer of the two,
* See Sir John Chardin and other travellers.
f The Babylonian kingdom, on account of its ferocity and cruelty,.—is not called a lion but a lionefs. For they who have written, on the nature of beafts, tell us that the lionefs is the moll ferocious and cruel, &c. See Jerome’s Commentary on the place, Vol. III. page 1090, in the Benedi&ine edition.
THE PROPHECIES*
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The eagle’s wings detiote its fwiftnefs and rapidity: and the conqueiis of Babylon were very rapid, that empire being advanced to the heignth within a few years by % Angle perfon, by the condu6t and arms of Nebuchadnezzar. It is farther fa id, * the wings thereof were pluckt, and it was lifted up from the earth/ that is, it was taken away from the earth, as it is commonly underftood, and as it is tranilated inalmoft all the * ancient verfions: or it may be rendered thus, the wings thereof were pluckt wherewith it was lif ted up from the earth, as f Grotius explains it, and as we read itin the taap* gin of our bibles, the conjun6tion copulative fometiihesfupply-' ing the place of a relative. Its wings were beginning to be pluckt at the time of the delivery of this prophecy; for at this time the Medes and Perfians were incroacning upon it * Belfhazzai* the king now reigning was the laft of his race; and in the J ieventeenth year of his reign Babylon was taken, and the kingdom was transferred to the Medes and Perfians.
‘ And it was made Hand upon the feet as a man, and a man’s heart was given to it.’ It is not eafy to fay what ig the precife meaning of this paffage; unlefs it be an allufion to the cafe of Nebuchadnezzar, when in his madnefs, iv. 6.
*	a beaft’s heart was given unto him,’ and after lie was re* ftored to hisfenles, ‘ a man’s heart was given to him’ again-What appears molt probable is, that after the Babylonian dmpire Was fubverted, the people became more humane and gentle; their minds were humbled with their fortune; and they, who vaunted as if they had been gods, now felt them-* felves to be but men. They were brought tp fueh a fenfe as the Plalmift wiiheth 1‘uch perfons to have, Plal. ix. 20.
*	Put them in fear, O Lord; that the nations may know themfelves to be but men.’
II. The fecond kingdom is reprefen ted, ver. 5. by ‘ ano-
* * And (be fay6) it was lifted up from the earth. This hap* pened by the fubveriion of the impious empire of the Chaldeans/ See Jerome on the pafTage. * And it was taken away from the earth/ See the Septuagint. * I beheld its wings plucked, and re-moved from the ground/ See the Syriac verfion. * And it went awiy from the earth/ See the Arabic.
f * And it was removed from the earth ; namely by its wings, which lifted it above the earth. For frequently in the Chaldee, tiolefs than in the Hebrew language, the copulative conjunction hag the power of the relative pronoun/ See Grotius on Dan. vii. 4.
J See Jofephus’ Antiquities, Book X. Chap. xi. Sett. 4. page 462, in Hudfon’s edition. See alfo Uflaer, Prideaux, and other Chronologers.
DISSERTATIONS OlV
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tiier bead! like to a bear, and it raifed up itfelf on one fide, and it had three ribs in the mouth of it between the teeth of it: and they laid thus unto it, Arife, devour much flelh/ This is the kingdom of the Medes and Perlians: and for their cruelty and greedinefs after blood they are compared to a bear, which is a moll voracious and cruel animal. The very learned * Bochart recounts feveral particulars, wherein the Perlians relembled bears: but the chief likenefs confided in what I have mentioned; and this likenels was principally intended by the prophet, as I think we may infer from the words of the text itfelf; ‘Arife, devour much flelh.* A hear, faith Ariltotle, is an all-devouring animal: and fo, fiiith t Grotius, the Medo-Perfians were great robbers and fpoilers according to Jeremiah, li. 48, 5b*.
*	And it railed up itlelf on one fide/ or as it is in the margin, it raifed vp one dominion ; for the Perlians were fubjeft to the Medes at the conqueft of Babylon, but foon after mi-fed up thcmfelves above them. ‘ And it had three ribs in the mouth of it between the teeth of it;, thefe % Jerome tmderdands of the three kingdoms of the Babylonians, Medes, and Perlians, which were reduced into one kingdom; and fo likewifc Vatablus and Grotius: but § Sir Ifaac Newton and Bilhop Chandler with greater propriety explain them to fignify the kingdoms of Babylon, Lydia, and Egypt, which were conquered by it, but were not properly parts and members of its body. They might be called ribs, as the conqueltof them much ftrengthened thePerlian empire ; and they might be faid to be ‘ between the teeth of the bear/ as they were much grinded and opprefled by the Perlians.
‘ And they faid thus unto it, Arife, devour much flelh :f this was faid, as it was before obferved, to denote the cruelty * * * §
*	See Bochart’s Hierozoicon, Part I. Book III. Chap, ix Col. 816, See.
f ‘ The bear is an all-devouring animal, faith Ariftotle/ Book VIl’I. Chap. v. So Grotius on Jer. li. 46, 56. faith ‘ that the Medo-Perfians were great fpoilers and plunderers.*
% * Therefore, the three rows (ribs) in the mouth of the kingdom of the Perlians, and in its teeth, we mull underftand, the three kingdoms of the Babylonians, Medes and Perfians, which were reduced into one kingdom.* See Jerome’s Commentary, Vol. III. page 1100, in the Benedi&ine edition. See alfo Vatablus, and Grotius on the paflage.
§ See Sir Ifaac Newton’s Observations on Daniel, Chap. iv. page 29, See alfo Bp. Chandler’s Vindication, Book I# Chap. ii. Seft, % page 198,
*HE PAOPHECm/
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of the Medes and Perfiang. They are alfo repfefented very cruel by the prophet Ilaiah, xiii. 18. ‘ Their bows alio (hall dafli the young men to pieces, and they (hall have" no pity on the fruit of the womb; their eye (hall not (‘pare children/ Cambyles, Ochus, and others of their princes were indeed more like bears than men. Inftances of their cruelty abound in almoi't all the hiltorians, who have written of their affairs, from Herodotus down to Ammianus Marcellinus, * wliode-fcribes them proud, cruel, exercifing the power of life and death over Haves and obfcure plebeians. They pull off the ikins, lays he, from men alive by pieces or all together: and they have abominable laws, by which for one man’s offence all the neighbourhood is deftroyed. Well therefore might a learned t French commentator fay, that the Perfians have exercried the muff levere, and the molt cruel dominion that >ve know of. The punifhments ufed among them beget horror in thofe who read of them.
III.	The third kingdom is reprefented, ver. 6. by ‘ another beaft like a leopard, which nad upon the back of it four wings of a fowl; the bead had alio four heads ■ and dominion was given to it/ This is the kingdom of the Macedonians or Grecians, who under the command of Alexander the Great overcame the Perfians, and reigned next after them 2 and it is fitly compared to a leopard upon feveral accounts. The leopard is remarkable for fwiftnefs; • their horles’ (faith, the prophet Habakkuk, i. 8.) • are fvvifter than the leopards / and Alexander and the Macedonians were amazingly fwift and rapid in their conquefts. The leopard is a lpotted animal : and fo was a proper emblem, according to f Bochart, of the different manners of the nations which Alexandir. commanded; or, according to § Grotius, of the various * * * §
* c Haughty*, cruel, claiming the power of life and death, over Haves and obfcure common people. They pull the (kin off from men alive, either in piecemeal or altogether. Their laws are to be deteft-' ed, whereby for the fault of one man, all his kindred are put to death/ See Ammianus Marcellinus, Book XXIII. Chap. vi. page 384, in Valefius* edition printed at Paris in 1681.
f 4 Tlie Perfians have exercifed a dominioh, the fevereft and moll cruel which is known. The punifhments infli&ed by them, produce horror in thofe who read them.' See Calmet on Daniel.
J 4 The different manners and cuftoms of the nations, over which he bare rule, may have a reference to the fpots of a leopard.* See Bochart’s Hierozoicon, Part I. Book III. Chap. vii. Col. 789.
§ 4 The leopard is an animal of divers colours. So in Alexander we difeover a variety. For fome times he was merciful, then cruel,
DISSERTATIONS ON
jnafcirers of Alexander himfelf, who was fometimes merciful, ami lome times Cruel; fometimes temperate, and lome t imes drunken; fomctimes abftemious, and lometimesincoutiiient. The leopard, as * Bochart obferves, is of lmall ftature, but of great courage, lb as not to be afraid to engage with the lion and the larged beads; and fo Alexander, a little king in companion, of fmall dature too, and with a fmall army, dared to attack the king of kings, that is Darius, whofe kingdom was extended from the Aegean lea to die Indies. Outliers have purfued the companion further, but with more fubtility than folidity; for I conceive the principal point of likenels was deligned between the fwiftuefs and impetuofity of the one and the other.
For the fame region the bead ‘ had upon the back of it four wings of a fowl.’ The Babylonian empire was vepre* fented with two wings, but this is defcribed with Jour. For% as f Jerome faith, nothing was fwifter than the victories of Alexander, who ran through all the countries from lllyri-cum and the Adriatic fea to the Indian ocean and the river Ganges, not fo much fighting as conquering, and in y£ryears (he ihould have laid in twelve) lubjugated part of Europe, and all Afia to himfelf. ‘ The bead had alio four heads to denote the four kingdoms into which this fame third kingdom Ihould be divided, as it was divided into four kingdoms after the death of Alexander, £ his four captains Callander reigning over Macedon and Greece, Lylimachus over Thrace and Bithynia, Ptolemy over Egypt, and Seleucus over Syria.
‘ And dominion was given to it;* which Ihoweth, as § Je-
Cbmetimes temperate, then drunken, fbmeiimes chafte, and then incontinent. * See Grotius on the paflage.
* * The leopard is a bead of fmall dature, but eminently didin-guifbed For its courage and drength, fo that it is not afraid to engage with the lion, or any other of the larged beads of prey. In like manner, Alexander thongh a little king, and with a fmall. army, ventured to attack a king of kings, namely Darius, whofe empire reached from the Egean fea to the Indies.’ See Bochart in the fame place.
f * Nothing was fwifter than the conquefts of Alexander. For he ran through all the countries, which extend from Illyricum, and the Venetian fea to the Indian ocean, and the banks of the Ganges, tether conquering than fighting : And in the compafs of fix years, he made himfelf mader of a part of Europe, and the whole of Ada.’ See Jerome’s Commentary, Vql. HI. page .1160., in the Beiiedi&ine edition.
X See .Prideaux* Connexions, Part I. Book VIlI. year 301, and fourth of Ptolemy Soter.
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ttlfc prophecies;
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rotnelaith, that it was not owing to the fortitude of A lexander, but proceeded from the will of the Lord. And indeed unlefs he had been directed, preferved, and afiilled by the mighty power of God, how could Alexander with thirty thoufand men have overcome Darius with fix hundred thou-fand, and in fo lhort a time have brought all the countries from Greece as far as to India into fubje&ion.
IV.	The fourth kingdom is reprefented, Ver. 7. by a * fourth bead, dreadful and terrible; and ftrong exceedingly; and ft had great iron teeth; it devoured, and brake in pieces, and damped the refidue with the feet of it, and it was divers from all the beads that were before it.’ Daniel was curious to know particularly what this might mean ; ver. 19. 4 Then I would know the truth of the fourth bead, which was divers from all the others, exceeding dreadful, whofe teeth were of iron, and his nails of brafs, which devoured, brake in pieces, and damped the refidue with his feet.* And he was anfwered thus by the angel; Ver. 23.
4 The fourth bead (hall be the fourth kingdom upon earth* which (hall be divers from all kingdoms, and (hall devour the whole earth, and (hall tread it down, and break it in
Eieces.’ This fourth kingdom can be none other than the ,oman empire; for it as abfurd, as it is Angular, to pretend to reckon the kingdoms of the Seleucidae in Syria and of the Lagidae or Ptolomies in Egypt as the fourth kingdom. Calmet himfelf * acknowledgeth, that this is ufually explained of the Roman empire; and though for reafons of church, as well as reafons of date, he may prefer the other hypothefis, yet it is, “ without pretending to deftroy the fy-dem which underdands the fourth empire of the Rontan, and which, as he confeffeth, is the mod commonly received among interpreters.”
The kingdoms of the Seleucidae and of the Lagidae can ill no refped anfwer to this defeription of the fourth bead or kingdom. It is deferibed as ‘ dreadful, and terrible, and drong exceedingly: but the kingdoms of the Lagidae and of the Seleucidae were lejs terrible, and lefs drong than any of the former kingdoms* It ‘ devoured, and brake in pieces* and damped the refidue,* that is the remains of the former kingdoms, 4 with the feet of itbut the Lagidae and the
* 1 It is ordinarily explained of the Roman empire.—Without pre* tending nevertheless to overturn the fyftefn, which Underftands the fourth empire, of the Roman, and which is the moft commonly r*»-Reived among interpreters* * See Calmet on the paffage;
Vol. I. No.	G g
DISSERTATIONS ON
SeleucMae were almoft continually at war with each other ; and inltead of fubduing other kingdoms, tore to pieces their own- It was ‘ divers from all kingdoms,’ that is of a different nature and conftitution of government: but Egypt and Syria were governed much in the fame manner as the former kingdoms, and were equally abfolute monarchies. Of the fourth kingdom it is faid, * that it lhall devour the whole earth, and fhall tread it down, and break it in pieces/ but this can never be applied to the kings of Egypt and Syria, who were lo far from enlarging their dominions, that they could not prelerve what was left them by-their ancellors.
Wherefore * Jerome rightly concluded, that “ the fourth empire which now polfelieth the world, is the Roman, whereof it is faid in the ftatue, his legs of iron, his feet part of iron, and part of clay ; and yet he mentions now the iron in part, atfcefting that it had great iron teeth. And I greatly wonder, laith he, that when he had before placed a lion, and a bear, and a leopard in three kingdoms, he Ihould compare the Roman empire to no bealt: unlefs perhaps that he might make the bealt more formidable, he concealed the Dame ; fo that whatfoever we could imagine the molt fierce in beafts, that we Ihould underhand the Romans to be.” The fourth bealt was lb great and horrible, that it was not eafy to find an adequate name for it: and the Roman empire was * dreadful, and terrible, and ltrong exceedingly/ beyond any of the former kingdoms. It w7as ‘ divers from all kingdoms/ not only in its republican form of government, but likevvile in ltrength, and power, and greatnels, length of duration, and extent of dominion. ‘ It devoured, and brake in pieces, and (tamped the refidue with the feet of it / it reduced Macedon into a Roman province t about 108 years, the kingdom of Pergamus about 133 years, Syria about 05 years, and Egypt about 30 years before Chrilt.
* 1 The fourth kingdom, which now bears rule over all the earth, is the Roman. Concerning it, in the image it'is faid, that its legs were of iron, and its feet partly of iron, and partly of clay ; and yet he now mentions the iron in part, and bears witnefs that its teeth were of iron, and large. I greatly wonder, that when he hath put the lionefs, the bear and the leopard in three kingdoms, he Ihould not compare the Roman to any wild beaft ; unlefs perhaps he hath o-mitted the name, to render tte beaft the more terrible, that whatever we can think of, as being fierceft, is to be underftood of the Roman/ See Jerome’s Commentary, Vol. III. page 1100 in the Benedi&ine edition.
f See Ulher, Prideaux, and other chronologers.
THE PROPHECIES,
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And befides the remains of the Macedonian empire, it fub-dued many other provinces and kingdoms, fo that it migh( by a very ufeful figure be laid, to * devour the whole earth, and to tread it down, and break it in pieces;’ and became in a manner what the Roman writers delighted to call it, terrarum orhis imperium, the empire of the whole world.
A Greek writer too, and hea grave and judicious hiftorian, who flourilhed in the reign of Augutfus Caelar, hath a remarkable paffage, which is very pertinent to our prefent purpofe. Speaking of the great fuperiority of the Roman . empire to all former empires he faith, that the Perfian was lucceeded by the Macedonian, and the Macedonian by the Roman ; fo that he had no conception of Alexander’s ere6t-ing one kingdom, and his fucceflbrs another, but confidered them both as one and the lame kingdom. His words are, * 44 the Macedonian empire having overturned the force of the Perfians, in greatnefs indeed of dominion exceeded all the kingdoms which were before it: but yet it did not flou-rifii a long time, but after the death of Alexander it began to grow worfe and worfe. For being immediately detracted into feveral principalities by his luccellors, and after them having ftrength to go on to the fecond or third generation, it was weakened by itfelf and at laft was deftroyed by the Romans. And yet it did not reduce all the earth and lea to its obedience. For neither did it pollefs Africa, except
The kingdom of the Macedonians, having deftroyed the power of the Perfians, exceeded in largenefs of dominion all that had been before it. But even this kingdom did not long flourilh. For after the death of Alexander, its ruin began. It was then divided into many principalities by his fucceffors, and after them, it was continued to the third and fourth generation, but was weakened by itfelf, and at laft overturned by the Romans. Nor yet did it reduce into its dominion all lands and feas. It was not even poflefled of Africa, which is of great extent, excepting that part of it, which bordereth upon E-gypt, nor did it conquer the whole of Europe* but reached only to
Thrace northward, and- weihvard defcended to the Venetian fea.----
But the Roman republic has obtained dominion, over all that part of the earth, which is not defert, but inhabited, and is miftrefs of the whole fea, not only of that within the pillars of Hercules, but alfo.of the ocean, as far as it is navigable. It is the firft and only one, in the memory of man, which hath made the eaft and weft the bounds of its dominion... Its power hath not lafted for a Ihort time, but its duration hath been greater, than hath fallen to the lot of any republic pr kingdom.* See the Roman Antiquities of Dionyfius, of Halicarnaf-ftts, Book I. page 2, and 3, in Hudfon*s edition.
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DISSERTATIONS OH
CSS
that part adjoiniug to Egypt; neither did it fhbdae all Eu* rope, hut only northwards it proceeded as far as Thrace* Rnd weftwards it defcended to the Adriatic fea. But the city of Rome ruleth over all the earth, as far as it is inhabited ; and commands all the fea, not only that within the pillars of Hercules, but alfo the ocean, as far as it is navigable, having firttand alone of all the moft celebrated kingdoms, inade the eaft and weft the bounds of its empire; and its do^ minion hath not continued a fliort time, but longer than that of auy other city or kingdom.”
2.	Another remarkable property of this bead is, vev. 7. that ■ it had ten hornsand according to the angel’s interpretation, ver. 24. ‘ the ten horns out of this kingdom are ten kings’ or kingdoms ‘ that (hall arife. Four kings’ a little before, ver. 17- fignified ‘ four kingdoms: and fo here ten kings are ten kingdoms according to the ufual phrafeology of fcripture. And this is a farther argument, that the king-doips of the Lagidae and of the Seleucidae cannot poflibly be tile fourth kingdom, becaufe they were never divided into la many parts. The Macedonian empire was divided a few years after the death of Alexander into four kingdoms, whereof Egypt and Syria were two; but thefe two were never again iubdivided into ten lefler kingdoms. Porphyry therefore, who made two feparate kingdoms of the kingdom pf Alexander and his fucceffors, contrary to the received interpretation of kings for kingdoms, reckons down to Antiochus Epiphanes, whom he fuppofeth to be the little horn, ten Jiings who were molt cruelbut thefe kings, as* Jerome pbferves, were not all of one kingdom, of Macedonia for in-ftance, or Syria, or Afia, or Egypt; but the lift was made up out of the different kingdoms.
Grotius t, indeed, and Collins after him, form their catar logue of the ten kings, who were very opprelftve and cruel to the Jews, out of the kings of Egypt and Syria: and they fhus enumerate them, five out of one kingdom, and live out of the other, Ptolemy' the fon of Lagus, Selucus Nicator, Ptolemy Eupator [I fuppofe they meant Ptolemy Philadel-
* And afterwards down to Ant iochus firnamed Epiphanes, allof whom were outrageoufly cruel. He places thefe king?, not in one kingdom, for example, in that of Macedonia, or Syria, or Afia, or Egypt. But he makes up his one lift of kings, by taking them out of different kingdoms. See Jerome’s Commentary, Vol. III. page 11 SO, in the Benedi&ine edition.
f See Grotius on the paffage. See alfo Scheme gf Literal Prophecy, &c. page 162.
THE PROPHECIES*
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phus for he reigned next before Ptolemy the fon oFLagus, and next after Ptolemy Euergetes, being the (bn of the former, and the father of the latter] Ptolomy Euergetes, Seleu-cus Callinicusr Antiochus the great, Ptolemy Philopater, Ptolemy Epiphanes, Seleueus Philopater, and Antiochus E-piphanes. but it happens, that fome of thefe kings did not perfecute the Jews at all, as Seleueus Callinicus. Others were fo far from perfecuting them, that they were their patrons and protestors. Such were Ptolemy the fon of Lagus, Seleueus Nicator, Ptolemy Philadelphia, Ptolemy Euerge-tes, and Antiochus the Great; and fuch they are reckoned by * Jofephus himfelf. So that out of the ten kings only four were pcrfecutors and oppreflbrs of the Jews. The ten noms too are reprefented as exilting all at once : they (hoot out and appear upon the head of the bead all together: but thefe kings were hot all contemporaries, many of them were fucc£ffive, and one fell before another rofe. So forced and arbitrary is this expofition, and lb contrary to the truth of hiltory.
We muft therefore look for the ten kings or kingdoms, where only they can be found, amid the broken pieces of the Roman empire. The Roman empire, as the f Romanifta them (elves allow", was by means of the incurfions of the northern nations, difmembered into ten kingdoms: and t Ma-phiavel, little thinking what he was doing, (as Biihop Chandler oblerves) hath given us their names; 1. the Oi-trogoths in Mcefia, 2. the Vifigoths in Pannonia, 3. the Su-eves and Alans in Gafcoigne and Spain, 4. the Vandals in Africa, 5. the Franks in France, 6. the Burgundians in Burgundy, 7. the HueliandTuringi in Italy, 8. the Saxons and Angies in Britain, 9. the Huns in Hungary, 10. the Lorn? bards atfirll upon the Danube, afterwards in Italy.
Mr Mede, whom § a certain writer elteemed as a man dir vinely infpired for the interpretation of the prophecies, |j Reckons up the ten kingdoms thus iq the year 455', the year after Rome was lacked by Genferic king of the Vandals: * * * §
* See Antiquities, Book XII. Chap. i. ii. iii. See himagainft; At pion, Book II. Se&. 4, and 5. page 1365, in Hudfon’s edition.
f See Calmet upon Rev. xiii. 1. He refers to Berengaud, Bof. fuet, and Du Pin.
X See Machiavel’s Hiftory of Florence, Book I. See Bp. Chandler's Vindication, &c. Book I. Chap. ii. Se&. S. page 235.
§ See Monf. J urieu's Preface to his AccOmplilhinent of Scripture Prophecies.
H See Mede's Works, Book III. page 661.
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DISSERTATIONS 0!*
1. the Britons, 9. the Saxons in Britain, 3. the Franks, 4. the Burgundians in France, 5. the Wifigoths in the louth of France and part of Spain, 6. the Sueves and Alans in Galli-ciaand Portugal, 7. the Vandals in Africa, 8. the Alemanes in Germany, 9. the Oftrogoths whom the Longobards fuc-ceeded, in Pannonia, and afterwards in Italy, 10. the Greeks in the refidue of the empire.
That excellent chronologer Bilhop Lloyd exhibits the following * lift of the ten kingdoms with the time of their rife ; 1. Huns about A. D. 356. 2. Oftrogoths 377- 3. Wifigoths S78. 4. Franks 407. 5. Vandals 407 . 6. Suevesand Alans 407-7. Burgundians 407. 8. Herules and Rugians 476. 9. Saxons 476. 10. Longobards began to reign in Hungary A. D. 526. and were feated in the northern parts of Germany about the year 483.
Sir lfaac Newton enumerates them t thus, 1. the kingdom of the Vandals and Alans in Spain and Africa, 2. the kingdom of the Suevians in Spain, 3. the kingdom of the Vifigoths, 4. the kingdom of the Alans in Gallia, 5. the kingdom of the Burgundians, 6. the kingdom of the Franks, 7. the kingdom of the Britons, 8. the kingdom of the Huns, 1). the kingdom of the Lombards, 10. the kingdom of Ravenna.
The few variations in thefe accounts muft be afcribed to the great diforder and confufion of the times, one kingdom falling, and another rifing, and lcarce ahy fubfiiting for a long while together. As a learned t writer remarks, “ all thefe kingdoms were varioufly divided either by conqueft or inheritance. However, as if that number of ten had been fatal in the Roman dominions, it hath been taken notice of upon particular occafiotis. As about A. 1240 by Eberard Bilhop of Saltfburg in the diet at Ratilbon. At the time of the Reformation they were alio ten. So that the Roman empire w as divided into ten in a manner, firll and laft.” Mr Whifi* ton, who publifiied his efiay on the Revelation of St John in the year 1-706, farther § oblerves, “ that as the number of the kingdoms, into which the Roman empire in Europe, agreeably to the ancient prophecies, was originally divided A. D. 456, was exa&ly ten : lo it is alio very nearly retum-
* See the Addenda to Lowth’s Commentary, page 514.
' f See Sir lfaac Newton’s Obfervations pn the book of Daniel,
Chap. vi. page 47.
'I See Daubuz cn Rev. xiii. 1. page 559.
J See Eflay on the Revelation, Part III. Vifion IV,
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td again to the fame condition; and at prefent is divided into ten grand or principal kingdoms or Hates.—For though there are many more great kingdoms and dominions in Europe betides, yet they are out of the bounds of the old Roman empire, and lb notdire&ly within our prefent inquiry.”
We would, for reafons which will hereafter appear to the attentive reader, fix thefe ten kingdoms at a different eera from any of the foregoing ; and let us fee how they liood in the eighth century. The principal ftates and governments then were 1. of the fenate of Rome, w ho revolted from the Greek emperors, and claimed and exerted the privilege of choofing a new weftern emperor; 2. of the Greeks in Ravenna; 3. of the Lombards in Lombardy; 4. of the Hufts in Hungary; 5. of the Alenjanes in Germany; 6. of the Franks in France ; 7. of the Burgundians iri Burgundy; 8. of the Goths iu Spain; 9. of the Britons; 10. of the Saxons in Britain. Not that there were conftantly ten kingdoms; they were fometimes more, and fometimes fewer: but, as * Sir Ifaac Newton fays, “ whatever was their number afterwards, they are (till called the ten kings from their firft number.”
3.	Befides thefe ten horns or kingdoms of the fourth empire, there was to fpring up among them another little horn. 41 confidered the horns,* faith Daniel, ver. S. ‘ and behold there came up among them another little horn, before whom •there were three of the firft horns pluckt up by the roots/ Daniel was eager to know, ver. 20. as 6 of the ten horns/ lb likewife * of the other which came up, and before whom three fell/ And he was informed by the angel, ver. 24. that as ‘ the ten horns out of this kingdom were ten kings or kingdoms ‘ that lhould arile/ fo likewife that * another lhall rife after them, and he (hall fubdue three kings’ or kingdoms. One abfurdity generally produceth another: and f Grotius, in conlequence of his former fuppofition that the fourth kingdom was the' kingdoms of the Seleucidde and the Lagidae, fuppofethi alfo that ‘ the little horn* was Anti-ochus Epiphanes, and that ■ the three horns which were pluckt up before him’ were his elder brother Seleucus, and Demetrius the fon of Seleucus, and Ptolemy Philopator king of Egypt: and Collins adopts the fame notion after Grotius, for Collins was only a retailer of leraps, and could not advance any thing of this kind of his own. But iurely
* See Sir- Ifaac Newton’s Obfervations on the Book of Daniel Chap. vi. page 73.
| See Grotius, Collins on the fame.
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it is very Arbitrary to reckon Antiochus Epiphanes as one of the ten horns, and at the feme time as the little horn, when the prophet hath plainly made the little horn an eleventh horn, diftindt from the former ten. There were ‘ three of the firft horns’ to be pluckt up by the roots before the little horn; but the three kings mentioned by Grotius are not all in his firft catalogue of ten kings, neither Ptolemy Philometer (if Philometor be meant) nor Demetrius being of the number. Neither were they ‘ pluckt up by the roots* by Anti-achus, or by his order. Seleucus was i poifoned by his treafurer Heliodorus, whofe aim it was to ufurp the crown to himfelf, before Antiochus returned from Rome, where he had been detained a hoftage feveral years. Demetrius f Eyed to dethrone and murder the ion of Antiochus, and fuo ceeded him in the kingdom of Syria. Ptolemy Philopator % died king of Egypt almoft thirty years before Antiochus came to the throne of Syria : or if Ptolemy Philometor, Philometor (as is molt probable) was meant by Grotius, tho* he fulfered much in his wars with Antiochus, yet furvived him J about eighteen years, and died in poifeffion of the crown of Egypt, after the family of Antiocnus had been fet afide from the fuccellion to the crown of Syria. Neither doth Antiochus Epiphanes anfwer to the charafter of the little horn in other refpefts, and particularly in this. The little hom continues, ver 21, 22, 26, to reign till the fecond coming of Chrift in glory ; but Antiochus Epiphanes died about 164 years before his firft coming in the flefh. Thefe are all farther arguments to prove, that the fourth heaji muft needy fignify the Roman empire, and that the ten horns re-prefent the ten kingdoms into which that empire was divided, and therefore we muft look for the little horn among them, and no where elfe: and that we may not be led away by modern prejudices, let us fee whether the ancients will not allord us fome light and dire&ion.
* See Appian's Hiftory of the Syrian War, page 116, in Stepha* bus* edition, and page 187, in that of Tollius.
f See the fame work of Appian, page 117, in Stephanus* edition, page 186, in that of Tollius. See Juftin, Book xxxiv. Chap, iiu See Jofephus’ Antiquities, Book xii. Chap. x. Se&. 1. page 548, in Hudfon’s edition.
J Ptolemy Philopator died Atino 204. Antiochus became king Anno 175 before Chrift. See Ufher, Prideaux, &c.
$ Antiochus Epiphanes died Anno 164. Ptolemy Philometoi* Anno 146 before Chrift. See Uftier, Prideaux, &c.
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Irenseus, a father who flouriflied in the fecond century, treating of the fraud, pride, and tyranny of Antichrift, aiferts that * Daniel refpe&ing the end “ of the laft kingdom, that is, the laft ten kings, among whom tliat kingdom lhould be divided, upon whom the fon of perdition (hall come, laith that ten horrjs (hall grow on the beaft, and another little horn (hall grow up among them, and three of the firft horns (hall be rooted out before him. Of whom alio Paul the apoftle fpeaketh in his fecond epiftle to the Theflalonians, calling him the.fon of perdition, and the wicked one.	St
John, our Lord’s difciple, hath in the Apocalyps frill more plainly (ignilied of the laft time, and of the(e ten kings, among whom the empire that now reigneth (hall be divided, explaining what the ten horns fhall be, which were feen by Daniel.”
St Cyril of Jerufalem, who flouriflied about the middle of the fourth centufy, fpeaking of Antichrift’s coming in the latter times of the Roman empire, f laith, “ We teach
* 1 For Daniel, confidering the end of the laft kingdom, that is the laft ten kings, among whom that kingdom was to be parcelled out, in whofe time the ion of perdition lhould come, faith, that ten horns (hall grow upon the beaft, and another fmall horn (hall grow tip in the midft of them, and (hall root out three of the former* homs.-^Qf this, the apoftle Paul fpeaks in his fecond epiftle to the Theflalonians, when he mentions the fon of perdition and the wicked one, &c. John the Lord’s difciple, in his book of the Revelation, hath made us more fully acquainted with the laft time, and with the ten kings, among whom the prefent empire (hall be divided, declaring plainly, what the ten Korns (hall be, which were feen by Daniel,’ &c. See Irenseus, Book V. Chap. xxv. xxvi, &c. in Grabe’s edition.
f * But thefe things we teach, not with an affe&ation of eloquence, but in the way of gathering them out of the holy fcriptures, and efpecially out of the words of Daniel, which we have juft read; even as the archangel Gabriel hath interpreted the matter, exprefling himfelf in thefe words, “ the fourth beaft (hall be the fourth kingdom upon earth, which (hall be greater than all other kingdoms,” and that this is the empire of the Romans, is the fentime nt of eccle-fiaftical writers. For the firft of thefe kingdoms that became renowned, was that of the Affyrians. The fecond was that of the Medes and Perfians. After thefe came the third, namely the kingdom of the Macedonians. And the fourth is the prefent Roman empire. Afterwards Gabriel goes on to interpret, faying, " Its ten horns are ten kings that (hall arife, and another (hall arife after them, who (hall furpafs in wickednefs all that went before him
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thefe things not Gf our own Invention, but having learned # them out of the divine fcriptures, and efpecially out of the prophecy of Daniel which was juft now read ; even as Gabriel the archangel interpreted faying thus; the fourth beaft (hall be the fourth kingdom upon earthy which (hall exceed all the kingdoms: but that this is the empire of the Romans, ecclefiaftical interpreters have delivered. * Fof the firft that was made famous, was the kingdom of the A Syrians ; and the lecond, was that of the Medes and Peffians together; and after thefe the third. Was that of the Macedonians ; and the fourth kingdom, is now that of the Romafis. Afterwards Gabriel interpreting faith,/fa ten horns are tek king's that (hall arife; and after them (hall arife another king, Who (kail exceed in rcickednefs all before him ; not only thfc ten he faith, but alto all who were before him. And he \fhall deprefs three kings: but it is manifeft that of the firft 'ten'he fhall deprefs three, that he himfelf may reigti the Eighth : and he fhall fpeak Words, faith he, agarnft the mof^ High.’*
^ St Jerome having refuted Prophyry’s ndtion of Antiochus Epiphanes being tne little horn, (where by the way the jpaflage appears to want much emendation) * concludes thus: *.* Therefore let us fay wliat all ecclefiaftical writers have delivered, that in the latter days, when the empire of the Romans (hail be deltroyed, there will be ten kings, who fhall divide it between them, and an eleventh fhall arife., a little king, who fhall fubdue three of the ten kings, and the other feven fhall fubmit their necks to the conqueror.” Theodoret lpeaketh much to the fame pur pole in his comment upon Daniel i and f St Auftin exprelsly approveth of Jerome’s
Hot only thefe ten kings, but all others who have gone before him.
And he fhall fubdue three kings.” But it is manifeft that out of the firft ten, he fhall fubdue three, while he himfelf fhall reign as the eighth, and he fhall fpeak great words againft the moft high.’ 8ee Cyril of Jerusalem's Catechefis XV. Chap. vi. page 211, in Mill's-edition of Oxford.
* ‘ Therefore, let us mention the fentiment of all ecclefiaftical writers, namely, that at the end of the world, when the empire of the Romans fhall be deftroyed, there will arife ten kings, who fhall divide it among them, and an eleventh inconfiderable king fhall fpring up, who fhall conquer three, of the ten kings. Thefe being (lain, the remaining feven kings fhall do homage to the conqueror. See Jerome’s Commentary, Vol. III. page 1101* in the Benedifline edition.
f « Some have expounded thefe four kingdoms to be the Affyrian,
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interpretation.	if Thofe four kingdoms* faith lie, fome
lave expounded to be the Atiyrian, Perfian,. Macedonian and Roman. How properly they have done that, thofe who £re defirous of,knowing, may read die pre(byter Jerome*? book upon Daniel, which is very accurately and learnedly written.”
The fathers, it appears by thefe in (lances, conceived that the fourth empire was the Roman, that the ftouian*empire was to be divided between ten kings, and that ampng them would arife Antichrift, who fliould root up three of the ten Jcings, and domineer over the other feven. At the fame time it mqlt be confefl’ed, that thele fame fadiers entertained jdrange wild notions concerning this Antichrift, * that he fliould be a Jew, that he fliould defeend from the tribe of Dau, that he lhould come from Babylon, that he fliould fix his refidence in the temple at Jerulalem, that he lhould firft fubdue Egypt, and afterwards Lybia and Ethiopia, which were the three horns that lhould fall belore him. But it is no wonder that the lathers, nor indeed that anyone lhould miftake in particularly applying prophecies, which had not then received their completion. The fathers might underhand the prophecies lo tar as they were fulfilled, and might lay with certainty which were the four great kingdoms of the world, that the fourth was the Roman, and that the Roman would be divided in the manner that Daniel had foretold. So far was plain and obvious, and fo far they m.iglit
Perfian, Macedonian and Roman. How aptly thb hath been done, they, who are deiirous of learning, may confult the preihyter Je* Tome’s book upon Daniel, which has been written with considerable care and learning.’ See Auguftine’s city of God, Book XX. Chap, xxiii. Vol. VII. page 457, in the Benedictine edition printed at Antwerp!
* See Irenasus, Book V. Chap, xxv, and xxx. See Cyril of Je-rufalem’s Catechefis XV, Chap. vii. ‘ He (hall conquer three oilt of the ten kings, namely the kings of Egypt, Africa and Ethiopia.’ See Jerome’s Commentary, page 1101 —‘ He will be descended from the Jews, and he will eome from Babylon, and firft fubdue the king of Egypt, &c. Afterwards he will fubdue thofe of Africa and Ethiopia, which are the three horns out of the ten, that were to fall before him.’—See the fame in Chap. xi. page 1128, and 1132, in the Benedi&ine edition.—When Jacob blefled his fons, he fpake fuch things concerning Dan, that from thence it hath been thought that Antichrift would fpriiig from him.’ See Auguftine’s Queftions on Jofhua, Book VI. Queftion xxii. page 441. Vol. III. in the Eeneditline edition printed at Antwerp.
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proceed with fafety: but when they ventured farther, and would define particularly who were the ten kings, and who was Antichrift, and who were the three kings that fhould fall before him, then they plunged out of their depth, and were loft in the abyfs of error. Such prophecies can be explained only by the events, and thefe events were yet in the womb of time. Some other miftaken prophecies might lead the fathers into this interpretation. There is not the leaft foundation for it in this prophecy. On the contrary this prophecy might have inftrufted them better, and have taught them that as the weftern empire was to be divided into ten kingdoms, fo the little horn fhould arife among them, and fubdue three of them : and confequently the little horn could not arife in the eaft, he could not be a Jew, he could not come from Babylon, and neither could Egypt, Lybia, and Ethiopia be the three kingdoms which fhould fall before him. Antichrift then (as the fathers delight to call him) or the little horn is to be fought among the ten kingdoms of the weftern Roman empire. I fay of the weftern Roman empire, hecaufe that was properly the body of the fourth bead; Greece and the countries which lay eaft ward of Italy belonged to the third beaft; for the former beads were ftill iubfilting, though tbeii'dominion was taken away. ‘ As concerning the reft of the beads,* faith Daniel, ver. 19. '*■ they had their dominion taken away; yet their lives were prolonged for a leafon and a time.* “ And therefore, as Sir Ifaac * Newton rightly infers, all the four beafts are ftill alive, though the dominion of the three firft be taken away. The nations of Chaldea and Afivria are ftill the firft bealt. Thofe of Media and Perfia are ftill the fecond beaft. Thofb of Macedon, Greece, and Thrace, Afia minor, Syria and Egypt, are ftill the third. And thofe of Europe, on this fide Greece*are ftill the fourth, Seeing therefore the body of the third beaft is confined to the nations on this fide the Fiver Euphrates, and the body of the fourth beaft is confined tp the nation on this fide Greece; we are to look for all the four heads of the third beaft, among the nations on tftis fide the river Euphrates ; and for all the eleven horns of the fourth beaft, among the nations on this fide pf Greece. And therer fore, at the breaking qf the Greek empire into four kingdoms of the Greeks,' we include no part of the Chaldeans* Medesqnd Perfians ip thofe kingdoms, becaufe they belonged to the bodies of the two firft beafts. Nor do we reckon the
* See Sir Ifaac Newton’s Observations on Daniel, Chap. iv. page
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Greek empire feated at Conftantinople, aihongthe horns of the fourth bead, becaufe it belonged to the body of the third.” For the fame reafon, neither can the SaraCen nor the Turk be the little horn or Antichrift, as fome have imagined them to be ; and neither do they come up to the chara&er in other refpedfc.
Let us therefore look for the little horn, as the prophecy itfelf directs Us, among the other ten horns of the weftern Roman empire. If indeed it be true, as the Romanics pre* tend, that this part of the prophecy is not yet fulfilled, and that Antichrit will come only for a little time before the general judgment, it would be in vain to inquire who or what he is;; we fhould fylit upon the fame rock as the fathers have done ; it would better become us to fay with * Calmet, that M as the reign of Antichrift is ftill remote, we cannot /liow the accompliftvment of the prophecies with regard to him;, we ought to content ourfeives with conlidering the paft, and comparing it with the words of the prophet; the paft is art aflirrance of the future,” But perhaps upon examination wre /hall fee reafon to conclude with the generality of the Pro-teftants, that this part of the prophecy is fulfilled.. We have feen already that the Roman empire was divided into ten horns or kingdoms, and among them poilibly we may find another little horn or kingdom aufwering in all refpe&s to the character here given. Machiavel himfelf will lead us by the hand ; for having /hown how the Roman empire was broken and divided by the incur/ions of the northern nations, he f lays M About this time the bi/hops of Rome began to take upon them, and to exercife greater authority then they had formerly done. At firft the fucceflors of St Peter were venerable and eminent for their miracles, and the holinels of their lives; aud their examples added daily luch numbers to the chriftian church, that to obviate or remove the con fvi (ions which were then in the World, many princes turned Chriftians, aud the emperor of Rome being converted among the reft, and quitting Rome, to hold liis re/idence at Conftantinople; the Roman empire (as we have faid before) begun to decline,
* As the reign of Antichrift is yet far diftant, we cannot /hew the accompli/hment of the prophecies with refpeft to him. We fhould content ourfeives with conlidering what is paft, and compare that with the words of the prophet. The paft is a pledge of that which mult one day happen.’ Calmet on the place.
f See Machiavel’s hiftory of Florence, Book I. page 6. of the Jjngli/h tranflatiou,
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but the church of Rome augmented as faft.” ^And fo he proceeds to give an account how the Roman empire declined, and the power of the church of Rome increafed, firft under the Goths, then under the Lombards, and afterwards by the calling in of the Franks.
Here then is a little horn fpringing up among the other ten horns. The biihop of Rome was refpe&able as a bifhop long before, but he did not become a horn properly, (which is an emblem of ftrength and power) till he became a temporal prince. He was to rife after the other, that is behind them, as the Greek tranflates it opis auton, and as * Mr Mede explains it, fo that ten kings were not aware of the growing up of the little horns, till it overtopped them; the word in the original fignifying as well behind in place, as after in time; as alfo poji in Latin is uled indifferently either of place or time. Three of thefirjl horns, that is three of the firlt kings or kingdoms, were to be pluckt up by the roots and to fall before him. And thefe three, according to Mr Mede, “ were thole whofe dominions extended into Italy, and fo flood in his light: firlt, that of the Greeks, whole emperor Leo Ilauius, for the quarrel of image-wor-ihip, lie excommunicated, and made his iuhje&s of Italy revol t from their allegiance: lecondly, that of the Longobards (tiicceilor to the Oitrogoths) whofe kingdom he cauled by the aid of the Franks to be wholly ruined and extirpated, thereby to get the exarchate of Ravenna (which fince the revolt from the Greeks the Longobards were ieized on) for a patrimony to St Peter: thirdly, the laft was the kingdom of the Franks itfelf, continued in the empire of Germany ; whofe emperors from the days of Henry the fourth he excommunicated, depofed and trampled under his feet, and never fullered to live in reft, till he made them not only to quit their interelt in the election of popes and inveftitures of bi-fhops, but that remainder alfo of jurifdibtion in Italy, wherewith together with the Roman name he had once infeotfed. their predeoefibrs. Tliel'e were the kings by difplanting or (as the Vulgar hath) humbling of whom the pope got elbow-room by degrees, and advanced himielf to that heighth of temporal majetly and ablolute greatnels, which made him lb terrible,in the world.’!
Sir Ifiiac Newton reckons them up with fome variation. Kings, f faith he, are put for kingdoms, as above; mid
* See Mede’s Works, Book IV. Epiftle xxiv. page 778, &c.
t See Sir Ifaac Newton’s Obfervations on Paniel, Chap vii. page 71, 7q> and 76.
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therefore the little horn is a little kingdom. It was a horn of the fourth beaft, and rooted up three of his firft horns; and therefore we are to look for it among the nations of the Latin empire, after the rife of the ten horns.—In the eighth century, by rooting up and lubduing the exarchate of Ravemta, the kingdom of the Lombards, and the fehate and dukedom of Rome, he acquired Peter’s patrimony out of their dominions ; and thereby rofe up as a temporal prince or king, or horn of the fourth beaft.” Again. ** It was Cer&inly by the viftory of the fee of Rome over the Greek empferor, thd king of Lombardy, and the fenate of Rome, that flm acquired Peter’s patrimony, and role up to her greatnels.”
In both thefe fdiemes there is fomething to be approved, and fotnething perhaps to be difapproved. In Mr Mede’s plan it is to be approved, that the tnree kingdoms which he propofeth, are mentioned in his firft table of the ten kingdoms ; but then it may be queftioned, whether the kingdom’ of the Franks or Germans in Italy can be (aid prope rty to have been pluckt up by the roots through the power or policy of the popes. There were indeed long ltruggles and contefts between the popes and emperors; but did the pope ever fo totally prevail over the emperors, as to extirpate and eradicate them out of Italy, (for f<j the * original word fignifies) and to feize and annex their dominions to his own ? If all hiftory anlwers in the affirmative, as it hath been faid, it would be eafy to point out the time or times. But for my part I recollect no period when the pope difpoffeffed the emperor of all his Italian dominions, and united them to the eftates of the church, and enjoyed them as luch for any time. The emperor poliefleth dominions in Italy to this day. In Sir Ifaac Newton’s plan it is to be approved, that the three kingdoms which he propofeth, were pluckt up by the roots, were totally lubdhed by the popes, and polielied as parts of Peter’s patrimony; but then it may be objefted, that only two of the three are mentioned in his firft catalogue of the ten kingdoms, the fenate and dukedom of Rome being hot included in the number. There were not only three horns to be pluckt up before the little horn, but three of the firft horns. We have therefore exhibited a catalogue of the ten kingdoms, as they flood in the eighth century; and therein are comprehended the three iiates or kingdoms, which conftituted the pope’s dominions, and which we conceive to be the lame
* < Gnakar’ to pluck up, to extirpate, to eradicate. S:-e Bux-
torf’s Lexicon. See Dan. vii. 8.
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as Sir Ifaac Nekton did, the exarchate of Ravenna, the king* dam of the Lombards 9 and the Jiate of Rome.
Firft, the exarchate of Ravenna, which of right belonged to the Greek emperors, and which was the capital of. their dominions in Italy, having revolted at the mitigation of the pope, was unjuttly feized by * Ailtulphus king of the Lombards, who thereupon thought of making himlelf mailer of all Italy. The pope in this exigency applied for help to Pe-
Ein king of France, who marched into Italy, befieged the ombards in Pavia, and forced them to furreuder the exer-chate and other territories, which were not reftored to the Greek emperor as in juftice they ought to have been, but at the (olicitation of the pope were given to St Peter and his fucceffors for a perpetual lucceffion.* Pope Zachary had acknowledged Pepin, ufurper of the crown of France, as lawful fovereign ; and now Pepin in his turn bellowed a principality, which was anothers properly, upon Pope Stephen II, tS e fuccelfor of Zachary. “ And fo, as f Platina lays, the name of the exarchate, which had continued from the time of Narfes to the taking of Ravenna by Ailtulphus an hundred and feventy years, was extinguilhed.*’ This was elfe6ted in the year 7bo according to Sigonius. And henceforward the popes, being nowr become temporal princes, did no longer date their epiitles and bulls by the years of the emperors reign, but by the years of their own advancement to the papal chair.
Secondly, the kingdom of the Lombards was often trouble-fome to the popes: and now again + king Deliderius invaded the territories of Pope Adrian I. So that the pope was obliged to have recourse again to the king of France, and earneltly invited Charles the great, the fon and fuccelfor of Pepin, to come into Italy to his.affiftance. He came accordingly with a great army, being ambitious alfo himlelf of
• * See Sigonius* kingdom of Italy, Book III. Anno 753—755. See Mezeray’s Chronological abridgement Art. Pepin 23d. king. See Platina’s lives of the Popes, tranflated and continued by Sir Paul Rycaut in Stephen II. See Sir Ifaac Newton’s Obfervations on Daniel, Chap. vii. See alfo Voltaire’s origin of the power of the Popes, in the firft part of his general liiftoiy of Europe, f See Platina on the fame, page 140.
J See Sigonius’ kingdom of Italy, Book III. Anno 772—774. See Platina’s Adrian. See Mezeray’s Chronological abridgement, Article Charlemagne 23d. king, Anno 772—774. See alfo Sir Ifaac Newton’s Obfervations on Daniel, Chap. vii. page 80.
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enlarging his dominions in Italy, and conquefed the Lombards, and put an end to their kingdom, and gave great part of their dominions to the pope. He not only confirmed the former donations of his father Pepin, but altb made an addition of other countries to them, as Corfica, Sardinia, Sicily, the Sabin territory, the whole tradt between Lucca and Parma, and that part of Tulcany which belonged to the Lombards: and the tables of thefe donations he figned him-felf, and caufed them to be figned by the bifhops-, abbots, and other great men then prelent, and laid them io (ignecl upon the altar of St Peter. And this * was the end of the kingdom of the Lombards, ill the 206th year after their pof-lefling Italy, and in the year of Chrift 774.
Thirdly, the fate of Rome, though fubjeft to the popes in things fpiritual, was yet in things temporal governed by the fenate and people, w ho after their defection from the eaftern emperors, itiil retained many of their old privileges, and e-ledled both the weltem emperor and the popes. After f Charles the great had overthrown the kingdom of the Lombards, he came again to Rome, and was there by the pope, bifhops, abbots, and people of Rome, chofen Roman patrician, which is the degree of honour and powTer next to the emperor. He then fettled the affairs ofltaly, and permitted the pope to hold under him the duchy of Rome with other territories : but after a few. years, the £ Romans defirous to recover their liberty, confpired againft Pope Leo III, accufed him of many great crimes, and imprifoned him. His accusers were heard on a day appointed before Charles and a council of FrencH and Italian bifhops: but the pope, without pleading his own cauie or making any defence, was acquitted, his accufers were (lain orbanifhed, and he himfelf was declared fuperior to all human judicature. And thus the foundation was'laid for the abiolute authority of the pope over the Romans, wdiich was completed by degrees; and
* * And here was the end of the kingdom of the Lombards in Italy, in the 206th year after they had gotten pofiefiion of that country, and in the year of Chrift 774.’ See Sigonius in the end of his third Book.
f See Sigonius’ kingdom of Italy, Book IV. year 774. See the above work of Mezeray.
J See Sigonius in the fame place, years 798—801. See Plati-na’s life of Leo III. See alfo the fame work of Mezeray, year 799, &c. See Sir Ifaac Newton’s Obfervations on Daniel. See alfo Voltaire’s revival of the empire of the weft, in the firft part of his general hiftory of Europe.
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Charles in return was chofen emperor of the weft. Howe* ver * after the death of Charles the great, the Romans a-gain confpired againll the pope ; but Lewis the pious, the Jon and lucceffor of Charles, acquitted him again. In the mean while Leo was dangeroufly ill: which as loon as the Romans his enemies perceived, they role again, burnt and plundered his villas, and thence marched to Rome to recover what things they complained were taken from them by force; but they were reprelfed by lome of the emperor’s troops. The lame f emperor Lewis the pious, at the re* quell of Pope Pafchal, confirmed the donations which his father and grandfather had made to the fee of Rome. Sigo* nius has recited the confirmation : and therein are mentioned Rome and its duchy containing part ofTulcany and Campania, Ravenna with the exarchate and pentapoiis, and the other part of Tufcanyand the countries taken from the Lombards : and all thele are granted to the pope and his fuccel-lbjs to the end of the world, ut injuo detineant jure, princi-patiiy atque ditione, that they Ihould hold them in iheir own light, principality, and dominion. Thefe as we conceive, were the three horns, three of the firjt horns, which fell before the little horn : and the pope hath in a manner pointed himlelf out for the perfon by wearing the triple croicn.
4.	In other refpeots too the pope fully anfwers the cha-ra&erof the little horn ; fo that if exquifite fitnels of application may alfure us of the true fenfe of the prophecy, we can no longer doubt concerning the perfon. He is a little horn: And the power of the popes was originally very fmall, and their temporal dominions were little and inconliderable in comparifon with others of the ten horns.-—He lhall be divers from the fnft :' ver. 24. The Greek and Arabic tranflate it, that J he (hall exceed in wickednels all before him ; and fo moll of the fathers who made ufe only of the Greek tranflation, underilood it; but it rather figniiies that his kingdom fhall be of a different nature and conititution : And the power of the pope differs greatly from that of all other princes, being an eclefiaitical and fpiritual, as well ais
•a civil and temporal authority.---------And behold in this
horn were eyes like the eyes of a man ver. 8. To denote
# See Sigonius in the fame place, years 814, 815.
f See Sigonius in the fame place, year 817. See Sir Ifacc Newton’s Obfervations on Daniel, Chap. vii. page 88.
% ‘ Who in wickednefs fhall furpafs all his predece^^ors., See the Arabic verfion.
THE PROPHECIES*
231
his cunning and forefight;, his looking out and watching all opportunities to promote his own interefts: And the policy of the Roman hierarchy hath almoft paffed into a proverb ; the pope is properly an overlooker or overfeer, Episkopos or bilhop in the literal fenfe of the word—* He had a mouth fpeaking very great things:’ ver. 8, 20. And who hath been more noify and bluftering than the pope, especially in former ages, boafting of his Supremacy, thundering out his bulls and anathemas, excommunicating princes, and abfol-ving fubje&s from their allegiance ?—‘ His look was more (tout than his fellows:* ver. SO. And the pope affumes a fuperiority not only over his fellow biftiops but even over crowned heads, and requires his foot to be luffed, and greater honours to be paid to him than to kings and emperors themfelves.—6 And he (hall lpeak great words againlt the moft High :* ver. 25. or as * Symmachus interprets it, * he lhall fpeak great words as the moft Highfetting up him-felf above all laws divine and human, arrogating to himfelf godlike attributes and titles oi'holiriefs and infallibility, exacting obedience to his ordinances and decrees in preference to, and open violation of reafonand feripture, infulting men, and blafpheming God. In Gratian’sdecretals the pope hath the title of God given to him.—‘ And hefhall wear out the faints of the moft High / by wars and maiiacres and inquifi-tions, perfecuting and deliroying the faithful fervants of Je-lus and tiie true worfiiippers of God, who proteft againlt his innovations, and refille to comply with the idolatry pra&iled in the church of Rome.—‘ And he (hall think to change times and laws;’ appointing falls and feafts, canonizing faints, granting pardons and indulgences for fins, inftituting new modes of worlhip, impoling new articles of faith, injoining new rules of pradice, and reverling at pleafure the law’s both of God and men.*—‘ And they lhall be given into Ins'hand, until a time, and times, and the dividing of time. A time,’ all agree, fignifies a year; and ‘ a time and times and the dividing of time, or half a time,’ are three years and a half. So long and no longer, as the Romanilts conceive, the power of Antichrift will continue ; but it is impoflible for all the things, which are predicted of Antichrift, to be fulfilled in fo lhort a lpace of time, and neither is A ntichrift or the little horn a (ingle man, but a kingdom. Single men
* Or as Symmachus hath tranflated, « he (hall fpeak great words a6 if he 'were God/ See Jerome's Commentary, Vol. III. page J1Q3, in the Jtenedi&ine edition.
Ii 3
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DISSERTATIONS ON
a”e not the fubje&s of this prophecy, but kingdoms, Tho
*	four kings* ver. 17. are not four fingle; kings, but kingdoms; a id fo the ‘ ten horns* or kings, ver. 24. are not ten fingle kings, but kingdoms; and fo likewife * the little horn* is not a fingle king, but a kingdom, not a fingle man, but a fuccelfion of men, exercifing fuch powers, and performing fuch aftions, as are here defcribed. We muft therefore compute the time-according to the nature and genius of the prophetic language, ‘ A time,’ then, ‘ and times, and half a time* are three years and a half: and the ancient Jewifh year confifting of twelve months, and each month of thirty days, ( a time and times and half a time,* or three years and a half, are reckoned in the Revelation, xi. 2, 3. xfi. 6, 14. as equivalent to * forty and two months, or a thoufand two hundred and threefcore days ;* and a day in the (tile of the prophets is .a year ; * I have appointed thee each day for a year,’ faith God to Ezekiel; iv. 6. and it is confelied, that
*	the feventy wveks’ in the ninth chapter of Daniel are weeks of years; and confequently 1260 days are 1260 years. So long Antichrllor the little horn will continue : hut from what point of time the commencement of theie 1260 years is to be dated, is not eafy to determine. It lhould feem that they are to be computed from the full eflablilhmeut of the power of the.Pope, and no iefs is implied in the expreflion ‘ given into his hand.* Now the power of the pope, as a horn or temporal prince, it hath been fliown, was eftabliflied in the eighth century : and 1260 years from that time, will lead t*s down to about the year of Chrifi 2000, or about the 6'000th year of the world : and there is an * old tradition both among Jews and Chriftians, that at the end of fix thoufand years the Meffiah fhall come, and the world fhall be renewed, the reign of the wicked one fhall ceafe, and the reign of the faints upon earth fhall begin. But as f Irenaeus faith in a like cafe, it is furer and lafer to wait for the.com* pletion of the prophecy, than to conjefture and to divine about it. When the end fhall come, then we fhall know better whence to date the beginning.
V,	AH thefe kingdoms will be fucceded by the kingdom
r * See the epiftles of Bamabaa, Chap. xv. with Coteler-iiis’ Notes, See Burnett Theory, Book III. Chap. v.
f 4 Therefore it is fafer and attended with lefs danger, to wait the accomplifoment of the prophecy, than to conje&ure or to divine about it.* See Iren^us, Book V« Chap. xxx. page 448, in''Grebe’s edition,
THE PROPHECIES.
$53
•f the Mefliah. • I beheld,’ faith Daniel, ver. 9, 10. 4 till the thrones were caft down,’ or rather * 4 till thrones were fet, and theancifentof days did fit, whofe garment was white as lhow, and the hair of his head like the pure wool: Ids throne was like the fiery flame, and his wheels as burning fire. A fiery ftream ifliied and came forth from before him; thoufand thoufands miniftered unto him : and ten thouland times ten thoufand flood before him : the judgment was let,’ or the judges did fit, ‘and the books were opened/ Thele metaphors and figures are borrowed from the iblem-nities of earthly judicatories, and particularly of the great Sanhedrim of the Jews where the father of the confiftory lit, with his aifeifors leated on each fide, of him in thelorm of a (ferriicircle, and the people Handing before him : and from this defcription again was borrowed the defcription of the day of judgment in the New Teflament.
*	I beheld then becaufe of the voice of the great words which the horn fpake; I beheld, even till the beafl was (lain, and his body deltroyed, and given to the burning flame/ ver. 11. The bealt will be deitroyed 4 becaufe of the great words which the horn fpake,’ and the deftruction of the beaft will alfo be the deftruetion of the horn ; and confequently the horn is a part of the fourth bealt, or of the Roman empire. 4 As concerning the reft of the beafts, they had their dominion taken away, yet their lives were prolonged for a feafon'and a time,’ ver. 12. When the dominion was taken away from the other beafl, their bodies were not deltroyed, they Were fuffered to continue ftill in being : but when the dominion (hall be taken away from this beafl, his body (hall totally be deftroyed ; becaufe other kingdoms Tucceeded to thofe, but none other earthly kingdom ihall lucceed to this.
41 law in the night-vifions, and behold, one like the loti' of man, came with the clouds of heaven, and came to the ancient of days, and they brought him near before him/ ver. 13. Howftrange and forced, how abfurd and unworthy of Grotiutf is it to apply this to the Romans, which hath always been, and can only be properly underilood of the Mefliah? From hence 4 the lbn of man’ came to be a f
*	4 Till the thrpnes were fet,’ fo the Vulgate. 4 Until the thrones yrere placed,’ fo the Septuagint. 41 faw the benches placed,’ fo the Syriac. .4 The feats were let,’ fo the Arabic. And the fame word is ufed in the Chaldee paraphrafe of Jer. i. 15. 4 They [hall fet every one his throne.’
j- See Jcwilh authors cited even by Grotius, and Bp. Chandler in
554
DISSERTATIONS ON
known phrafe for the Mefliah among the Jews. From Jience it was taken and ufed fo frequently in the gofpels: and our Saviour intimates himfelf to be this very Son of man in faying, Matt. xxvi. 64, 65. 4 Hereafter fhall ye fee the fon of man fitting on the right hand of power, and coming in the clouds of heaven; and thereupon he was charged by the high-pried 4 having fpoken with blafphemy.’
4 And there was given him dominion, and glory, and a kingdom,- that all people, nations, and languages fhould ferve him : his dominion is an everlafting dominion, which fhall not pafs away, and his kingdom that which fhall not be deftroyed,’ ver. 14. All thefe kingdoms fhall in their turns be deftroyed, but the kingdom'of the Mefliah fhall Hand for ever: and it was an illufion to this prophecy, that the angel faid of Jefus before he was conceived in the womb, Luke i. 33. ‘ He lhall reign over the houfe of Jacob for ever, and of his kingdom there fhall be no end.’
After what manner thefe great changes will be effected, we cannot pretend to fay, as God hath not been pleafed to reveal it. We lee the remains of the ten horns, wliich arole out of the Roman empire. We fee the little horn ftill fub-filting, though not in full ftrength and vigour, but as we hope upon the decline, and tending towards a dilfolution. And having leen fo many of thefe particulars accomplifhed, we caii have no reafon to doubt that the reft alfo will be fulfilled in due feafbn, though we cannot frame any conception l)ow Chrift will be manifefted in glory, how the little horn with the body of the fourth beaft will be given to the burning flame, or how the faints will take the kingdom, and polfeis it for ever and ever. It is the nature of luch prophecies not to be perfectly underftood, till they are fulfilled. The belt comment upon them will be their completion.
It may yet add fome farther light to thefe prophecies, if wre compare this and the former together ; for comparing feripture with lcripture is the heft way to underftand both the one and the other. What was reprefented to Nebuchadnezzar in the form of a 4 great image,’ was reprefented again to Daniel by 4 four great wild bealis and the beafts degenerate, as the metals in the image grow worfe and worle, the lower they defeend.
4 This image’s head was of fine gold,’v and 4 the firft beaft was like a lion with eagle’s wings;* and thele anfwer to
his defence of Chriftianity, Chap. ii. Se& 1. page 108, of the edition.
THE PROPHECIES#
each other; and both reprefented the powers then reigning, or the kingdom of the Babylonians: but it appeared in lpien-dour and glory to Nebuchadnezzar, as it was then in its flourilhing condition ; the plucking of its wings, and its humiliation were fhown to Daniel, as it was then drawing near to its fatal end*
4 The breaft and arms of filver,’ and 4 the fecond bead like a bear* were defigned to reprefent the fecond kingdom, or that of the Medes and Perfians. The two arms are fup-pofed to denote the two people; but feme farther particulars were hinted to Daniel, of the one people riling up above the other people, and of the conqueft of three additional kingdoms. To Nebuchadnezzar this kingdom was called inferior, or worfe than the former ; and to Daniel it was deferibed as very cruel, 4 Arife, devour much flefh.’
The third kingdom, or that of the Macedonians, was reprefen ted by 4 the belly and thighs of brafs,’ and by 4 the third beaft like a leopard with four wings of a fowl.’ It was faid to Nebuchadnezzar, that 4 it Ihould bear rule over all the earth and in Daniel’s vifion, ‘ dominion was given to it. The four heads fignify Alexander’s four lucceffors ; but the two thighs can only fignify the two principal of them, the Seleucidae, and Lagidae, the Syrian and Egyptian kings.
4 The legs of iron,’ and 4 the fourth beait with great iron teeth,’ correfpond exa6Uy; and as 4 iron breaketh in pieces* all other metals, fo the fourth beait 4 devoured, and brake in pieces, and damped the relidue with the feet of it;’ and they were both therefore equally proper re prefen tatives of the fourth kingdom, or the Roman, which was itronger and more powerful than all the former kingdoms. The ten toes too and the ten horns were alike fit emblems of the ten kingdoms, which arofe out of the divifion of the Roman empire ; but all that relates to 4 the little horn’ was revealed only to Daniel, as a perfon more immediately interelted in the fate of the church.
The 4 Hone’ that was 4 cut out of the mountain without hands, and became’ itfelf4 a mountain,, and filled the whole earth,’ is explained to be a kingdom, which fhall prevail over all other kingdoms, and become univerfal and everlafting. In like manner. 4 one like the Ion of man came to the ancient of days,* and was advanced to a kingdom,which fhall prevail likewile over all other kingdoms, and become univerlal and everlafting.
Such concord and agreement is there between the re prophecies of Daniel, which remarkable as they are in many
S5<?
DISSERTATIONS 0!f
tilings, are in nothing more remarkable, than that they cork* prebend fo many diftant events, and extend through fo many ages, from the reign of the Babylonians to the confummation of all things. They are truly, as * Mr Mede called them “ the facred calendar and great almanack of prophecy, a prophetical chronology of times measured by the fucceffion of lour principal kingdoms, from the beginning of the captivity of Ifrael, until the myftery of God (hould be finifhed.’* They are as it were the great outlines, the reft moftly ate filling up the parts : and as thefe will caft light upon the fublequent prophecies, fo the fubfequent prophecies will re-fled light upon them again.
Daniel was 4 much troubled/ ver. 2$. * and his countenance changed in him’ at the forefight of the calamities to b6 brought upon the church by the little horn : * but he kept the matter in his heart.’ Much more may good men be grieved at the fight of thefe calamities, and lament the prevalence of popery and wickednefs in the world : but let them keep it in their heart, that a time of juft retribution will certainly come. The proof may be drawn from the moral attributes of God, as well as from his promife; ver. 26, 27. * The judgment (hall fit, and they (hall take away his dominion, to confume and to deftroy it unto the end. And the kingdom, and dominion, and the greatnefs of the kingdom under the whole heaven (hall be given to the people of the faints of the mod High, whofe kingdom is an everlafting kingdom, and all dominion lhall ferve and obey him.*
* See Mede’s Works, Book III. page 654.
INTRODUCTION
TO-TUB LECTURE FOUNDED BY THE HONOURABLE
ROBERT BOYLE,
January 5* 175(L
^T^HERE is not a ftronger or more convincing proof of JL divine revelation than, the Jure vbord of prophecy• But to the truth of prophecy it is objected, that the predic* tions were written after the events; and could it be proved as well as aiferted, it would really be an infuperable objec* tion. It was thought therefore that a greater Service could not be done to the caufe of Chriftianity, than by an indu£tion of particulars to fliow, that the predictions were prior to the events, nay thatfeveral prophecies have been fulfilled in theie later ages, and are fulfilling even at this preient time : And for the farther profecution and the better encouragement of this work, I have been called to preach thefe lectures, by the favour and recommendation of the great prelate, who having himfelf written molt excellently of the uje and intent of prophecy, is alfo willing to reward and encourage any one who bellows his time and pains upon the fame fubjeCt. The ready and gracious concurrence of the * other trultees wTas an additional honour and favour, and is deferring the moil
* The Trultees appointed by Mr Boyle himfelf were Sir John Ro-theram, Sergeant at law. Sir Henry Alhurft of London, Knight and Bart. Thomas T enifon, D. D. afterwards Archbilhop of Canterbury, and John Evelyn Efq ; Archbifhop Tenifon, the furvivor of thefe, nominated and appointed for truftees, Richard Earl of Burlington ; Dr Edmund Gibfon, then Archdeacon of Surry, afterwards Lord Bilhop of London ; Dr Charles Trimnel, then Bilhop of Norwich, afterwards Bilhop of Winchefter; Dr White Kennet, then Dean, afterwards Bilhop of Peterborough ; and Dr Samuel Bradford, then Re6tor of St Mary Le Bow, afterwards Bilhop of Rocheller. The Earl of Burlington, being the only furviving truftee, appointed to fucceed him in the faid truft, William then Marquis of Hartington, now Duke of Devonlhire, Dr Thomas SherlocK Lord Bilhop of London, Dr Martin Benfon Lord Bilhop of Glocefter, Dr Thomas Sscker Lord Bilhop of Oxford, now Archbilhop of Canterbury, and the Honourable Richard Arundell, Efq ; of whom Bilhop Benfon died before, and Mr Arundell fmce the appointment of the prefent lecturer.
Vol. I. No. 7.
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grateful acknowledgments. Engaging in this femce may indeed have retarded the publication of thefe difcourfes longer than was intended : but perhaps they may be the better for the delay, fince there have been more frequent oc-calions to review and reconfider them ; and time corrects and improves works as well as generous wines, at lcait affords opportunities of correcting and improving them.
This work hath already been deduced to the prophecies of Daniel: and as iome time and pains have been employed m explaining fome parts of his prophecies, and more will be taken in explaining other parts; it may be proper, before we proceed, to confider the principal objections which have been made to the genuinnefs of the book of Daniel. It was before afierted, that the full who called in queftion the truth and authenticity of Daniel’s prophecies, was the famous Porphyry, who maintained that they were written about the time of Antiochus Epiphanes : but he was amply refuted by * Jerome, and hath been and will be more amply refuted (till in the courfe of .thefe diflertations. A modem infidel bath followed Porphyry’s example, and his fcheme of literal prophecy hath heaped together all that he could find or invent againtt the book of Daniel, and hath comprifed the whole in eleven objections, in order to (hew that the book was written about the time of the Maccabees; but he likewile hath been refuted to the (atisfaCtion of every intelligent and impartial reader ; as indeed there never were any arguments urged in favour of infidelity, but better wTere ahvays produced in fupport of truth. The lubltance of his t objections and of the anlvvers to him may with truth and candour be repre-fented in the following manner.
1. It is objected that the famous Daniel mentioned by Ezekiel, could not be the author of the book of Daniel; becaule Ezekiel, who prophefied in the * fifth year of Jehoi-akim’ king of Judah, implies Daniel at that time to be a perfon in years; whereas the book of Daniel fpeaks of Daniel at that time as a youth. But,here the objeCtor is either ignorantly or wilfully guilty of grols mifpreientation. For E-zekiel did not prpphely ‘ in the fifth year J elioiakim,’ nor in the reign of Jehoiakim at all; but he began to prophefy in
* Stfe Jerome’s Commentary on Daniel, Vol. Ill, in the Bene-di&ine edition.
f See Collin’s Scheme of Literal Prophecy, page 149—157-See Bp. Chandler’s Vindication, page 4?-—157* See alfo Sam. Chandler’s Vindication, page 3—60.
THE PROPHECIES*
§59
the ‘ fifth year of king Jehoiachin’s captivity,’ the fon and fuccefior of Jehoiakim, Ezek. i. 9. that is eleven years after. When Daniel was firit carried into captivity, he might be a youth * about eighteen: but when Ezekiel magnified his piety and wifdom, Chap. xiv. and xxviii. he was between thirty and forty: and feveral years before that hie had interpreted Nebuchadnezzar’s dream, and was advanced, Dan, ii. 48, to be * ruler over the whole province of Babylon, and chief of the governors over all the wife men of Babylonand was therefore very fit and worthy to be celebrated by his fellow-captive Ezekiel*.
9. His fecond obje&ion is, that Daniel is reprefen ted in the book of Daniel as living chiefly at the courts of the kings of Babylon and Perfia; and yet the names of the feveral kings of his time are all miflaken in the book of Daniel. It is alfo more fuited to a fabulous writer than to a contemporary hiltorian, to talk of ‘ Nebuchadnezzar’s dwelling with the bealts of the field, and eating grafs like oxen* &c. and then returning again to the government of his kingdom. Here are two objections confounded in one. As to the miitake of the kings^ names, there are only four kings mentioned in the book of Daniel, Nebuchadnezzar, Belfhaz-zar, Darius the Mede, and Cyrus. Of the firft and the lalt there was never any doubt; and the other two may be right** ly named, though they are named differently by the Greek hiltorians, who yet differ as much one from another as from Daniel. It is well known that the ealtern monarchs had fe** veral names; and one might be made ule of by one writer, and another by another. It is plainly begging the queition, to prelume without farther proof, that Daniel was not the oldell of thele writers, and had not better opportunities of knowing the names than any of them. As to the cale of Nebuchadnezzar, it is related indeed in the prophetic figu* rative ltile. It is the interpretation of a dream, and ftript of its figures the plain meaning is, that Nebuchadnezzar fhould be punifhed with madnels, fhould fancy himfelf a beaft and live like a beaft, fhould be ‘ made to eat grafs as oxen,’ be obliged to live upon a vegetable diet, but after loine time fhould recover his reafon, and refume the government. And what is there fabulous or abfurd in this? The dream was not of Daniel’s inditing, but was told by Nebur chadnezzar himfelf. The dream is in a poetic ftrain, and lb like wile is the interpretation, the better to (how how the one
♦ See Prideaux’ Connexions, Part I. Book I,
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DISSERTATIONS OJT
conrefponded' with the other, and how the prophecy arid 4-vent agreed together. .
3. He objedis that the book of Daniel could not lie writ* ten by that Daniel who was carried captive in the Babylon* ilh captivity, becaufe it abounds with derivations from the Greek, which language was unknown to the Jews till long after the captivity. The affertion is falfe that the book of Daniel abounds with derivations from the Greek. There is an affinity only between feme few words in the Greek and the Chaldee language : and why muft they be derived the one from the other? or if derived, why lhould not the Greeks derive them from the Chaldee, rather than the Chaldees from the Greek? If the words in queftion could bo Ihown to be of Greek extraction, yet there was fome communication between the eaftern kingdoms and the Colonies of the Greeks lettled in Afia Minor before Nebuchadnezzar’s time; and fo feme particular terms might pals from the Greek into the oriental languages. But on the contrary the words in queltion are Ihown to be not of Greek but of eaftern derivation ; and confequently paffed from the edit to the Greeks, rather than from^the Greeks to the eait. Moft of the words are. names of mufical inllruments; and the Greeks * acknowledge that they received their muiio from the ealtern nations, from whence they themfelves originally defcended.
4. It doth not appear, fays the obje&or, that the book of Daniel was tranflated into Greek ; when the other books of the Old Teftament were, which are attributed to the Seven* ty; the prefent Greek verfion, inferted in the Septuugint, being taken from Theodotion’s tranflation of the Old Tdtain ent made in the fecond century of Clirift. But it doth appear, that there was an ancient Greek verfion of Daniel, which is attributed to the Seventy, as well as the verfion of the other books of the Old Teftametit. It is cited by Clemens Romanus, Juftin Martyr, and many of the ancient fathers. It was inferted in Origen/and filled a column of his Hexapia. It is quoted feveral times by Jerome; and he luith f exprefsly, that the verfion of the Seventy was repu*
* 1 And having confecrated to Bacchus the whole of Afia, all th© way to India, they borrow from thence a confiderable part of their mufic.’ See Strabo, Book X. page 471, in the Paris edition of 1620, page 722, iu the Amfterdam edition of 1707. See alfo Athenseus, ]Jook XIV. page 625.
| ‘ The; churches of our Lord and Saviour do nqt read the prqjphe-
ffiE PROPHECIES,
€51
dinted by the doctors of the church, and that of Theodotion fubftituted in the room of it, becaufe it came nearer to the Hebrew verity. This verfion hath alfo been lately publilhed from an ahcient M. S. difcovered in the Chighian library at Rome.
5.	It is objected that divers matters of fa6t are fpoken of with the clearnefs of hiltory, to the times of Antiocnus Epi-phanes, who is very particularly dwelt upon, and that with great and feeming frefh refentment for his barbarous ufage of the Jews : And this clearnefs determined Porphyry, and would determine any one to think, that the book was written about the times of Antiochus Epi phanes,' the author appearing to be well acquainted with things down to the death of Antiochus but not farther. But what an argument is this againft the book of Daniel? His prophecies are dear, and therefore are no prophecies: as if an all-knowing God could not foretel things dearly ; or as if there were not many predictions in other prophets, as clear as any in Daniel. If his prophedes extend not lower than the times of Antiochus Epiphanes, bis eommifiion might he limited there, and he would not go beyond his comfhifiion. But it hath been fhown, and will be (hown, that there are feverat prophecies m Daniel relating to times long after the death of Antiochus, and thefe prophedes are as clear as thole before the death of Antiochus. Neither is Antiochus fo very particularly dwelt upon as is commonly imagined; neither is lie fpoken of with greater refentment, than other prophets exprefs towards the kings of Affyria and Babylon. All honeli men, who love liberty and their country, mult fpeak with indignation of tyrants and oppreflfors.
6.	Hisfixth obje&ion is, that Daniel is omitted among the prophets recited in Ecclefiaiticus, where it leems proper to have mentioned him as a Jewilh prophet-author, laid the book under his name been received as canonical, when Ec«* clefiafticus was publifhed. It might have been proper to have mentioned him, had the author been giving a complete cata-
cies of Daniel according to the Septuagint, but make ufe of the verfion* of Theodotion ; that which is at great variance with the truth, ifrreje6fced with great propriety.' See Jerome's Preface to the Book
of Daniel, Vol. I. page 987*-------4 According to the judgment of
teachers in the church, the Septuagint verfion has been rejected, and that of Theodotion is commonly read. For it agrees better with the Hebrew and other tnmflations,' &c. See his Commentary on Dan, IV, Qol, 1088. of Vcl. Ill, in the Benedi&ine edition,
DISSERTATIONS OJT
logue of the Jewifh canonical writers. But that is not the cafe. He mentions feveral who never pretended to be infpi-red writers, and omits others who really were to. No mention is made of Job and Ezra, and of the books under their names, as well as of Daniel: and who can account for the lilence of authors in any particular at this diftance of time ? Daniel is propofed 1 Macc. ii. 60. as a pattern by the father of the Maccabees, and his wifdom is highly recommended by Ezekiel: and thefe are fuflicient teftimonies of his antiquity, without the confirmation of a later writer. .
7.	It is obje&ed, that Jonathan, who made the Chaldee paraphrafes on the prophets, has omitted Daniel: from whence it (hould feem, the book of Daniel was not of that account with the Jews, as the other books of the prophets were. But there are other books, which were always accounted canonical among the Jews, and yet have no Chaldee ]>araphrafes extant, as the books of Ezra and Nehcmiah. Jonathan might perhaps not make a Targum or Chaldee paniplirafe on Daniel, becaufe half of the book is written in Chaldee. Or he might have made a Targum on Daniel, and that Targum may havfe been loft, as other ancient Tar-gums have been deftroyed by the injury of time ; and there are good proofs in the Mifna and other writers cited by' Bishop Chandler, that there was an ancient Targum on Daniel. But though Jonathan made no Targum on Daniel, yet in bis interpretation of other prophets, he frequently applies the prophecies of Daniel, as fuller and clearer in deferibing the (lime events; and conlequently Daniel was in his efteein a prophet, and at leaft of equal authority with tbofe before him. The ranking of Daniel among the Hagiographa, and not among the*prophets, was done by the Jews fince Chrilt’s time for very obvious reafons. Be was always elteemed a
Erophet by the ancient Jewilh church. Our Saviour calleth im ‘ Daniel the prophet :* and Jofephus * fpeakethof him as one of the greateft of the prophets.
8.	That part of Daniel, lays the obje&or, which is writ* ten in Chaldee, is near the ftyle of the old Chaldee paraphrafes which being compofed many hundred years after Daniel’s time, muft have a very different ftyle from that ufed in his time, as any one may judge from the nature of language, which is in a conftant flux, and in every age deviating from what it was in the former: And therefore that part could not be written at a time very remote from the date
* See Jofephus* Antiquities, Book X. Chap, x, and xu
S62
THE PROPHECIES.
963
•f the eldeft of thofe Chaldee paraphrafes. But by the fame argument Homer cannot be 1 o ancient an author, as he is generally reputed, becaufe the Greek language continued much the fame many hundred years after his time. Nay the ftile of Daniel’s Chaldee differs more from that of the old Chaldee paraphrafes, than Homer doth from the latdl of the Greek claffic writers : and when it was faid by Pri-deaux and Kidder, whole authority the obje&or alledges, that the old Chaldee paraphrafes came near to the Chaldee of Daniel, it was not faid abfolutely but comparatively, with refpect to other paraphrafes, which did not come near to Daniel’s purity.
9.	It is objected that the Jews were great compofers of hooks under the names of their renowned prophets, to do ihemfelves honour, and particularly under the name of Daniel : and the book of Daniel Items compofed to do honour to the Jews, in the perfon of Daniel, in making a Jew fupe-rior to all the wife men of Babylon. If there is any force itt this objection, it is this. There have been books counterfeited under the names of men of renown, therefore there can be no genuine books of the fame men. Some pieces in Greek have been forged under the name of Daniel, and therefore he wrote no book in Chaldee and Hebrew long before thele forgeries. In like manner feme poems have been ai-cribed to Homer and Virgil, which were not of their compo-fing; and therefore the one did not compofe the Iliad, nor the other the ^Eneid. Some falfe writings have been attributed to St Peter and St Paul; and therefore there are no true writings of thofe apoftles. Such arguments fufticiently expofe and refute themfelves. One would think the inference Ihould rather lie on the other fide. Some books have been counterfeited in the name of this or that wrriter ; and' therefore that there were lome genuine books of his writing, is a much more probable prefumption than the contrary.
10.	The tenth obje6tion is, that tlie author of the book of Daniel appears plainly to be a writer of things pall, after a prophetical munner, by his uncommon pun&uality, by not only foretelling tilings to come, like other prophets, but fixed the time when the things were to happen. But other prophets and other prophecies have prefixed the times for leveral events; as 190 years for the continuance of the'antediluvian world ; 400 years for the fojourning of Abraham’s feed in a ftrange land; 40 years for the peregrination of the children of IlVael; 65 years for Ephraim’s continuing a people; 70 years for the defolation of Tyre, 70 years for Judah’s
*64
bissertations on
captivity; and the like: and therefore the fixing of the time* cannot be a particular objection againft the prophecies of I>aniel. Daniel may have done it in more instances than any other prophet: but why might not God, if he was lb pleafed, foretel the dates and periods of any events, as well as the events themfelves? Jofephus, whom the objector hath quoted upon this occafion, differs totally from him. He * aferibes this punctuality to divine revelation, not like.the objector, to the late compofition of the book. He infers from it that Daniel was one of the greatelt prophets, not like the obje6tor, that he was no prophet at all*
Lattiy it is objected, that the book of Daniel fets forth faCU very imperfectly, and often contrary to other hiftorical relations, and the whole is written in a dark and emblematical ltile, with images and fymbols unlike the books of other pro-
{diets, and taken from the fchools of the Greeks* As to Daniel’s fetting forth facts very imperfectly, lie is perfect enough for his defign, which was not to write a hiftory but prophecies, and hiftory only fo far as it relates to his prophecies. As to his writing contrary to other hiftorical relations, it is f|lfe. For moft of the main fads related by him, are confirmed even by heathen hiftorians; but if he contradicted them, yet he would delerve more credit, as he was more ancient than any of them, and lived in the times whereof he wrote. As to his emblems being unlike the books of other prophets, and taken from the lchools of the Greeks, this is alto falle. For the like emblems are often uled by other prophets, and are agreeable to the ftile and genius of all the eaftern writers of his time. They were fo far from being taken from the lchools of the Greeks, that on the contrary, if they were ever ufed by the Greeks, the Greeks borrowed them from the orientaLwriters. But after all how doth this laii objection confift and agree with the fifth and tenth? There divers matters of fa ft were fpoken of with the clearnefs of hiftory, and the author was convicted of forgery by his uncommon punctuality. Here all is dark and emblem-atical, imperfeCl and contrary to other hiftories. Such objec-
* * For whatever books have been written and left by him, are at prefent read among us ; and from thefe we arc perfuaded that Daniel enjoyed familiar interfcourfe with God. For unlike to other prophets, h^ not only foretold future things, but he.alfo fixes the time of their accomplii'liment.* See Jofephus* Antiquities, Book X. Chap. xi. Se&. ?. p?ge 165, in Hudfon’s edition.
THE PROPHECIES.	$50
tions con trad i6t and deftroy another. Both may be falfe, both cannot be true.
- Thefe objections being removed, what as there wanting of external or internal evidence to prove the genuinnefs and authenticity of the book of Daniel? There is*all the external evidence that can well be had or defired in a cafe of this nature ; not only the teltimony of the whole Jewifh cfiurch and nation, who have conftantly received this book as canonical; but of Jofeplius particularly, who commends him as the greateft of the prophets; of the Jewifh Targums and Tal-muds, which frequently cite and appeal to his authority; of St Paul and St John, who have copied many of his prophecies ; of our Saviour himfelf, who citeth his words, and iiileth him * Daniel the prophet;’ of ancient hiftorians, who relate many of the fame tranfaCtions; of the mother of the leven Ions and of the father of the Maccabees, who both recommend the'example of Daniel to their ions; of old Eleazar in Egypt, who praying for the Jews then fullering under the perlecution of Ptolemy Philopater, 3 Macc. vii. 6, 7. mentions the deliverance of Daniel out of the den of lions, together with the deliverance of the three men out of the fiery furnace; of the Jewifh high-prieft, who fhowed Daniel’s prophecies to Alexander the great, wrhile he was at Jerusalem ; and iiill higher, of Ezekiel, a contemporary writer, who greatly extols his piety and ivifdom. Nor is the internal lefs powerful and convincing than the external evidence; for the language, the itile, the manner of writing, and all other internal marks and characters are perfectly agreeable to that age; and he appears plainly and undeniably to have been a prophet by the exaCt accompliflunent of his prophecies, as w ell thole which have already been fulfilled, as thofe which are now fulfilling in the world.
The genuinnefs and authenicity of the book of Daniel being
' therefore eftablifhed beyond all reafonable contradiction, we may now proceed in our main defign : and the vifion of the ram and lie-goat, and the prophecy of the things noted in the feripture of truth, and the tranfiiCtions of the kings of the north and the fouth, will find fuflicient matter for our meditations this year. Another year will be fully employed on our Saviour’s prophecies of the deftruCtion of Jerufulem and the dilperfion of the Jews, together w ith St Paul’s prophecies of the Man of Sin, and of the apoftafy of the latter times. The laft and moft difficult talk of all will be an analyfis or explication of the Apocalyps or Revelation of St John. It is a hazardous attempt, in our little bark, to venture on that Vol. I. No. 7.	L 1
966	DISSERTATIONS ON
dangerous ocean, where fo many liouter veflels and abler pilots have been lhipwrecked and loft : but pollibly we may be the better able to fail through it, coming prepared, careened and Iheathed as I may lay for fuch a voyage, by the afliftance of the former prophets, having particularly Daniel and St Paul as our pole-ftar and compafs, and begging withal of God’s holy Spirit to fleer and direct our courfe. The conclufion will confill of reflexions and inferences, from the whole. In this manner, with the divine aftiltance, fhall be employed the three years; which is the period ufually allotted .to thefe exercifes; and it is hoped that the deiign of the honourable founder will in fome meafure be anfwered by proving the truth of revelation from the truth of prophecy. It w>as indeed a noble defign after a life fpent in the ftudy of philofophy, and equally devoted to the (mice of religion, to benefit pofterity not only by his own ufeful and numerous writings, theological as wdl as philolbphical, but alfo by engaging the thoughts and pens of others in defence of natural and revealed religion ; and fome of the belt treat iles on thelie fubjeXs in the Englilh language, or indeed in any language, are owing to his inftitution. This is continuing to do good even after death ; and what W'as laid of Abel’s faith, may * alfo be faid of his, that ‘ by it lie being dead, yet fpeaketh/ From the inltance of this excellent perfon, and fome others who might be mentioned, it appears that there is nothing inconliftent in fcience and religion*, but a great philofopher may be a good Chriftian. True philofophy is indeed the handmaid to true religion ; and the knowledge of the w7orks of nature will lead one to the knowledge of the God of nature, the invjjible things of him being clearly feen by the th ings which are made; even his eternal power and godhead. They are only minute philofophers, w ho are icepties and unbelievers. Smatterers in fcience, they are but linatterers in religion. Whereas the molt eminent philoiophers, thole who have done honour to the nation, done honour to human nature .ilfelf, have alfo been believers and defenders of revelation, have ftudied feripture as well as nature, have fearched after God in his w'ord as well as in his works, and have even made comments on Several parts of holy wrrit. So jult and true is the observation of the * Lord Bacon, one of the illuftrious pcrlons here intended; “ A little philolophy inelinetli man’s mind to atheifm, but depth in philofophy bringeth men’* minds about religion.”
* See Lord Bacon’s Effays, XVII.
THE PROPHECIES.
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XV.
Daniel's vifion of the Ram and He-Goat.
HITHERTO the prophecies of Daniel, that is from th* fourth verfe of the fecond chapter to the eighth chapter, are written in Chaldee. As they greatly concerned the Chaldeans, to they were publithed in that language. But the remaining prophecies are written in Hebrew, becaufe they treat altogether of affairs iubfequent to the times of the Chaldeans, and no ways relate to them, but principally to the church and peopleof God. Which is a plain proof, that the lcriptures were originally written in fuch a manner as they might be belt underftood by the people: and con-lequently it is defeating the very end and defign of writing them, to ‘ take away the key of knowledge,’ and to keep them locked up in an unknown tongue. We may obferve too that in the former part of the book of Daniel he is generally lpoken of in the third perfon, but in the latter part he fpeaketh of himlelf in the fn1t perlbn, which is fo r e kind of proof that that this part was written by himfelf if the other was not, but probably this diverfity might arile from the different dates, the one being written fome time after the other.
. Daniel’s former vifion of the four great bealls, reprefenting the four great empires of the world, was, vii. 1. ‘ in the firlt; year of Bellhazzar king of Babylon.’ He had another vifion in the third year of the reign of the fame king Belfhazzar, that is * about 553 years before Chritt, viii. 1. ‘In the third year of the reign of king Bellhazzar, a vifion appeared unto' me, even unto me Daniel, after that which appeared unto me, at the firlt.’ It was exhibited to him, ver. 2. at the palace inShulhan, and by the fide of the river Ulai, ovEluceus, as it is called by the Greeks and Romans, ‘ And I faw in a vifion, (and it came to pals when I faw, that I was at Shulhan in the palace, which is in the province of Elam) and I law in a vifion., and I was by the river Ulai.’ So likewife the prophet Ezekiel faw vifions by the river Chebar; as if the holy Spirit had delighted to manifeft himlelf in fuch retired fcenes ; and the gifts and graces of the Spirit are often in lcripture-language defcribed by the metaphors of
* See Ufher, Prideaux, and other chronologers.
L 1 2
80S	l)WPEftTJ*TION$
fprings and dreams of water, than which nothing was more agreeable and refrelhing in hot and dry countries.
Such was the time and place of the vifion. The vifion itielf was of a ram and he-goat. And we may obfeiwe with the learned * Bochart, that others alfo have had like vifions, portending future events. So Plutarch reports in the life of Sylla, that two great goats were feen fighting in Campania, and fuddenly the vifion vanilhed: not long afterwards in that very place Sylla having routed and (lain feven thoufand men, befieged the conful in Capua. In the Brutus of Accius, which is cited by Cicero in his firft book of Divination, Tarquinius Superbus relates his dream, “ that a fhep-herd drove his flock to him; two rains of the lame breed were lele&ed from thence, both choice and beautiful, and he hilled the finer of them; the other ruftied upon him with his horns, and caft him down and woundedTiim.” Thele rams of the lame breed fignified Lucius Junius Brutus and his brother; one of whom was flam by Tarquin, and the other role againft Tarquin, and defpolled him of his kingdom. Sq that the probabilities of the poets and hiftorians bear fome
‘	* We may alfo obferve, that vifions of a like kind, foreboding
things future, have been feen by others. Thus Plutarch in his life of Sylla relates, that in Campania, (a country in the kingdom of Kaples, now called Terra di lavoro), on the fkirts of mount Tipha-tus, during the day-time, two large he-goats were feen to engage, and to do and fuffer all thefe things which ufually happen when men encounter. The phantom was gradually lifted up from the earth, and foon afterwards was difpelled, and vanilhed out of fight. Not long afterwards, Sylla having routed, difperfed and darn on that very fpot feven thoufand men, that had been under the command of Marius the younger and of Norbanus the Conful, he fliut up the Conful in the town of Capua.—And in the play of Brutus, written by Accius, there is a paflage quoted by Cicero, in his firft book on divination, where Tarquin is introduced, giving the following relation of a dream which he had. “ I thought in my deep, that a (hepherd drove his fleecy flock to me, and fingled out from thence two rams of the fame breed, both diftinguifhed for their beauty, and that I killed the fineft of the two, but that his furviving brother attacked me with his horns and threw me down. Then proftrate, lying on iny back, and grievoufly. wounded, I looked up towards heaven,” &cj Thefe rams of the fame breed fignified L. Junius Brutus, and his brother, whom Tarquin put to d^ath. The one of thefe who fur-vived his brother, rofe againft Tarquin, and deprived him of his kingdom.’ See Bochart’s Hierozoicon, Part I. Book II, Chap. xlvi.pol.527,	'
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«a»
refemblance to the realities of holy writ. Or rather, in this inftance of prophecy, as in the ceremonials of religion and the modes of government, God was pleafcd to condefcend and conform to the cultoms and manners of the age, to make thereby a ftronger impredion on the minds of the people. Nor is fuch a condefcenfion unworthy of the deity, nor unfit i table to the other methods of his providence* but is rather an argument of his infinite goodneis.
In the former vifion there appeared four beads, becaufe thele four empires were reprefented : but here are only two* becaule here w* have a reprefentation of what was tranfacted chiefly within two empires. The fnft of the four empires* that is the Babylonian, is wholly omitted here, for its fate was fufficiently known, and it was now drawing very near to a conclufion. Hie lecond empire in the former vilion, is the firit in this; and what was there compared to a bear, is hem prefigured by a ram. 4 Then I lifted up mine eyes,’ faith Daniel, ver. 3. ‘ and faw, and behold, there flood before the river, a ram which had two horns, and the two horns were high; but one was higher than the other, and the higher came up lafi.’ This ram with two horns, accorSing to the explication of the angel Gabriel, was the empire of the Med^s and Pefians ; ver. 20. 4 The ram which thou fa welt having two horns, are the kings’ or kingdoms 4 of Nledia^ and Perfia.’ The lource of his figure of horns for kingdoms, as a * learned writer obferves, mult be derived from the oriental languages, in which the lame word (igmfies a horn, and a crown, and power, and fplendour. Whence a horn was an enfign of royalty among them the Phoenicians* and the Hebrew word keren or a. horn, is feveral times by the Chaldee paraphralts rendered malchutha or a kingdom ; and , horns are frequently ufed for kings and kingdoms in the Old' Teltament. This empire therefore, which was formed by the conjun&ion of the Medes and Perfians, and is often called tlie Medo-PerCan, was not unfitly reprefented by a ram with
# « How much better may the origin of this figure be found out from eaftern languages ? For in thefe it is well known, that the fame word is made uie of to denote a horn, a crown* power and fplendor. Whence among.the Phoenicians, a horn was an enfign of royalty ; and the Hebrew word Keren or horn, is fometimes by the Chaldee interpreters rendered Malchutha, or kingdom, as the illuftrious Gro-tius hath 'remarked. Every where in the Old Teftament horns fig-iiify kingdoms and kings.* See Spanhcim on the ufc of Coins, Vol.
1. Diflertation VII. page 4-GO.
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DISSERTATIONS ON
two horns. Cyrus-, the founder of this empire, was * fon of Cambyles king of Perfia, and by his mother Mundane was grand ion of Ally ages, king of Media; and afterwards marrying the daughter and only child of his uncle Cyaxares king of Media, he lucceeded to both crowns, and united the kingdoms of Media and Perfia. It was a coalition of two very formidable powers, and therefore it is laid that ‘ the two horns were high: but one,* it is added, 4 was higher than the-other, and the higher came up latt/ Tile kingdom of Media was the more ancient of the two, and more famous in hiftory; Perfia was of little note or account till the time of Cyrus: but under Cyrus the Perlians gained and maintained the alcend-1 ant; i'onie f authors lay that Cyrus lubdued the king of the Medes by force of arms: and his fon + Cambyfes on his death-bed earneftly exhorted the Perlians not. to futfer the kingdom to return again to the Medes. But a queltion dill lemains, why that empire, which was before likened to a bear for its cruelly, lhould now be reprefented by a ram f Mr Mede’s conjecture is ingenious and plaufible enough, § that the Hebrew word for a ram, and the Hebiew word for Verjia, both Ipringing from the lame root, and both implying lomething of ftrength, the one is not improperly made the. type of the other. The propriety of it farther appears from hence, as is luggefted likewile bv another writer in the general preface to Mr Mede’s works, that it was ulual for the king of Perfia to wear a ram’s head made of gold, and adorned with precious {'tones, inltead of a diadem; lor
* See Xenophon's Cyrdpaedia, Book I, and VIII.
f See Herodotus, Book I. Se&. 130< page 56, in Gale's edition. See Strabo, Book XV. page 730, in the Paris edition of 1620, and page 1062, in that of Amfterdam, printed in 1707. See Jullin, Book 1. Chap. vi.
$ See Herodotus, Book III. Se&. 65. page 188, in Gale's edition.
J ‘ Who could have thought, that in the fame vifion, a ram lhould be employed as a type of the king of the Perfians. This is with allufioq to Elam, which is one of the names given to that people. For the Hebrew word Ejal, from whence comes Ajil, a ram, and the Chaldee words Elam and Gnelam, fignify the fame thrng namely> jnight or ftrength. And perhaps Elam lignifying the fame in Chaldee, which Ajil doth in Hebrew, namely a ram, for this reafon the king of Elam or Perfia, might be reprefented to Daniel under the type or emblem of a ram.' See Mede's Works, Book III. Com* mentary on the Apocalypfe, page 4>74,
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fa * Anlmianus Marcellinus deicribes liim. Bifhop Chandler and others farther f obferve, that “ rani’s heads with horns* one higher and the other lower, are Hill to be 1‘een oil the pillars at Perfepolis.”
The great exploits of the ram are recapitulated in the next verie, ver. 4. * I faw the ram pulhing westward, and northward, and fouthward, fo that no beafts might (land before him, neither was there any that could deliver out of his hand, but he did according to his will and became great/ Under Cyrus himfelf, the Periians pufhed their conquelts wejiward $ as far as the jEgean lea and the bounds of Alia: northward they fubdued § the Armenians, Cappadocians, and various other nations: Jouthward they conquered Egypt, if not under Cyrus as [| Xenophon affirms, yet molt certainly under If Cambyfes, the Ion and luccevfor of Cyrus. Under Darius they lubdued ** India, but in the prophecy no nievw tion is made of their conquelts of the eujl, becaufe thole countries lay very remote from the Jews and were of little concern or conlequence to them. The ram was ltrong and powerful, ‘ fo that no beafts might (land before him, neither was there any that could deliver out of his hand that is none oftfie neighbouring kingdoms were able to contend with the Perfians, but all fill under their dominion. 4 He did according to his will and became great:* and the Peifan empire was increafed and enlarged to fuch a degree, that it extended, Ell her i. L. • from India even unto Ethiopia, o-ver an hundred and leven and twenty provinceslo that liven provinces were added to the hundred and twenty, Dan. vi. 1. which it contained in the time of Cyrus.
After the ram the he-goat appears next upon the fcenc. '* And as I was conlidering,’ laith Daniel, ver. 5. 4 behold, * * * § **
* ‘ But wearing a device, in the fhape of a ram’s head, fet with precious ftones, inilead of a crown.’ See Ammianus Marcellinus,
. Book XIX. Chap. i. page 208 in Valefiua.’ edition printed at Paria in 1681.
f See Bp. Chandler’s Vindication, Chap. u Se£t. 4. page 154* * Dikewife a ram with two horns is to be feen amidft the ruins of Perfepolis.’ See Wetllein on Rev. xiii. 11. § **
J See Herodotus, Book I. and Xenophon’s Cyropaedia, Book
VII.
§ See the fame work of Xenophon, Book III, and VII.
|| See the fame work of Xenophon, Book I, and VIII.
' See Herodotus, Book III.
** Sec Herodotus, Book IV. Chap. xliv. page 239, in Gale’s edition.
DISSERTATIONS OH
an he-goat came from the weft on the face of the whole earth, and touched not the ground : and the goat had a notable horn between his eyes.* Which is thus interpreted by the angel Gabriel, ver. 21. ‘ The rough goat is the king of Grecia, and the great horn that is between his eyes, is the firft king,’or kingdom. A goat is very properly made the type of the Grecian or Macedonian empire, becaufe the Macedonians at firft, about two hundred years before Daniel, were denominated jEgeatla; or the goafs people ; and upon this occafion, as heathen authors report. Caranus, their firft king, going with a great multitude of Greeks to leek Dew habitations in Macedonia, was commanded by the oracle to take the goats for his guides to empire: and afterwards feeing a herd of goat9 flying from a violent ftorm, he followed them to Edeffa, and there fixed the feat of his empire, made the goats his enfigns or ftandards, and called the city jEgece or the goafs town, and the people JEgeadee or the goafs people. This oblervation is likewile owing to the molt excellent Mr Mede * : and to this may be added that
* c Nor does there feem to be wanting an inftance of an allufion 6f this kind, in Dan. viii. 5. where the Macedonians, who at that time were called .digeadae, that is goat’s people, from their having goats for their enligns, and their king was marked out by the figure of a he-goat. “ Behold,” faith he, “ an he-goat came from the weft,” &c. He means Alexander the great, the king of the iEge-adae, that is of the Macedonians. For fo that nation was called, from the commencement of their kingdom founded by Caranus, about two hundred years before the time of Daniel.' Juftin, (Book VII.) the abridger of Trogus, accounts for this name in the following words: faith he, ‘ Caranus, with a great multitude of Greeks, having been ordered by the oracle, to feek a place of refidence in Mace-don, came into ^Emathia, and following a flock of goats that were running to flielter themfelves from a Ihower of rain, he entered into, and made himfelf matter of Edeffa, the inhabitants of that town not perceiving his approach by reafon of the greatnefs of the fog and rain. Then calling the oracle to remembrance, which ordered him to go in queft of a kingdom, having goats for his leaders, he made that city the feat of his government. Afterwards whenever he took the field, he was careful to make ufe of the figures of goats on his ftandards that he might have them to favour his enterprizes, which had paved the way for laying the foundation of his kingdom. To perpetuate the remembrance of the favour done to him, he called the cXy of Edeffa, by the name of JEgx, and his people JEgeadxf &c.' See Mede’s Works, Book III. Commentary on the Apoca-lypfe, page 473, 474.
879
THt PROPHECIES.
Vtt
the city jEgeae or JSgae was the * ufual burying-place of the Macedonian kings. It is alfb very remarkable, that Alexander’s Ion by Roxana was named Alexander JEgus, or the fon of the goat; and f fome of Alexander’s fucceflbrs are reprefentea in their coins with goafs horns. This he-goat ‘ came from the weftand who is Ignorant that Europe lk-eth weftward of Afia ? He came * on the face of the whole earth,’ carrying every thing before him in all the three parts of the world then known : * and he touched not the ground,* his marches were fo fwift and his conquefts fo rapid, that he might be (aid in a manner to fly over the ground without touching it. For the fame reaion the fame empire in thd former vifion was likened to * a leopard,* which is a fwift nimble animal, and to denote the greater quicknefs and im-tuofity, to ‘ a leopard with four wings. And the goat had a notable horn between his eyes;’ this horn, faith (he an* gel, ‘ is the firft king,* or kingdom of the Greeks in Afia, which was ere&ed by Alexander the Great, and continued for (ome years in his brother Philip Aridaeus, and his two young (ons Alexander ^Egus and Hercules. Dean Prideaux* fpeaking of the I'wiftnels of Alexander’s marches, hath a % pafiage, which is veiy pertinent to our prelent purpofe. “ He flew with vi6tory fwifter than others can travel, often With his horfe purfuing his enemies upon the fpur whole days and nights, and lometimes making long marches for feveral days one after the other, as once he did in purfuit of Darius of near forty miles a day for eleven days together. So that by the fpeed of his marches he came upon his enemy before they were aware of him, and conquered them before they could be in a polture tp refilt him. Which exadtly agreeth with the defjription given of him in the prophecies of Da«* niel fome ages before, he being in them fet forth under tl;'t, fimilitude of a panther or leopard with four wings: for he was impetuous and fierce in nis warlike expeditions, as a panther after its prey, and came on upon his enemies with that fpeed, as if he flew with a double pair of wings; And to this purpofe he is in another place of thofe prophecies compared to an he-goat coming from the weft with that
* See Pliny, Book IV. Chap. x. Se&. 17» page 200, in Har-duin’s edition* See alfo Harduin’s notes.
f See Spanheim on the ufe of Coins, Vol. Is Diflertation VII. page 389 and 399.
f See Prideaux* Connexions, Part I. Book VIII. year 330* and 2d, of Alexander.
Vol. I. No. 7.	M ra
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DISSERTATIONS ON
fwiftnefs upon the king of Media and Perfia, that he fieemed as if his feet did not touch the ground. And his actions, as well in this companion as in the former, fully verified the prophecy.”
In the two next verfes we have an account of the Grecians overthrowing the Perfian empire, ver. (j, 7« And he came to the ram that had two horns, which 1 had feen Handing before the river, and ran unto him in the furv of his power. And I faw him come clofe unto the ram, and he was moved with choler againft him, and fmote the ram, and brake his two horns, and there was no power in the ram to Hand before him, but he call him down to the ground, and fiamped upon him; and there was none that could deliver the ram out of his hand. The ram had before pufhed icejlwcird, and the Perfians in the * reigns of Darius Hyltafpes and Xerxes had poured down with great armies into Greece; but now the Grecians in return earned their arms into Alia, and the lie-goat invaded the ram that had invaded him. ‘ And he came to the ram that had two horns, which I had feen Handing before the river, and ran unto him in the fury of his power.’ One can hardly read thefe words without having lbme image of Darius’s army Handing and guarding the river t Granicus, and of Alexander on the other fide with his forces plunging in, fwimming acrofs the flream, and rufhing on the enemy with all the fire and fury that can be imagined. It w as certainly a firange rafh mad attempt with only about thirty five thoufand men to attack, at fuch diadvantage, an army of more than five times the number : but he was fuc-cefsful in it, and this fucceis diffuied a terror of his name, and opened his way to the conqueH of Alia. * And I law him dole unto the ram:* he had leveral clofe engagements or fet battles with the king of Perfia, and particularly at the river Granicus in Phrygia, at the fij-aits of Iffus in Cilicia, and in the plains of Arbela in Affyria. ‘.And was moved with choler againfl him,’ for £ the cruelties which the Perfians had exercifed towards the Grecians; and for § Darius’s * * * §
* See Herodotus, Bpok VI, and VII.
•f See Arrian’s expedition of Alexander, Book I. Chap, xiv, &c. « Thus he paffed the Grauicus, notwithftanding fo many thoufands of cavalry and infantry were ranged on the oppofite bank.’ See; Quintus Curtius, Book-IV. Chap. ix.
J See Diodorus Siculus, Book XVII. page 599, in Stephanus’ edition, and page 543, Vol. II. in that of Rhodomanus. See alfo Quintus Curtius, Book V. Chap. vi.
§ See Quintus Curtius, Book IV. Chap. xi. ■« But truly, when
THE PROPHECIES,
275
attempting to corrupt fometirn.es his foldiers to betray him, and fometimes'his friends to deltroy him; fo that he would not lilten to the molt advantageous offers of peace, but determined to.purfue the Perlian king, not as a generous and noble enemy, but as a poifoner and murderer, to the death that he deferved. * And he fmote the ram, and brake his two hornshe fubdued Perfiaand Media with the other provinces and kingdoms of the Perlian empire;, and it is memorable, that in * Perfia he barbaroufly lacked and burned the royal city of Perfepolis, the capital of the empire ; and in f Media, Darius was l'eized and made prifoner by fonie of his own traitor-fubjefts, who not long afterwards bafely murdered him. ‘ And there was no power in the ram to Hand before him, but he call him down to the ground, and ftamped upon him he conquered wherever he came, routed all the forces, took all the cities and caltles, and entirely fubverted and ruined the Perlian empire. 4 And there was none that could deliver the ram out of his hand not even his numerous armies could defend the king of Perfia, though his forces + in the battle of Iflus amounted to fix hundred thoufand men, and § in that of Arbela to ten or eleven hundred thou-iaud, whereas the j| whole number of Alexander’s was not more than forty-leven thoufand iu either engagement. So true is the oblervation of the Plklmilt, xxxiii. Id. ‘ there is nokingfaved by the multitude of an holt;’ and efpecially when God hath decreed the fall of empires, then even tins greatelt mult fall. The fortune of Alexander, of which lb much hath been laid ; 1f Plutarch hath written a whole trea-
fometimes by his letters, he importunes my foldiersto betray me4 and at another time by means of his money he inftigates my friends to put me to death ; nothing is left to me but to purfue him to his deftru£tion, not as a generous enemy, but an affaflin and poifoner.’' Bee Diodorus Siculus, Book XVII. in the fame work. See alfo Quintus Curtius, Book V. Chap, vi. and vii, f See Quintus Curtius, Book V. Chap, viii. j See Arrian’s expedition of Alexander, Book II. Chap, viii, page 73, in Grqnovius’ edition. See Plutarch’s life of Alexander* page 67, in the Paris edition of 1624*.
§ See Plutarch’s life of Alexander, page 682, fame edition. See Diodorus Siculus, Book XVII, page 590, iii Stephana* edition, and page 530, Vol. II. in that of Rhodomanus. See Arrian, Book III. Chap, viii, page 115.
]| See Polybius, Book XII, Arrian, Book III. Chap. xii. page 122, in Gronovius’edition.
« Concerning the fortune of Alexander,’
M m 2
DISSERTATIONS dH
m
life about it; the fortune of Alexander, I fey, was nothing hut the providence of God.
When A lexander was at Jerufalem, thefe prophecies were ftiown to him by the high-prieft, according to the * relation of Jofephus. For while A lexander lay at the fiege of Tyre, he fent to Jadua the high-pried at Jerufalem to demand pro-yifions for his army, and 'the tribute that was annually paid to Darius. yBut the high-prieitrefufed to comply with tnefe demands by reafon of his oath of allegiance to the king of Perlia. Alexander therefore in great rage vowed to revenge himfelf upon the Jews: and as foon as he had taken Tyre and Gaza, he marched againit Jerufalem. The high-prieft in this imminent danger had recourle to God by lacrifices and duplications: and as he was directed in a vifion of the night, he went forth the next day in his pontifical robes, with all the priefts in their proper habits, and the people inj white apparel, to meet the conqueror, and to make their fub-miflions to him. As foon as the king law the high-prieft coming to him in this lblemn proceflion, he advanced eagerly to meet him, and bowing down himfelf be fore him, received him with religious awe and veneration. All prefen t were aftonilhed at this behaviour of the king, fo contrary to their expectation ; and Parmenio in particular demanded the reafon of it, why he whom all others adored, Oiould pay fuch ^doration to the Jewilh high-prieft. Alexander replied, that he paid not this adoration to him, but to that God whofe prielt he was: for while he was at Dio in Macedonia, and was meditating'upon his expedition againft the king of Perfia, there appeared unto him in n dream this very man, and m this very habit, inviting him to come over into Alia, and promifing him fuccefs in the conqueft of it: and now he was.ahured that he had let out upon this expedition under the conduct of God, to whom therefore he paid this adoration m the perfon of his high prieft. Hereupon he entered Jerufalem in peace, and w'ent up and offered facrifices to God in the temple, where the high-prieft produced and laid before him the prophecies of Daniel, wherein it was written that a king of Grecia fliould overthrow the Perfian enipire, which he interpreted of himfelt. After this he granted peculiar privileges to the Jews-, and proceeded in his expedi* tion with full confidence and alfurance of fuccefs.
Some perlons have rejected this accpunt as fabulous, parr
f See Jofephus’ Antiquities, Book XI. Chap. yiii.
*HB PROPHECIES,
m
Ocularly * Van Dale, Mr Moyle, and Collins, who fays that it is “an entire fi&ion unfupported, and inconfifteut with hiftory and chronology, and romantic in its ci ream dances.” Butf Bilhop Lloyd, Dean Prideaux, Bilhop Chandler and others have fulficiently vindicated the truth of the ftory. Even Bale himfelf, who was never thought to be over-credu-lous, admits the fact: and it mult be laid, though feme things are extraordinary, yet there is nothing incredible in the whole relation. Alexander lay feven months at the fiege of Tyre; in that time he might weii want provifions for his army: and it is no wonder that he Ihould lend for fome to Judea, when the Tyrians themfeives uled to be lup-plied from thence. 1 Kings v. 9, 11. Ezekiel xxvii. 17. A6ts xii. 20. The fidelity of the Jews to Darius, and their regard to their oath was nothing more than they pra^,tiled Upon other occalions; for the fame reafon + they would not l'ubmit to Ptolemy, having taken an oath to another governor : and Ptolemy afterwards rewarded them for it in Egypt, and § committed the molt important garriions and places of trult to their keeping, thinking that he might lately rely upon them, who had proved themfeives fo Ready and faithful to their former princes and governors, and particularly to Darius king of Perlia. That Alexander was in Judea, I think we may colled from other authors Arrian lays, || that he fubdued all that part of Syria which was called Palestine. Pliny affirms, If that the ballam-tree, which grew * * * §
* See Van Dale’s Difibrtation concerning Arifteas, Chap. x. {See Moyle’s Letters to Prideaux, page 26, &c. Vol. II. See alfo Collin’s Scheme of.Literal Prophecy, page 4*62.
f See Bp. Lloyd’s Letter to Dr Sherlock. See Prideaux’ Con* ne&ions, and anfwers to Mr Moyle. See Bp. Chandler’s Vindic*., tion of his Defence, Chap. II. Se£t. 1. page 176, &c. See Mr {Samuel Chandler’s Vindication of Daniel, page 76, &c. See alfo Bayle’s Dictionary, Article Macedon, Note O.
J See Jofephus’ Antiquities, Book XII. Chap. i. page 507, in Hudfon’s edition.
§ See Jofephus’ Antiquities, and his work againft Apion, Book II. Sed. 4. page 1365, in Hudfon’s edition.
]| 4 And he brought into fubjedion, all the reft of the towns in that part of Syria called Palefti ie.' See Arrian’s expedition of A-lexander, Book II. Chap. xxv. page 101, in Gronovius’ edition.
See; Pliny’s Natural hiftoTy, Book XII. Chap. xxv. Sed;. 54, in Harduin’s edition. 4 While Alexander the great was carrying ou war in thefe parts, a fummer day was fufficient to fill a final! velfel, containing about two fpoonfuls.’
DISSERTATIONS Oil
m
only in Judea, was cut and bled a certain quantity" in 'a day, while Alexander was waging war in thole parts. Juftin informs us, * that lie went into Syria, where many princes of the eaft met him with their mitres; upon which milage the noteof Ifaac Vofliusisvery juft and pertinent,! “ I think that Juftin had reipebt to that memorable hiftory, which Jofephus relates ofJaddua the high-prieft of the Jews.*’ If Alexander therefore came into Judea, as he certainly, did, it was prudent in the Jews, though they refufed to luccour him at a dillance, yet to fubmit to him upon his nearer approach : it was in vain to withltand the conqueror, and the terror of his name was now become very great by his victories, and efpecially lifter the dreadful execution that he had made at Tyre and at Gaza. While Alexander was at Jeru-falem, it was natural enough for the high-prieft to (how him the prophecies of a king of Grecia overcoming the king of Perlia. Nothing could be devifed more likely to engage his attention, to confirm his hopes, and to conciliate his favour to the whole nation. And for his lacrificing in the temple, it is no more than i other heathen princes have done, it is no more than he did in other places. He might perhaps confiderGodasalocaldeitv, and oiler lacrifices to him at Jt-Tulalem, as he did to Hercules at Tyre, and to Jupiter Ham-mon in Egypt, and to Belus in Babylon.
Wluit are then the great objefitions to the credibility of this ftory ? It is pretended, that it is inconfiftent with chronology ; for Jofephus places this event after the lieges of 'Tyre and of Gaza, w'hereas § all hiltorians agree that Alexander went direftly from Gaza to Egypt in leven days. But the heft hiftorians do not always relate fafts in exaft order of time, as they happened ; they connect things of a lort together, and often mention later occurences firlt, referving what they thiak more important for the laft place: and fucli pofiibly might be the intention of Jofephus. Eulebius af- * * * §
* 4 Then he marches into Syria, where he had an interview with many eaftem kings having on mitres.’ See Juftin’s hiftory, Book XI. Chap. x. Se&. 6. in Gravius’ edition.
f ‘ I think that Juftin has refpeA to that memorable ftory related by Jofephus, concerning Jaddua, the Jewifh high-prieft.’
! See Jofephus agamft Apioi, Book II. Se&. 5. page 1365, in Hudfon’s edition* See 2 Maccab. xiii. 23.
§ See Diodorus Siculus, Book VII. See Quintus Curtius, Book IV. See Arrian, Book III. See alfo Plutarch’s life of Alexander.
The prophecies*'
979
firms, that * Alexander went after the fiege of Tyte immediately to Jerufalem ; and he-might have good authority for affirming fo, living as he did in Paleftine; and with him a-gree Uffier, Prideaux, and the belt chronologers., And indeed it is molt probable, that Alexander’s progrds was from Tyre to Jerulalem, and from Jerufalem to Gaza; becauie his relentment of the affront' that he had received was then frefher in his mind, and Jerufalem lay not much out of the way from Tyre to Gaza, and it was not likely that he fhould leave a place of fuch ftrength and importance untaken behind him., But if Jofephus was miftaken about two months in point of time, yet fuch a rnittake is not fufficient to (hake the credit ofhis whole relation. What hiftorian is there al-niolt who hath not fallen into a miltake of the like kind? And yet after all Jolephus might not be miitaken, for Alexander might march againlt Jerufalem from Gaza, either during the liege, or after it. Arrian informs us, f that while the fiege of Tyre was carrying on, and the machines and fiiips were building, Alexander.with fome troops of bode and other forces went into Arabia, and having reduced that part of the country to his obedience partly by force, and partly by treaty, he returned to the camp in eleven days: and why might he not make fuch an exctirlion from Gaza for a few days, during the two months that his army was befiegingit? or after he had taken the city, why might he not with part of the army go to Jerufalem, and leave the other part to relt them (elves at Gaza ? Jerulalem lay at no very great distance from Gaza, and a perfon of Alexander’s expedition might go and return within a very few days. Thehiltoriuns lay indeed, that he came into Egypt in ieven days after ho departed from Gaza; but none of them lay how long he ftayed at Gaza, to refreffi his army after the fiege. We' know from J Diodorus, that he ftayed long enough to fettle the affairs of the country abewat Gaza; and why might he not in that time make this vilit to Jerufalem ?
A nother obje&ion is taken from the filence of authors, who would hardly have palled over fo memorable a tranlac-
* See Eufebius’ Chronicle. See Uflier’s Annals, page 214,215. See alfo Prideaux’ Connexions, Part I. Book VII. year 332, and 4th of Darius.
f See Arrian’s expedition of Alexander, Book II. Chap. xx. page 94, in Gronovius* edition.
J See Diodorus Siculus, Book XVII. page 588, in Stcphanu** edition, and page 526, Vol. II. in that of Jlhodomanus.
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DISSERTATIONS ON
tion, if there had been any truth in it: but it is not fo much as mentioned by any of the heathen hiftorians; it isfupport* ed entirely by the teftimony of Jofephus. But if we rejedfc all relations, which reft upon the credit of a Angle hiftorian, ancient hiftory will be Ihrunk into a very narrow compafs. There were numerous writers of the life and a&ions of Alexander, who were his companions m the wars, or lived in or near his time, as Ptolemy, Ariftobulus, and others: but none of their writings have been tranfmitted down to us; they have all been fwallowed up in the gulph between that time and this; and who can be certain that lome of them did not record this tranfa&ion ? It mult have been mentioned by lome ancient hiftorian : for we lee that Jultin in a fhort abridgement of hiitory is thought to have alluded to it; and (bine other author might have related it at large in ail its circumltances. The molt copious writers now extant of A-lexander’s aftairs, are Diodorus Siculus, Quintus Curtius, Arrian, and Plutarch; but the eld eft of thefe lived tome centuries after Alexander, fo that they mult have tranferibed from former hiftorians : and they have tranlcrtbed varioufly, as fuited their particular purpole; what one hath inferted, another hath omitted; and not two of them hath related things exactly alike. There are actions and layings of Alexander, which are omitted by them all, but yet are prelerved by other authors : and no wonder then, that with the common prejudice oTGreeks and Romans, they Ihould omit lome particulars of fo remote and lo difagreeable a people as the Jews. The aftairs of each province are heft related by the writers of each province. A Jew was moft likely to record the particulars concerning the Jews. And Jofephus, though he may have been thought credulous in fome re-lpefiLs, yet was never charged with forging of hiitory. Hia credit as an hiftorian* will upon examination be foutid equal almoft to the very beft. Jofeph Scaliger, who w as an exceeding good judge in matters of this nature, * giveth him the character of a molt faithful, a.tnoft diligent, and a molt learned writer; of wrhom, iaith he, we may boldly alfirm, that not only in Jewilh, but likewife in foreign affairs, we
* « Jofephus, a mpft faithful, diligent and learned writer.* See Scaliger’s notes on Greek fragments, page 45.	6 Of Jofephus wel
may boldly fay, that more credit is due to him, than to all the Greek and Latin writers taken together, and this not only in what he fays concerning the Jews, but even relating to foreign nations.* See Ilia Preface to hw work entituled, the Corredion of times, page 17.
THE PROPHECIES*	S81
may more (afely rely on his credit, than on all the Greek and Latimhiftorians together.
There remains then no difficulty-that can really flick with us, unlefs it be the particular interpofition of God in this affair, and the prophetic dreams of Alexander and the high-prieft. Thefe things, it mufl be confefled, are wonderful: but if we recoiled the miraculous interpofitions of God in favour of his people; if we retted wffiat a particular providence attended Alexander, and conduded him to conquell and empire; if we confider the clear and exprefs prophecies concerning him; thefe things though wonderful, may yet eafily be reconciFed to our belief, and will appear perfedly confillent with the other difpenfations of divine providence. Admitting the truth of the prophecies, we cannot think thele extraordinary circumftances at all incredible. Thefe extraordinary circumftances are alledged to confirm the prophecies ; and if the prophecies be found mutually to confirm thefe extraordinary circumftances, this is fo far from weaken* ing that it ftrengthens the argument. Indeed without the fuppofition of the truth of thefe circumftances, it will be extremely difficult to account for Alexander’s granting fo many privileges and favours to the Jews. He * allowed them the free.exercile of their religion; he exempted their land from tribute every feventh, or the fabbatical year; he fettled many of them at Alexandria with privileges and immunities equal to tliofe of the Macedonians themfelves: and when the Samaritans had revolted, and murdered the governor whom he had let over them, he affigned their country to the Jews, and exempted it in the fame manner as Judea from tribute, f Jofephus hath proved from Alexander’s own letters, and from the teltimony of Hecataeus, a heathen hiftori* an. But what were the merits and fervices pf the Jews, that they fhould be fo favoured and diftinguifhed above other people ? There is no' way of accounting for it fo probable, as by admitting the truth of this relation. With this all appears natural and eafy, and is utterly inexplicable without it.
But to return from this digrelfion, if it may be called a digreffion, to confider a point of hiftory, that is fo nearly related to our lubjeft. Nothing is fixed and {table in human affairs; and the empire of the goat, though exceeding
* See Jofephus’ Antiquities, Book XI. Chap.' viii. Se£. 5. page 304, in Hudfon’s edition.
f See Jofephus againll Apion, Book II. Se£t. 4. page 1364, and 1365, in Hudfon’s edition.
VoL, I. No. 8.
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4a
great, was perhaps for that reafon the looner broken int# pieces, yer. 8. ‘ Therefore the he-goat waxed very great, and when he was ftrong, the great horn was broken ; and for it came up four notable ones, toward the four winds of heaven.’ Which the angel thus interprets, ver. 22. ‘ Now that being broken, whereas four ftooa up for it, four kingdoms {half Hand up out of the nation, but not in his power/ The empire of the goat was in its full ftrength, when Alexander died of a fever at Babylon. He was fucceeded in the ihrone by his natural brother Philip A ridaeus, and by his own two fons Alexander iEgus and Herculesbut in the fpace of* about fifteen years they were all murdered, and then the firft Aora or kingdom was entirely broken. The royal family being thus extinX, the t governors of provinces, who had ufurped the power, affumed the title of kings : and by the defeat and death of Antigonus in the battle of Ipfus, they Were reduced J to four, Caffander, Lyfimachus, Ptolemy, and Seleucus, who parted Alexander’s dominions between them, and divided and fettled them into four kingdoms. T'befe four kingdoms are the ‘ four notable horns,' which came up in the room of the firlt great horn ; and are the fame as the ‘ four heads of the leopard’ in the former vi-iion. ‘ Four kingdoms {hall Hand up out of the nation, but not in his powerthey were to be kingdoms of Greeks, Dot of Alexander’s own family, but only of his nation ; and neither were they to be equal to him in power and dominion, as an empire united is certainly more powerful than the fame empire divided, and the whole is greater than any of the parts. They were likewife to extend ‘ toward the tour Winds of heaven and in the partition of the empire, § Caf-f^nder held Macedon, and Greece, and the wcjiern parts ; Lyfimachus had Thrace, Bithynia, and the northern regions ; Ptolemy potfelfed Egypt, and tlieJbuthern countries; * * * §
* See Uflief, Prideaux and other Chronologers.
f See Diodorus Siculus, Book XX. and Juftin, Book XV. Chap* ii. ‘ They refrained from the titles and enfigns of royalty* as long as any of the fons of Alexander continued in life. For fuch was their moderation* that though they poflefTed the wealth and power of kings, yet they were contented to pafs without the title, thatfo they might be juft to his (Alexander’s) heirs.’
J See Diodorus'Siculus, Book X. Polybius, Book V. page 410, in Cafaubon’s edition. See alfo. Plutarch’s life of Demetrius.
§ See Diodorus Siculus iu the fame • place. See PrideauX* Connexions, Part I. Book VIIL year 301, and fourth of Ptolemy Soter.
THE PROPHECIES,
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and Seleqcqs obtained Syria and the eajlern provinces, Thus were they divided * toward the four winds of heaven.*
As in the former vifion a little horn fprang up among the ten horns of the Roman empire, fo here a little horn is defer ibed as riling among the four horns of the Grecian.empire. ver. 9, 10, 11, 12. ‘ And out of one of them came forth a little horn, which waxed exceeding great, toward the fouth, and toward the eaft, and toward the pleafant land. And it waxed great even to the holt of heaven, and it caft down fome of the hoft and of the ftars to the ground, and ftamped upon them. Yea, he magnified himfelf even to the prince of the hoft, and by him the daily facrifice was taken away, and the place of his fan&uary was caft down. And an hoft was given him againft the daily facrifice by reafon of tranl-greflion, and it caft down the truth to the ground, and it pra6tited, and profpered.’ All which is thus explained by the angel: ver.. 23, 24, 25. * And in the lattter time of their kingdom, when the tranfgrefiors are come to the full, a king of fierce countenance, and underftandingdark fentences, fhall ftand up. And his power fhall be mighty, but not by his own power : and he fhall deftroy wonderfully, and fhall profper, and pra6tife, and fhall deitroy the mighty and the holy people. And through his policy alfo he fhall caule craft to profper in his hand, and he fhall magnify himfelf in his heart, and by peace fhall deftroy many: he fhall alfo ftand up againft the prince of princes, but he fhall be broken without hand.* This little horn is by the generality of interpreters, both Jewifh and Chriftian, ancient and modern, fuppofed to mean Antiochus Epiphanes, king of Syria, who was a great enemy and cruel persecutor of the Jews. So * Jofephus underltands the prophecy, and fays that “ our nations fuffered thefe calamities under Antiochus Epiphanes, as Daniel faw, and many years before wrote what things lhould come to pafs.M In like manner t St Jerome explains
* * And truly it happened, that our nation fuffered thefe very things under Antiochus Epiphanes, which Daniel had feen, and many years before had committed to writing, as events that would fall out.9 See Jofephus’ Antiquities, Book X. Chap. xi. Se&. 7* page 466, in Hudfon’s edition.
f * He (Antiochus Epiphanes) made war againft Ptolemy Philo-metor, that is, againft the fouth, and againft the Egyptians. And again towards the eaft, he fought againft them who meditated a change of government in Perfia. At laft in a war which he carried on againft the Jews, having made himfelf mafter of Judea, he entered into Jentfalem, and in God’s temple lie fet up the image of Olympian
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$34
DISSERTATIONS ON
it of x\ntiochus Epiphanes, and fays, “ that he fought againft Ptolemy Philometor and the Egyptians, that is againft thefouth; and again againft the eaft, and thole who attempted a change of government in Perfia; and laftly he fought againft the Jews, took Judea, entered into Jerufalem, and in the temple of God fet up the image of Jupiter Olympias.” With St Jerome agree moft of the ancient fathers, and modern divines apd commentators; but then they all allow that Antiochus Epiphanes was a type of Antichrift. Antiochus Epiphanes at firft fight doth indeed in fome features very much refemble the little horn ; but upon a nearer view and examination it will evidently appear, that in other parts there is no manner of fimilitude or correfpondence between them. Sir Ifaac Newton with that fagacity, which was peculiar to him, and with which he penetrated into fcripture as well as into nature, * perceived plainly that the Vttle horn could not not be drawn for Antiochus Epiphanes, but muft be defigned for fome other fubject; and though we fhall not entirely follow his plan, nor build altogether upon his foundation, yet we ihall be obliged to make ufe of ieveral of his materials. There are then tw o ways of expounding this prophecy of the little horn, either by under-handing it of Antiochus Epiphanes, and confidering Antiochus as a type of Antichrift; or by leaving him wholly out of the queftion, and feeking another application ; and which method of the two is to be preferred, will better appear in the progrefs of this difcourle.
A horn in the ftyle of Daniel doth not fignify any particular king, but is an emblem of a kingdom. In the former vifion the * ten horns’ were not ten kings, but fo many kingdoms, into which the Roman empire was divided : and the ‘little horn’ did not typify a fingle perfon, but a fuccefiion of men, claiming fuch prerogatives, and exerting fucli powers, as are there fpecified. In this vifion hkewife the * twro horns of the ram do notTepreferit the two kings * Darius the Mede and Cyrus the Perfian, but the two kingdoms of Media and Perfia: and for this plain reafon, becaufe the ram hath all along two horns ; even when he is attacked by the he-goat, he hath (till two horns ; but the two kingdoms of Media and Perfia had been long united under one king. The horns of the he-go&t too prefigure not kings, but king-
Jove.* See Jerome on Daniel, Chap. viii. Col. 1105, in the Bene-didUne edition.
. * See Sir Ifaac Newton’s Obfervations on Paniel, Chap. ix.
THE PROPHECIES.
285
doms. The firft c great horn’ doth not defign Alexander himfelf, but the kingdom of Alexander, as long as the title continued united in him, and his brother and two Ions, The ‘ four horns,’ which arofe after the firft was broken, are exprefsly faid ver. 22. to be * four kingdoms: and conie-quently it ihould feem, that the ‘ little horn’ cannot figuify Antiochus Epiphanes or any (ingle-king, but muft denote (bme kingdom, by kingdom meaning, what * the ancients meant, any government, ftate or polity in the world, whether monarchy, or republic, or of what form foever. Now what k ngdom was there, that rofe up during the fubfiftence of the four kingdoms of the Grecian empire, and was advanced to any greatnefs and eminence, but the Roman ? The (lift * great horn* was the kingdom of Alexander and his la-mily. The r four horns were four kingdoms,’ not of his family, but only of the nation. ‘ Four kingdoms (hall (land up out of the nation :1 and doth not this imply that the remaining kingdom, the kingdom of the ‘ little horn,’ 'Ihould not be of the nation ?
The general chara&er therefore is better adapted to the Romans : and now let us confider the particular properties and actions of the little horn, whether they may be more j uftly alcribed to Antiochus Epiphanes, or to the Romans.
* And out of one of them came forth a little horn.’ Antiochus Epiphanes was indeed the fon of Antiochus the great, king of Syria ; and he is t faid to be the ‘ little horn,’ be-^ caufe he ro(e from fmall beginnings to the kingdom, having been many years an hoftage at Rome. But then his kingdom was nothing more than a continuation of one of the four kingdoms; it cannot poffibly be reckoned as a fifth kingdom Springing up among the four ; and the little horn is plainly
* See this point proved from heathen authors, as well as from ferip-ture, in the beginning of Mr Mede’s tra& entitled the Rcpnan empire is the fourth kingdom of Daniel. See Mede’s Works, Bock III.
page 7H.	,
f * Becaufe while he was an hoftage at Rome, without the knowledge of the fenate, he feized the empire,’ See. Sec Jerome on Daniel viii. Col. 1105, in the Benedi&ine edition. * It (the little horn) denotes Antiochus Epiphanes, becaufe he was an hoftage at Rome.* See Vatablus on the pafl’age, 4 Antiochus, who was an hoftage at Rome, though not appointed king by his father, yet feized the kingdom/ See Le Clerc on the paflage. 4 Antiochus at firft a private perfon of a moderate fortune, and an hoftage at Rofne, afterwards Was called Epiphanes, or the IUuftrious/ See Grotius on the paflage. See like wife Pool.
fSG
DISSERTATIONS ON
fome power different and diftin<5t from the four former horns* Is not this therefore more applicable to the Romans, who were a new and different power, who rofe from fmall begin* Bings to an exceeding great empire, who firft fubdued Ma-cedon and Greece the capital kingdom of the goat, and from thence fpread and enlarged their conquefts over the reft} Nor let it feem ft range, that the Romans who were prefigured b	" 7 o • .1- '•-~[ner vifion, ftiouid in this be
repre	a beau; tor nothing is more
Buial, than to defcribe the fame perfon or thing under different images upon different occafions: and befides in this vi-fton the Roman empire is not defigned at large, but only the Roman empire as a horn of the goat. When the Romans firft got footing in Greece, they then became a horn of the goat. Out of this horn they came, and were at firft a little horn, but in procefs of time over-topped the other horns. From Greece they extended their arms, and over-ran the ether parts of the goat’s dominions : and their actions within the dominions of the goat, and not their affairs in the wef-tern empire, are the principal lubje6t of this prophecy. But their actions, which are moll largely and particularly fpeci-fied, are their great perfecution and. opprefiion of the people of God : which renders it probable, that the appellation of * the little horn* might be given them for the lame reafon, that the great perfecutor and oppreffor of the laints in the wellem empire is alfo called * the little horn.’ It is the fame kind of power, and therefore might be fignified by the fume name.
It will appear too, that the time agrees better writh the Romans. 4 And in the latter time of their kingdom, when the tranfgrefforsare come to the full, a king of fierce countenance, and uuderltanding dark fentences/ (hall Hand up/ Antiochus Epiphanes might be laid indeed to ‘ Hand up in the latter time of their kingdom ; becaufe Macedonia, the firft of the four kingdoms, was conquered and reduced into a Roman province, during his reign. But when he ftood up ‘ the tranfgreffors’ in the Jewifh nation ‘ were not come to the full •/ for when he began to reign, * Onias was high-prieft of the Jews, and the temporal as well asecclefi-aftical government was at this time in the hands of the high-prieft, and this Onias was a molt worthy good magiftrate,
* For thefe and many particulars which follow, the two books of Maccabees* and Jofephus’ Antiquities of the Jews mull be con?
fulted.
THE PROPHECIES.	287
as well as a most venerable pious prieft. As the author of the fecond book of Maccabees faith, 2 Mac. iii. 1. the holy fcity was inhabited with all peace, and the laws were kept very well9 becaufe of the godlinefs of Onias the hfgh-priefl, and Ms hatred of wiclcednefs. It was after this time, that the great corruptions were introduced into the Jewifh church ana nation ; and they were introduced chiefly through the means of Antiochus, by his dire&ion, or under his authority. The Romans might much better be faid to ftand up * in me latter time of their kingdom,* who faw the end not only Of one kingdom, but of all the four; who firftfubdued the kingdom of Macedon and Greece, and then inherited by the will of Attains the kingdom of Pergamus, which was the remains of the kingdom of Lyfimachus, and afterwrard$ made a province of the kingdom of Syria, and laftly of the kingdom of Egypt. When the Romans flood up too, * the tranfgref-lions were come to the full; for the high-prieftliood was cx-pofed to fale; good Onias was ejected for a fum of money to make room for wicked Jafon, and Jafon was again fuppiant-ed for a greater fum of money by a worfe mail f if poTIible} than himfelf, his brother Menelaus ; and the golden veffels of the temple were fold to pay for the facrilegious purchafe, At the fame time the cuftoms of the heathen nations wene introduced among the Jews; the youth were trained up and exercifed after the manner of the Greeks ; the people apofta-tized from the true religion, and even the prfcjts, 2 Mac. iv. .14. had no courage toferve auy more at th* altar, but defp?-Jing the temple, and negleSling the facrifces, they hajleued la be partakers of unlawful diverfions. Nay Jerufalem was taken by Antiochus; forty thoufand Jews were flam, and as many more were fold into flaverv ; the temple was profaned even under the condu6t of the high-prieft Menelaus, was dt>' filed with fwine’s blood, and plundered of every thing valuable ; and in * the fame year that Paulus iEmilius the Roman conful vanquilhed Perieus the laft king of Macedonia, and thereby put an end to that kingdom, the Jewifh religion was put down, and the heathen worfhip'was let up in the cities of Judea, and in Jerufalem ; and the temple itfclf was confecrated to Jupiter Ofympius, and his image was ere&ed upon the very altar. Then indeed ‘ the tranfgrefTors were come to the full,’ and then, as we fee, the Romans flood up, ‘-a king of fierce countenance, and underfunding .dark fentences.*
* Sec Prideaux’ Coaneftions, Part II. Book III. year 16&.
DISSERTATIONS 09
A king in the prophetic ftile is the fame as a kingdom, and a kingdom, as we before oblerved, is any ftate or government. ‘ A king of fierce countenance, and underhanding dark fentenges.* The latter expreflion in the * Syriac is ffcinflated fkilful in ruling, and in the Arabic Jkilful of difpy-tations. We may 1‘uppole the meaning to be, that this fhould be a politic and artful, as wdl as a formidable power; which is not fo properly the charafter of Antiochus, as of the Romans. .They were reprefented in the former vifion by a 4 beait dreadful and terribleand for the fame rcafon they are here denominated ‘ a king of fierce countenance.* He cannot fo well be (aid to be 4 a king of fierce countenance,* who was even frightened out of Egypt by a mefiage from the Romans.. The f ftory is worthy of memory. Antiochus Epiphanes was inakiug war upon Egypt, and was in a fair way of becoming mafter of the whole kingdom. The Romans therefore fearing left he (hould grow too powerful by annexing Egypt to the crown of Syria, lent an embally to him, to require him to defiit from his enterprise, or to declare war againft him. He was drawing near to bcfiege Alexandria, when he was met by the three embafiadors from Rome. Popilius, the chief of them, had formerly been his friend and acquaintance, while he was an holiagii at Rome: and the king at their firft meeting gracioufiy offered him his hand in remembrance of their former friendfhip. But Popilius declined the compliment by faying, that private friendlhip muft give place to the public welfare, and he muft firft know whether the king was a friend to the Roman ftate, before he could acknowledge him as a friend tohimfelf: and fo faying he prefen ted to him the tableswhich contained the decree of the fenate, and defiled an immediate anfwer. Antiochus opened and perufed them, and replied that he would confider the matter with his friends, and return his anfwer. very fpeedily. But Popillius with a wand that he carried in his liquid drew a circle in the fund round the king,, aud infilled upon his anfwer, before he ftirred out of that
* ‘ Skilful in ruling.* See the Syriac. * Skilful in difputations/ See the Arabic.
f See Polybius* Embafly, XCII. page 916, in Cafaubon’s edition. See Appian on the Syrian Wars, page 131, in Stephanus* edition; and page 212 in that of Tollius. See Livy, Book XLV. Chap, xii. See Valerius Maximus, Book VI. Chap. iv. Se6t. 3. See Velleius Paterculus, Book I, Chap. x. See alfo Juftin, Book XXXIV. Chap. iii.
THE PROPHECIES.
m
circle. The king aftonifhed at this peremptory arid imperious manner of proceeding, after fome liefitation, faid that he would obey the commands of the fenate: and then at length Popillius reached forth his hand to phim as a friend and confederate. This incident happened very foon after the conqueft of Macedonia, which as itdifmayed Antiochus, fo it emboldened the Romans to a6t in this manner: and this being their firlt memorable action as foon as they became a horn or kingdom of the goat, it is very fitly (aid of them, more fitly than of Antiochus, ‘ a king of fierce countenance ftiali Hand up/
The other actions likewife of the little horn accord better with the Romans. This horn, though little at firft, yet waxe<J ‘ exceeding great, toward the fouth, and toward the eaft, and toward the pleaiant land/ This horn therefore, as Sir Ifaac Newton * juttly obferves, was to rife up in the north-well: parts of thole nations, which compoled the body of the goat; and from thence was to extend his dominion towards Egypt, Syria, and Judea. Oblerve the particulars. He ‘ waxed exceeding great / and fo did the Roman empire even within the territories of the goat, but not fo did Anti-ochus Epiphanes ; for he was fo far from enlarging the kingdom of Syria, that it was lefs in his time than under molt of his predeceifors, and he f left it as he found it, tributary to tile Romans.—Toward the fouth/ Antiochus indeed did leveral times invade Egypt, and gained great advantages over Ptolemy Philometor king of Egypt: but he was never able to make himfelf abfolute mailer of the country, and annex it to the kingdom of Syria ; as the Romans made ijtr a province of their empire, and kept polfelfion of it for feveral centuries. His defigns were fruitrated, as we have feen, by an embafly from the Romans; and he went out of Egypt* baffled and d if graced, a word from them being as efle&ual as an army.—‘ Toward the eall / the Romans did grow very powerful toward the call; they conquered and made a province of Syria, which was the eaftem kingdom of the goat: but Antiochus was feated in the eaff himlelf, and did not extend his dominions farther eaftward. On the contrary the Parthians had withdrawn their obedience from the kings of Syria, arid had erefited a growing kingdom in the
* Sec Sir Ifaac Newton’s Obfervations on Daniel, Chap. ix. page 119,120.
\ See 2 Maccab. viii. 10.
Vol. I. No. 8.
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290
DISSERTATIONS ON
eaft. Antiochus did indeed * vanquish Artaxias, the tributary king of Armenia, who had revolted from him; but this was rather jn the north than in the call. He had not the like fuccefs amohg the Perfians, who were alio dilatory in paying their tribute; for having heard f much of the tribes of Elymais, and particularly of the temple there, he went thither with a defign of feizing the treafures of the city and temple; but the inhabitants rofe upon him, repelled and routed him and his army, fo that he was forced to fly with difappointment and difgrace out of the country ; and loon After he fickened and died.—* And toward the pleafant land,’ that is Judea; for fo it is called in the Bfalms cvi. 24.
4 the pleafant land ;’ and in Jeremiah iii. 19. * a pleafant land, a goodly heritage;* and fo twice again afterwards in Daniel xi. 15', 41. Antiochus did indeed take Jerufalem, and miferably harrals and opprels the Jews, as it has been above related : but the Jews in a little time, under the con-dud <of the Maccabees, recovered their liberties, and elta-blifhed their religion and government in greater fplendor and fecurity than before. The Romans more effectually conquered and fubdued them, firlt made a province of their countiy, and then deftroyed their city and temple, and dil-perfed the people, fo that after fo fatal a fall they have never from that time to this been able to rife again.
Another remarkable property, that eminently diftinguifh-ed the little horn from all others, was that 4 his power Ihould be mighty, but not by his own power: which commentators are much at a lofs to explain. Some fay, J that lie Ihould be mighty not fo much by his own indultrv, as by the gift of God : but fo are all horns or kingdoms whatever. Others fay, § that God (hould give him this power for the punifliment of his people; and others again, If that he Ihould * * * §
* See Appian on the Syrian Wars, page 117, and 131, in Stephana* edition, and page 187, and 212, in that of Tollius. See Porphyry as quoted by Jerome on Dan. xi. CoL 1133, in the Benedi&ine edition.
f See 1 Maccab. vi. 1—4. 2Maecab. ix. 1,2. See Jofephus* Antiquities, Book XII. Chap. viii. Se£b l.page 544, in Hudfoi/s edition. See Porphyry quoted by Jerome in the fame place.
J ‘ Not by his own induilry, but by the bounty of God.1 See Vatablus.
§ « Beeaufe by means of him, God defigned to punilh his people/ See Le Clerc.
[1 See Pool, Lowth> &c. ‘ His gteatnefs was not fo much owing
THE PROPHECIES.
291
obtain it by the factions and perfidy and bafenefsof the Jews, who fhould betray their country to him : but thefe limit and reltrain the meaning to a particular fubje£t, to his power over the Jews, whereas it is laid in the general, that ‘ his power would be mighty, but not by his own power. His power’ in general, not only over tnis or that particular people,
* fhould be mighty, but not by his own power.’ The beft explanation that they can give of it, who underftand the whole of Antiochus Epipharies, is that * he attained to the crown chietly by the favour and alii fence of Eumenes king of Pergamus and Attalus his brother, who having at that time fome jealouiy of the Romans, were defirous to make the king of Syria their friend : but we do not read that they aflifted him in any of his wars afterwards, and neither was his kingdom ftrengthened by foreign armies or alliances. They who conceive Antiochus to he a type of Antichrift, f offer a fairer interpretation, becaule Antichrift was to exer-cile an ufurped authority, and not his own, and the kings of the earth, according to St John, Rev. xvii. 13. were to ‘ give their power and ftrength unto the beaft.* But this part of the prophecy, as well as the reft, can no where be fo juftly and properly applied, as to the Romans. With them it quadrates exa6tly, and with none of the other horns or kingdoms of the goat. The ftrength of the other kingdoms confided in themlelves, and had its foundation in fome.part of the goat; but the Roman empire ; as a horn or kingdom of the goat, was not mighty by its own power, was not ltrong by virtue of the goat, but drew its nouriihmenf and ftrength from Rome and Italy. There grew the trunk and body of the tree, though the branches extended over Greece, Afia, Syria, and Egypt.
The remainder of the prophecy relates moftly to the per-' fecution and opprefiion of the people of God. * And he waxed great even to the holt of heaven, (or againift the hoft of heaven) and he caft down fome of the hoft, and of the liars to the ground, and feinped upon them,* that is, the Jewilh fete in general, * the mighty and the holy people,’ ver. $4. or the Prielts 'and Levites in particular; who are called Jlars; as they were eminent for their ftationand illuf-
to' himfelf, as to the fa&ions that prevailed among the Jews.’ See
Gro tius.
* See Appian on the Syrian Wars, page 116, in Stephanas’ edition, and page 187> in that of Tolliiis.
f See Lov/th’s Commentary.
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DISSERTATIONS ON
trious for their knowledge; and * the hoft of heaven,* as they watched and ferved in the temple, and their fervice is denominated * a warfare,’ Numb. viii. 24, 25. This paffage was in fome meafure fulfilled by Antiochus Epiphanes as well as by the Romans: but our Saviour making ufe of the like exprefiions, Matt. xxiv. 29. ‘ the ftars fhall fall from heaven, and the powers of the heavens fhall be fhaken,’ in 1peaking of the deftruAion of Jerufalem by the Romans, this paflage alfo may more properly be referred to that event.
*	Yea he magnified himfelf even to the prince of the hoft, (or againft the prince of the hoft) and by him the daily fa-crifice was taken away, and the place of his fanAuary was call down.’ Antiochus did indeed ‘ take away the daily lacrifice,’ but he did not ‘ call down the place of his fanAu-ary,* he did not deltroy the temple. He took away the daily facrifice for a few years, but the Romans for many ages: and the Romans likewife utterly deftroyed the temple, which he fpoiled only and profaned.
‘ And an hoft was given him againft the daily facrifice by reafon of tranfgrcllion.’ The word here tranflated an hoft is Tendered in other places, Job. vii. 1. and in the book of Daniel itfelf x. 1. ‘ an appointed lime: And an appointed time was given him againft the daily facrifice by reaion of tranf-grefllon Or as we read in the margin, ‘The holt was given over for the tranfgrellion againft the daily lacrifice, and he caft down the truth to the ground, and he praAifed, and prolpered.’ Or as the fame thing is expreffed by the angel: * He fhall deftroy wonderfully, and fhall profper, and prac-tife and fhall deftroy the mighty and the holy people ; and through his policy alfo he fhall caufe craft to profper in his hand, and he fhall magnify himfelf in his heart, and by peace fhall deftroy many.* But Antiochus did not fo mightily deftroy the Jews, nor profper in his praAifes and defigns a-gainft them. When he took Jerufalem, * he flew forty thou-limd, and fold forty thoufand more : but when the city was befieged and taken by the Romans, f the number 6f the captives amounted to ninety feven thoufand, and of the flain to eleven hundred thoufand. The Romans too carried their conqueft and Tevenge fo far, as to put an end to the government of the Jews, and entirely to take away their place and nation i Antiochus meant as much to root out tne whole
*	Sec 2 Maccab. r. 14.
t See Jofephus’ Jewifh Wars, Book VI. Chap. ix. SeA 2, and 3. page 1291, in Iiudfon’s edition.
THE PROPHECIES.
■293
people; Tiis malice was as great, but his fuccefe was not equal: for though his forces were victorious at full, yet they were defeated at laft, and his * generals, Apollonius, Seron, Nicanor and Gorgias, Timotheus and Bacchides, and even Lyfi as himfelf, were all lhamefully routed one after another: and the news of thefe defeats haltened his death.
It is further added, that ‘ he (hall alfo ftand up againft the prince of princes.* If by the * prince of princes* the. high-prieft be meant, it is very true that Antiochus did put in and put out the high-priefts at pleafure, but the Romans took away the whole adminiftration. If by ‘ the prince of princes’ be meant, as moft probably was meant, the Meffrah, then Antiochus had no (hare in the completion ; it was effected by the Romans^ It was by the malice of the Jews, but by the authority of the Romans, that he was put to death; and hefuffered the punifhment of the Roman malefactors and flavee. And indeed it is very worthy of our moft ferious confideration, whether this part of the prophecy be not a fketch of the fate and fufferings of the chriltian, as well as of the Jewilh church. Nothing is more ulual with the prophets than to delcribe the religion and 'worihip of later times by metaphors and figures borrrowed from their own religion. The Chriftians may full as well as the Jews be comprehended under the name of the holy people, or people of the holy ones. And, the Romans not only crucified our Saviour, but alfo perlecuted his difciples for above three centuries : and when at length they embraced the Chriltian religion, they foon corrupted it; io that it may be queitioned: Wl.rthef M.fiir fav^ir w^s yot y hii^^T toTifir <-|yii:cji. as
their enmity. As tne power of the Roman emperors de-clmed^tKat oi the pontiffs increafed : and may it not with equal truth and juftice be faid of the latter, as of the former, that they * call down the truth to the ground, and praCtifed, and prospered ?’ How applicable in this fenle is every part of the angel’s interpretation 1 ‘ A king of fierce countenance,1 and underftanding dark fentences (hall ftand up. And his power (hall be mighty, but not by his own power: and he lhall deftroy wonderfully, and lhall pvolper, and pra&ife, and lhall deftroy the mighty and the holy-people, (or the people of the holy ones :) And through his policy lie alio lhallcaufe craft to profper in his hand, and he lhall magnify himfelf in his heart, and by peace lhall deltroy many : he
* See 1 Maccab. iii. iv. 2 Maccab. viii, x, and xi. See Jofcphus* Antiquities, Book XII. Chap. vii. page 537> in Hudion’s edition.
DISSERTATIONS ON
204
shall allb (land up againft the prince of princes, btft he (hall be broken without hand.* And this farther opens and explains the reafon of the appellation 4 the little horn/ The perfecuting power of Rome, whether exercifed towards the Jews, or towards the chriltians, or by the emperors or by the popes, is ftill 4 the little horn/ The tyranny is the lame; but as exerted in Greece and the eaft, it is the little horn of the he-goat or the third empire ; as exerted in Italy and the weft, it is the little hom of the fourth beaft or the fourth empire.
But the little hom, like other tyrannical powers, was to come to a remarkable end; 4 he (hall be broken without haud/ As the ftone in Nebuchadnezzar’s dream was 4 cut out of the mountain without hands,’ that is not by human, but by fupernatural means ; fo the little horn 4 fhall be broken without hand,’ not die the common death, not fell by the hand of men, but perifti by a ftroke from heaven. And this agrees perfectly wirh the lormer predi&ions of the fatal catafirophe of the Romans. 4 The ftone,’ that is the power of Chrift, ii. 34. 4 lhiote tire image upon his feet of iron and clay, and brake them to pieces/ Again, vii. 11. 41 beheld then, becaufe of the voice of the great words which the horn fpake; I beheld even till the beaft was fiain, and his body dellroyed, and given to the burning flame/ And again, ver. 4 the judgment (hall (it, and they (hall takeaway his dojiuaifln, to "ynfufflfi,	.it Jltttftjfoe end/
TTTTvturl.	rjmninir'n «f thp	Afall fl-
iBUfti
nally be defirayffi witbJt>m&.fyU~aftlTljtiai V miUMfeEtion of
o\yey7r__11 is indeed very true, tliat Antiochus
ff^)!ianesmeTTii an extraordinary manner. He was returning from his unfuccefsful expedition into Perfia, when he heard the news of the defeat of his armies one after another by the forces of the Maccabees. He let forward therefore in great rage and fury, breathing nothing but death and deilru6tion to the whole generation of the Jews. But in the way he was feized with violent pains in his bowels; and having a fall from his chariot, he was forely bruiftd, and hi» inward pains grew more violent, fo that lie was not able to proceed in his journey, but was forced to ftop at a little town upon the road. There he lay in great torment, and filthy ulcers broke out in his body, from whence iffued worms, and 4uch a flench, that he became intolerable to others, and even to himfeif. Nor were the torments and agonies of his mind lefs than thole of his. body. He was vexed even to diftraftion, thought he (aw dreadful fpe&res
THE PROPHECIES#
205
and apparitions, and fuffered all the pangs and horrors of a guilty continence: and in this miferable condition he lay pining and rotting till he died. This is the account that is given of his death, and * confirmed by Heathen as well as by Jewifh hittorians : but with this difference, that the former afcribe it to the vengeance of the gods for the facrilege that he defigned to commit at Elymais; the latter repreteut it as the jutt judgment of heaven for the tacrilege that he really committed at Jerufalem, and for the barbarous daughter that he made of to many thoufandsof the Jews; and they fay, that he himfelf upon his death-bed confelfed as much : and which of thefe accounts is the more probable and credible, every intelligent reader will ealily determine.
By thus tracing die particulars it appears, that though fome of them may agree very well with Antiochus Epi-phanes, yet others can by no means accord or be reconciled to him : but they all agree and correfpond exa6tly with the Romans, and with no one elle: lb that the application of the charabter to them mutt be the right application. It is therefore furpriting, that a man of Dr Hallifax’s learning, after fo many proofs to the contrary, can however opine, that' tlie character “ mult of necelhty be reltrained to Antiochus Epiphanes, and to him only and for Inch reafons, and for none others than have here been obviated and refuted. "The fitneis and propriety of the application to the Romans will ftill fartlier appear by confiding the time, dmt is allotted for die duration and continuance of the vifiou. 4 I will make thee know/ faith the angel to Daniel, ver. It). * what (hall be in die lalt end, or to the laft end of the indignation:* that is, as Mr Lowth para phrateth it, “I will explain to thee the whole feries of God’s judgments upon his people to, the end and conclufion of them but that end and conclufioa is not yet come. There are intimations in t^	, that
God* s indignatiojijuram^
aiTd the bnar^t?n§tiori of die Roman doipinion vvillTali out about the tame	But the time is more particularly
s
* See Polybius, page 997> in Cafaubon’s edition. See Appiait on the Syrian Wars, page 131, in Stephanus’ edition, and page 212, in that of Tollius. See Diodorus Siculus and Porphyry quoted by Jerome on Dan. xi. Col. 1131. and 1131, in the Benedi&ine edition. See l Maccab. vi. 1—16. See 2 Maccab. ix. See Jofephus’ Antiquities, Book xii. Chap. viii. Sc£L I.' page 543, in Hudfon's edition.
m
DISSERTATIONS Olf
noted. Oneangel afked another angel, ver. 13. ‘ How long lhall be the viiion concerning the daily facrifice and the tranlgrellion of defolation, to give both the ianctuary, and the holt to be trodden under foot?’ In the original there is no luch word as concerning; and Mr Lowth rightly obferves, that the words may be rend^ed more agreeably to the Hebrew thus, 4 For how long a time lhall^the vifion lalt, the daily facrifice be taken a\vay* and the tranigrellion of defolation continue, &c. After the fame manner the queltion is transited by the * Seventy, and in the Arabic verlion, and in the Vulgar Latin. The anfwer is, ver. 14. 4 Unto two thoufand,4ind three hundred days; then lhall the fandtuary lie cleanled.* In the original it is, 4 Unto two thoufand and three hundred evenings and mornings/ ari evening and morning being in Hebrew the notation of time for a day; and in allulion to this ex predion it is laid afterwards, ver. 2<). 4 The viiion of the evening and the morning it true/ Now thefe two thouland and three hundred days can by no computation be accommodated to the limes of Antioehus Epiphanes, even though the days be taken for natural days. Two thoulaud and three hundred days are fix years and fomewhat more than a quarter: but the profanation of the altar under Antioehus lalted but three years complete, according to the author of the lirlt book of the Maccabees; 1 Macc. i. 59. compared with iv. 52. and the defolation of the temple, and the taking away of the daily facrifice by Apollonius continued but three years and a half, according t to Jolephus. Mr Mede propoleth a method to reconcile tlie difference, and } laith that the time is 44 not to be reckoned from the heighth of the calamity, when the daily Jacrijice jhonld be taken away, (form thence it is but three years) but from the beginning of the tranfgrelfion, which occafioned this defolation, and is delcribed, 1 Macc. i. 11, &c.” But Antioehus began to reign, according to the author of the full book of the Maccabees, i. 10. in the 137th year of
* 4 How long (hall the vifion Hand, and the facrifice be taken a-way.* See the Septuagint. 4 How long lhall this vifion be extended, and facrifice be taken away.’ See the Arabic. 4 To what ength lhall be the vifion, and the daily facrifice, &c.’ See the Vulgate.
J See Jofephus* Preface to the Jewilh Wars, Se&. 7. page 956, Book I. Chap. i. Sect. 1. page 958, in Hudfoif s edition.
f See Mede’s Apoftafy of the latter times, Part 1. Chap. xiv. See his Works, Book III. page G54.
THE PROPHECIES.
the kingdom of the Greeks or aera of the Seleucidae; and in thofe days was-the beginning of the tranfgreflion, which is deicribed, 1 Macc. i. 11. &c. that is ten or eleven years before the cleanfing of the fanctuary, which was performed in the148th year according to the fame author: iv. o2. Or if we compute the time from Antiochus* firit goin^ up againft Jerulhlem, and fpoiling the city and temple, thefe things were done according l o the fameauthor, i. 20. in the 143dyear; io that this reckoning would fall (hort of the time alTigned, as the other exceeds it. The difficulty or impoflibiiity rather of making thefe two thoufand and three hundred days accord with the times of Antiochus, I fuppofe, obliged the ancients to conlider Antiochus as a type of Antichrift: and therefore * Jerome faith in hT comment, that this place mod Chrifti-ans refer to Antichrift; and affirm, that what was tranfadted in a type under'Antiochus, will be fulfilled in truth under Antichrift. The flays without doubt are to be taken, agree -ably to the ftlleof^ Pamenn^EiBM^rnQtJbf natural, blit for prophetic daysor years ; anJ as the quefuon was afked, not^on^TovTlor^	facrifice fhall be taken
away and the tranfgreflion of delolation continue, but alfo how long the vifion fhall ialt; fo the anlvver is to be under-ftood, and thefe two thoufand and three hundredvdays denote the whole time from the beginning of the vifion to the cleanfing of the fanctuary. The j^nrlnary is^iot yg^cleanfed. apd cpujequenfily thefe years aremot yet expired. When there years fhall be expired, then their end will clearly fhow from whence their beginning is to be.dated, whether from the vifion of the ram, or of the lie-goat, or of the little horn. It is difficult to iix the precife time, when the prophetic dates begin, and when they end, till the prophecies are fulfilled, and the event declares the certainty of themi And the difficulty is increafed in this cafe by reaion of fome varie-' ty in the copies. For the t Seventy have four hundred in this place; and others, as t Jerome informs us, read two-hundred ini tend of three hundred. If we follow the reading of the Seventy Unto two thoufand and four hundred days cr
* 1 Most of our writers refer that pafTage to Antichrift. That which was done in a type under Antiochus, they tell us will in truth be tranfa&ed under Antichrift.’ See Jerome on the pafTage, CoL 1106, in the Bcnedi&ine edition.
f ‘ Two thoufand and four hundred days.’ See the Septuigint.
% * Some inftcad or two thoufand three hundred, read two then-and two hundred.’ Sec the fame place of Jerome.
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DISSERTATIONS ON
m
years, then perhaps they are to be computed from the vifiofc of the ram, or the eftablilhment of the Perfian empire. If we follow the other reading mentioned by Jerome, Unto tw* thovfand and two hundred days or years, then perhaps they are to be computed from the vifion of the little horn, or the Romans invading the Grecian empire: and it is remarkable,
* that the Romans tirft palled over with an army, and made war upon Philip king of Macedonia, juft 200 years before Chrift. But if we ftill retain the common reading, (which probably is the trueft and beft) Unto two thovfand and three hundred days or years, then I conceive they are to be computed from the vifion of the hegoat, or Alexander’s invading Afia. A lexander invaded Alia + in the year of the world 3670, and in the year before Chrift 334. Two thoufand and three hundred years from that time will draw ‘towards the conclufion of the fixth millennium of the world, and about that period, according to f an old tradition, which was current before our Saviour’s time, and was probably founded upon the prophecies, great changes and revoultions are ex-
Sected ; and particularly as § Rabbi Abraham Sebah faith, Lome is to be overthrown, and the Jews are to be reftored. The angel farther affirms the truth and certainty of the vifion, and of the time allotted for it, ver. 2(j. ‘ The vifion of the evening and the morning, which was told, is true: wherefore (hut thou up the vifion, for it fhall be for many days.’ The (hutting up of the vifion implies, that it fiiould not be underftood of fome time; and we cannot fay that it was fufficiently underftood, fo long as Antiochus L\piphanes was taken lor the little horn. The vifion being for ‘ many days,* mult necefiarily infer a longer term, than the calamity under Antiochus of three years or three years and a half, or even than the whole time fro-u the lirft beginning of the vifion in Cyrus to the cleanfing of the lanctuary under Antiochus, which was not || above 3? I years. Such a vifion could not
* See Ulher’s Annals, year of the world 3804. f See Ulher, Prideaux.
$ See the opinions of the Hebrew Dottors, concerning the great day of judgment, and the future kingdom of the Meffiah in Mede’g Works, Book III. page 525. And the opinions of the Hebrew Do&ors concerning the deftru&ion of Babylon or of Rome, in Mede’s Works, Bopk V. page 902.
$ Rabbi Abraham Sebah on Gen. i. faith, 4 that during the fix thoufandth year, Rome will be deftroyed, and the Jews reftored.* See the fame page 903.
J See Ulher, Prideaux, &c. The firft year of Cyrus was A. M.
THE PROPHECIES*
m
Well be called long to Daniel, who had feen fo much longer before; and efpecially as the time alfigned for it is ‘ two thoufand and three hundred days,’ which fince they cannot by any account be natural days, mult needs be prophetic days, or two thouiand and three hundred years. Such a vifion may properly enough be laid to be * for many days.* Daniel was much aife&ed with the misfortunes and afflictions, which were to befal the church and people of God, ver. 27. * And I Daniel fainted, and was fick certain days; afterward I role up, and did the king’s bulinefs, and I was aftonilhedat the vilion, but none UQderltood it/ * Munfter, and Clarius who generally tranlcribes \1 uniter, are of opinion that Daniel was vilited by this licknefs, left he lhouid be lifted up by the fublimity of the vilions. 1 prefume they thought his cafe fomewhat like St Paul’s, 2 Cor. xii. 7. who had ‘ a thorn in the tlelh/ or a bodily intirmity, ‘ lelt he lhouid be exalted above meafure through the abundance of the revelations/ But it is much more probable, that Daniel’s ficknefs proceeded from his grief for his religion and country: as in the former vifion ‘ he was grieved in his fpirit, his cogitations much troubled him, and his countenance changed in han/ at the fuccefs/ft* the little horn there delcnbed. And this is another molt conclufive argument, that tile calamities under Antiochus Epiphanes could not polhbly be the main end and ultimate lcope of this prophecy. For the calamities under Antiochus were of linall extent and of lhort duration, in companion with what the nation had fullered, and was then fullering under Nebuchadnezzar and his fuccellors. Antio-ehus took the city, but Nebuchadnezzar burnt it to the ground. Antiochus profaned the temple, hut Nebuchadnezzar utterly destroyed it. Antiochus made captives forty thouiand of the Jews, but Nebuchadnezzar carried the whole nation into captivity. A ntiochus took away the daliy iacritice for three years and a half, but Nebuchadnezzar aboiiihed all the temple fervice for feventy years. Why then lhouid
$468, before Chrift 536. The fan&uary was cleanfed, A. M. 3839. before Chrift 165.
# ‘ That which is fubjoined concerning Daniel’s ficknefs, fhewt Us, that it was appointed to the prophet, left he lhouid be exalted a* hove meafure, by the fublimity of the vilion which he only understood/ See Munfter. ‘ And what he tells up concerning his licknefs, fhews, that it was fent to the prophet, left he lhouid be too much lifted up by the fublimity of the viiions, which were under-flood by himfelf alone/ See Clarius.
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30G	DISSERTATION'S OW
Daniel, who had leen and felt thefe greater calamities, be fb m ch grieved at thofe lelfer difaders of the nation ? Prefent and lenfible evils ufuaIly affect us molt: and therefore that Daniel was fo much more affe&ed with the future than with the prelent, c was alionifhed, and fainted, and was fick certain days,’ can beafcribed to nothing but to his foredeing, that the future diltrefs and milery of the nation would greatly exceed all that they fudained at prelent. But the calamities under Antioches were much lefs, and much fhorter. Thofe only which they fullered from the Romans, were greater and worie than the evils brought on them by Nebuchadnezzar. And ‘ the tranlgrelhon of defblation’ hath now continued thele 17(0 years. They expebt, and we expert, that at length ‘ the (anchiary will be clean fed,’ and that in God’s determined times his promife will be fully accomplifhed; Amos ix. 11, 12. A6ts xv. lb, 17. I will return, and will build again the tabernacle of David, which is fallen down ; and I will buiicl again the ruins thereof, and I will fet it up; That the relidue ol men might leek after the Lord, and all the Gentiles upon whom my name is called, faith the Lord, who doeth all thefe things.
This concern of Daniel, and affeblion for his religion and country, lhow him in a very amiable light, and gave an additional lutlre and glory to his character. But not only in this inllance, but in every other, he munifefts the fame public fpirit, and appears no lefs eminently a patriot than a prophet. Though he was torn eariy from his country and enjoyed all the advantages that he could enjoy in foreign ier-vice, yet nothing could make him forget his native home : And m the next chapter we lee him pouring out his loul in prayer, and fupplicating molt eameftiy and devoutly for the pardon and reltoration of his captive nation. It is a grots miftake therefore to think that religion will ever extinguish or abate our love for our country. The lcriptures will rather incite and inflame it, exhibit feveral illuilrious examples of it, and recommend and enforce this, as well as all other moral and locial virtues; and efpecially when the in-tereds of true religion and of our country are fo blended and interwoven, that they cannot well he leparated the one from the other. This is a double incentive to the love of our country; and with the fame zeal that every pious Jew might fay formerly, every honed Briton may fay now, with the good Pfahnid, Pial cxxii. 6, &c. ‘ O pray for the peace of Jemlalem; they fhall prolper that love thee. Peace he within thy walls, and plenteoufnefs within thy palaces. For
ttHfe PROPHECIES.
301
my brethren and companions fake I will wifh thee profperi-ty: Yea, becaufe of the houfe of the Lord our God I will leek to do thee good,*
XVI.
Daniel’s Prophecy of the things noted in thefcripture oftruth* In TWO PARTS.
PART I.
IT is the ufual method of the holy Spirit to make the latter prophecies explanatory of the former; and revelation is, Prov. iv. 18. ‘ as the thining light that lhineth more and more unto the perfect day.’ The four great empires of the world, which were Ihown to Nebuchadnezzar in the form of a great image, were again more particularly reprefented to Daniel in the (hape of four great wild beads. In like manner, the memorable events, which were revealed to Daniel in the vifion of the ram and lie-goat, are here again more clearly and explicitly revealed in hislalt vifion by au angel; lb that this latter prophecy may not improperly be laid to be a comment and explanation of the former. This revelation was made, x. 1. ‘in the third year of Cyrus hing of Perfia,’ when Daniel was very far advanced in years. For the third* year of Cyrus was the feventy third of Daniel's captivity ; and being a youth when he was carried captive, he cannot be fuppofed now to have been lels than ninety* and not long after this, it is reafonabie to believe that he di*-ed. Old as he was, he ‘ let his heart to underhand’ the former revelations which had been - made to him, and particularly the vifion of the ram and he-goat, as I think we may collect from the lequel: and tor this purpole he prayed,awl faded three weeks. His fading and prayers had the defired effect; for an angel was lent, and fa id unto him, ver. 12. ‘ Fear not Daniel; for from the firlt day that thou didit fet thine heart to underhand, and to chaiten thyfelf before thy God, thy words are heard, and I am come for thy words/ And whoever would attain the fame ends; and excel in divine knowledge, mult purfue the fame means, and habituate himfeif to dudy, temperance, and devotion. The angel declares the defign of his coming, ver. 14. 6 Now I am come
MS
WSSERTATIOTfl COT
to make thee tmderftand what fha.ll befkl thy people in the latter days; for yet the vifion is for many days.’ This prophecy therefore contains the fate and fortune of the people of God for many years. As it was faid before, ver. 1. 4 the thing was true, but the time appointed was long:’ and con-ferjueatly this prophecy mult extend farther than from the third year of Cyrus to the death of Antiochus Epiphanes, which was not * above 370 years. In reality it comprehends pftany (ignal events after that time to the end of the world : but the types and figures of the things are not exhibited in this as in molt of the other vifions, and then expounded by the angel; but the angel relates the whole, and not by way ofvifion, but only by narration, informs Daniel of 4 that which is noted in the fcripture of truth,’ ver. 21. 4 I will foovv thee that which is noted in the fcripture of truth, as if future events were noted in a book before God: and this prophecy, being taken from 4 the fcriptureof truth,* is therefore deferving of our ftri&eft attention; and we may depend upon the certainty of all the particulars contained therein, if we can but rightly underhand and expound them.
The angel lirti prophelies of the Perfian empire, which was then lubfilting. 4 Behold, there lhall Hand up yet three kings in Perfia; and the fourth lhall be far richer than they all; and by his ftrength through his riches he (hall Hir up all againlt the realm ofGrecia,’ xi. 2. 4 There (hall Hand up yet,’ that is after Cyrus, the founder of the empire, who was then reigning. 4 Three kings in Perfia ;* thele were Cambyles, tin (on of Cyrus; Smerdis the Magian, who pretended to be another fon of Cyrus, but was really an impo-(tor; and Darius, the fon of Hyttalpes, who married the daughter of Cyrus. 4 And the fourth (hall be far richer than they all.’ The fourth after Cyrus wras Xerxes, the fon and iUecefi’or of Darius; of whom Juliin * truly remarks, 44 If you confider this king, you may praife his riches, not the general; of which there was fo great abundance in his kingdom, that when rivers were dried up by his army, yet his
* The third year of Cyrus was A. M. 34*70, and before Chrift £34*. Antioch us Epiphanes died A. M. 384*0, before Chrift 16 4<. S6e Ulher, Prideaux, &c.
f * If you confider the king, you will rather commend his wealth, than his general. Of the former of thefe he had fo great abundance, that whilit rivers were dried up by the numbers in his army, yet his wealth was not exhaufted.* See Juftin, Book II. Chap. x.
rtiJB rnOTHECiEi,	SOS
wealth remained unexhaufted.” Pythius the Lydian * wag at that time the richelt fubjed in the world. He generoufly entertained Xerxes and ail his army, and proffered him tw* thouland talents of filver, and three millions nine hundred ninety-three thoufand piecesof gold with die (tamp of Darius, towards defraying the charges of the war. But Xerxes was lb far from wanting any fupplies, that he rewarded Pythius for his liberality, and prelented him with feven thou-land darics, to make up his number a complete round funt of four millions. Each of thefe darics f was worth better than a guinea of our money. ‘ And by hisftrength through his riches he fhaii itir up all,* both fubjects and allies, * a-gainlt the realm of Grecia.* Xerxes’s expedition into Greeofe is one of the moft memorable adventures in ancient hiltory. Herodotus affirms, that i Xerxes in raifing his army learct.-ed every place of he continent, and it was thegreateft army that ever was brought into the field; for what nation was there, fays he, that Xerxes led not out of Afia into Greece? Herodotus lived in that age ; and he § recounts with great exaCtnefs the various nations of which Xerxes’s army was compoied, and computes that the whole number ofhorfeand foot, by land and fed, out of Alia and out of Europe, lbidiers and followers of the camp* amounted to live millions, two hundred eighty three thouland, two hundred and twenty men. Nor was Xerxes content with ftirring up the eaft, but was for ftirring up jj «he welt likewile, and engaged the Carthaginians in lus alliance, that while he with his army overwhelmed Greece, they might fall upon the Greek colonies in Sicily and Italy : and the Carthaginians for this purpofe not only railed all the forces they couid in Africa, but alfb hired a great number of mercenaries in Spain, and Gaul, and Italy; lb that their army confuted of three hundred thouland men, and their fleet of two hundred (hips. Thus did Xer-
* See Herodotus, Book VII. Sed. 27, &c. page 395, in Gale’o edition.	•
f See Bernard's Ancient weights and meafures, page 171. See Prideaux' Connexions, Part I. Book II. year 538, and firftof Di* riu8 the Mede.
% ‘ But Xerxes colleded his army by fearching every place of tlie ' continent.—For of all the armies which we know, this was by far the greateft.—For what nation of Alia did not Xerxes lead into Gretce. See Herodotus, Book VII. Sed. 20, 21. page 393, m Gale's edition.
$ See the fame place of Herodotus, Sed. 60, &c. page 164?,
|| See Diodorus Siculus, at the beginning of Book XI,
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DISSERTATIONS OIT
xes ‘ ftir up all againft the realm of Greciaand after him , no mention is made of any other king of Perfia. “ It is to be noted, * laith Jerome, that the prophet having enumerated four kings of the Pcrfians after Cyrus, flippeth over nine, and paifeth to .Alexander; for tile prophetic fpirit did not care to follow the order of hiltory, but only to touch upon the molltfamous events.** Xerxes was the principal author of the long wars and inveterate hatred between the Grecians and Perfians; and as he was the lalt king of Perfia who invaded Greece, he is mentioned lalt. The Grecians then in their turn invaded Alia: and Xerxes* expedition, being the molt memorable on one fide, as Alexander’s was on the o-ther, the reigns of theie two are not improperly connected together.
Alexander is thus characterized, ver. 3. ‘ And a mighty ting lhiUl Hand up, that lliall rule with great dominion, and do according to his will.* That A lexander was mighty king* and conqueror; that he ‘ ruled with great dominion/ not only over Greece and the whole Perfian empire, but like-wile added India to his conquelts; and that he ‘ did according to hiswill/ none daring, not even his friends, to contradict and oppofe him, or if they did, like Clitus and Cal-liilhenes, paying for it with their lives; are facts too well known to require any particular proof or illultration.
But his kingdom was loon to be broken and divided ; ver. . 4. ‘ And when he lhall Hand up, his kingdom lliall be broken, and lhall be divided towards the four winds of heaven; and not to his polterity, nor according to his dominion which he ruled : for his kingdom lhall be pluckt up even for others belides thafe/ Theie particulars were in good mealure lug-gelted before, viii. 8, 22. * He waxed very great, and when he was ftrong, the great horn was broken; and for it cam2 up four notable ones toward the four winds of heaven., Now that being broken, whereas four flood up for it, four kingdoms lliall Hand up out of the nation, but not in his power/ Alexander died in Babylon, f having lived only thirty-two
* < It is to be obferved that after mentioning the four kings of Perfia who followed Cyrus, he omitteth nine, and comes immediately to Alexander. For the prophetical Spirit is not careful to preferve the order of hiftory, but only to glance at thefe things which are more remarkable. See Jerome on the paflage, Col. 1121, in the Benedi6tine edition.
f ‘ According to Ariftobulus, he lived thirty-two years and eight months, and he reigned twelve years and eight months.* See Arrian, Book VII. Chap, xxviii. page 309, in GronoYius* edition.
THE PROPHECIES*
305
years and eight months, of which he reigned twelve years and eight months. In lb Ihort a time did this fun of glory rile and fet: and in the fpace of about fifteen years afterwards his family and polterity became extinct, and chiefly by the means of Callander. It was foon after Alexander’s death, that his wife Statira, the daughter of Darius, * was murdered out of jealoufy by his other wife Roxana; and her body was thrown into a well, and earth call upon it. His natural brother A ridaeus, who fucceeded him in the throne by the name of Philip, f was together with his wife Eurydice killed by the .command of Olympias the mother of Alexander, after he had borne the title of king fix years and feme months: and not long after + Olympias herlelf was flain in revenge by the foldiers of Callander. Alexander iEgus, the Ion of Alexander by Roxana, as foon as he was born, was joined in the title of king with Philip Aridaeus; and when he had attained to the fourteenth year of his age,. § be and his mother were privately murdered in the cattle of Amphipolis by order of Callander. In the l'econd year alter this, || Hercules, the other fon of Alexander by Barline the widow of Memnon, was alfo with his mother privately murdered by Polyfpercon, induced thereto by the great offers made to him by. Callander. Such was the miferable end of Alexander’s family; and then the governors made theml'elves kings each in his province, from which title they had abllained, as long as any juft heir of Alexander was iiirviving. Thus was Alexander’s kingdom ‘ broken and divided not to his polterity,’ but ‘ was pluckt up even for * * * §
* See Plutarch’s life of Alexander near the end, page 707, in the Paris edition of 1624.
f See Diodorus Siculus, Book XIX. page 676, in Stephanus* ' edition, and page 660, of Vol. II. in that of Rhodomanus. See alfo Juftin, Book XIV. Chap. v.
J See the fame work of Diodorus Siculus, page 698, 699, in Stephanus’ edition, and page 694, of Vol. II. in that of Rhodoma-nus. See Juftin, Book XIV; Chap. vi. See alfo Paufanias, Book IX. page 725, in the edition of Khunius.
§ See Diodorus Siculus, fame work., page 728, in the edition of Stephanus, and page 739, of Vol. 2. in that of Rhodomanus. See Juftin, Book XV. Chap. ii. See alfo Paufanias in tbe fame place.
|| Sec Diodorus Siculus, Book X. page 746, in Stephanus’ edition, and page 767, of Vol. 2. in that of Rhodomanus. See Juftin in the fame place, and likewife Paufanias.
f ‘ So long as Alexander had a righteous heir.* See Juftin in' the fame place.	•
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DISSERTATIONS ON
*ther« befide thofeand it was * divided to the four winds of heaven ;* for four of his captains, as it hath been fhown in former diliertations, prevailed over the reft, and Callander reigned in Greece and the weft, Lyfimachus in Thrace and the north, Ptolemy in Egypt and the Jouth, and Seleu-cus in Syria and the eajt.
But though the kingdom of Alexander was divided inio four principal parts, yet only two of them have a place allotted in this prophecy, Egypt and Syria. Thefe two were by far the greatelt and moll confiderable : arid thefe two at one time were in a manner the only remaining kingdoms of the four; the * kingdom of Macedon having been conquered by Lyfimachus and annexed to Thrace; and t Lyfimachus a-gain having been conquered by Seleucus, and the kingdoms of Macedon and Thrace annexed to Syria. Thefe two like-wife continued diltinbt kingdoms, after the others were fwal-lowed up by the power of the Romans. But there is a more proper and peculiar realon for enlarging upon thefe two particularly; t becaufe J udea lying between them was fome-times in the poileflion of the kings of Egypt, and fometimes of the kings of Syria; and it is the purpole of holy fcripture, to interweave only fo much of foreign affairs, as hath fome relation to the Jews : and it is in relpebt of their fituation to Judea, that the kings of Egypt and yria are called the kings' of the Jouth and the north.	‘ And the king of the fouth
fhall be ftrong,’ ver. 5. ‘ and one of his princes,’ that is of Alexander’s princes, ‘ and he fhatl be llrong above him.’ There is manifeltly either lhioe redundance, or fome*defe6k | in the Hebrew copy: which fhould be rendered as it is * * * §
* See Jnftin, Book XVI. Chap. iii. See Plutarch's life, Pyn> hus, page S90, in the Paris edition of 1624. See Paufanias Atticus, Book I. Chap. x. page 24, in Khunius* edition.*
+ See Juflin, Book VII. Chap. i. and ii. See Appian’s Syria* wars, page 128, in Stephanus' edition, and page 207, in that of ToL-lius. See Memnon's Excerpts quoted by Photius, Chap. ix. in Rothom’s edition of 1654.
J * Therefore negle&ing the kingdoms of Macedon and Afia, he only fpeaks concerning the fovereigns of Egypt and Syria. The rea-fon is obvious. Judea was lituated between them, and fometimes was poffefTed by *tbe one, and fometimes by the other. It is not the defign of the holy fcriptures to give a hiftory of foreign affairs as detached from thefe of the Jews, but as conne&ed with that people.*
§ ‘ Either the Ve and in Vejehhezah “ and he fhall be ftrong” is redundant, or the words Melech Hatzaphon “ the king of the north” is wanting.*
THE PROPHECIES.
SOT
♦by the Seventy, And the king of the fouthfhall bejtrong, and pne of his princes (hall be Jlrong above him: or perhaps may better be rendered thus; And the king of the fonth /hall be Jlrong, and one of his princes; and the king of the north (hall beJtrong above him, and have dominion ; his dominion fhaU be a great dominion. The * king of the fouth* was indeed very Jtrong; for f Ptolemy had annexed Cyprus, Phoenicia, Caria, and many iflands, and cities, and regions to Egypt, as Jerome here commemorates out of the ancients. He had likewife enlarged the bounds of his empire, as f Juftin tefti-fies, by the acquifition of Cyrene, and was now become fi> great, that he was in a condition not fo much to fear, as to be feared by his enemies. But ltili the king of the north, or Seleucus Nicator, was * ftrong above him;’ for having annexed; as we have feen, the kingdoms of Macedon and Thrace to the crown of Syria, he was become matter of three parts out of four of Alexander’s dominions. All hiftorians agree in reprefenting him not only as the longeft liver of Alexander’s iucceifors, but likewife as § the conqueror of the conquerors. Appian in particular || enumerates the nations which he fubdued, and the cities which he built, and affirms that after Alexander he polfelfed the largeft part of Alia ; for all was fubject to him from Phrygia up to the river Indus, and beyond it: and If afterwards he denominates him exprefsly, “ the greateit king of Alexander.”
Seleucus N.eator, ** having reigned feven months after the * * * § *
* 4 And one of the princes, fhall be ftrong above him.* See the Septuagint.
f 4 To Egypt he had added Cyprus, Phoenicia, Caria and other iflands and countries, as Jerome from the ancients here relates. Jerome’s words are 44 many iflands cities and countries.” See Grotius.
J 4 He had alfo enlarged the bounds of his kingdom by the acT quifition of the city Cyrene. And he was already become, that hi* enemies rather feared him, than he them.’ See Juftin, Book XIII. Chap. vi.
§ 4 That he was a conqueror of the conquerors.* See Juftin, Book XVII. Chap. ii.
|| See Appian on the Syrian wars, page 193, in Stephanus* edition, and page 197> in that of Tollius. If we except Alexander, no perfon ever pofieffed a larger extent of country in Afia, for from Phrygia to the river Indus and beyond it, all was fubje& to Seleucus. See alfo page 201, in the edition of Tollius.
4 The greateft king after Alexander.* See page 128, in Ste-phaijus* edition, and page 207, in that of Tollius.
#* 4 Becaufe after fevea months truly,* &c See Juftin, Book Qq 2
DISSERTATIONS ON
tWB
death ofLyfimachus, over thekiugdoms of Macedon, Thrace, and Syria, was bafely murdered; and to him fucceeded in the throne of Syria his ion Antiochus Soter, and to Antio-chus Soter fucceeded his Ion Antiochus Theus. At the fame time Ptolemy Philadelphus reigned in Egypt after his father, the fir it Ptolemy, the ion of Lagus. There were frequent wars between the kings of Egypt and Syria. There were fo particularly between Ptolemy Philadelphus the fe-cond king of Egvpt,' and An iochus the third king of Syria,
‘ And in the end ofyearslthey (hall join themfelves together; for the king’s daughter of the fouth (hall come to the king of the north to make an agreement: but ihe ihall not retain the power of the arm, neither ihall he hand, nor his arm; but % ihe ihall be given up, and they that brought her, and he that begat her, and he that itrengthened her in theie times,* ver. 6'. 4 And in the end of years,* that is after feveral years; for tliefe wars lafted long, * Jerome reports out of the ancients, and Antiochus Theus fought againit Ptolemy Philadelphus with all the forces of Babylon and the eaft. 4 They ihall join themfelves together,* or 4 ihall allbciate themfelves :* At length they agreed to make peace upon condition, that f Antiochus Theus ihould put away his former wife Laodice and her two ions, and ihould marry Berenice the daughter of Ptolemy Philadelphus. 4 For the king’s daughter of the fouth fhall come to the king of the north to make rights’ or 4 an agreement:’ and accordingly + Ptolemy Philadelphus brought his daughter to Antiochus Theus, and with her an immenfe treafure, fo that he received the appellation of the dowry-giver. 4 But ihe ihall not retain the power of the arm ,*
XVII. Chap. ii. page 351, in Graevius’ edition. See Appian on the Syrian wars.
* ‘ He (Antiochus Theus), carried on war during many years, again ft (Ptolemy Philadelphus), the fecond of that name who reigned Over the Egyptians, and in this war he employed the whole ftrength of Babylon and the eaft.’ See Jerome’s Commentary on the paf-fage, Col. 1123', of Vol,-S. in the Benedi&ine edition.
f ‘ Therefore Ptolemy Philadelphus, being defirous to put an end to a conteft which had been for many years troublefome to him, gave to Antiochus his daughter named Berenice to wife. Antiochus at this time had two fons by his former wife Laodice,’ &c. See Jerome ih the fame place,
J 4 And he brought her to Pelufium, and gave with her in name of dowry, an immenfe quantity of gold and filver, and hence he has been called the “ Dowry-giver.” See Jerome in the fame plaee.
THE PROPHECIES*
3®
that is her intereft and power with Antiochus; for * after fome time, in a lit of love, he brought back his former wife Laodice with her children to court again* ‘ Neither lhail lie ftand, nor his arm,’ or * his feed for + Laodice fearing the fickle temper of her hufband, leit he Ihould recal Berenice, caufed him to be poifoned ; and neither did his feed by Berenice fucceed him in the kingdom, but Laodice contrived and managed matters fo, as to fix her elder fon Seleucus Callinicus on the throne of his anceltors. ‘ But (he lhail be given up;* for Laodice not content with poifoning her huf-band, } caufed alfo Berenice to be murdered. 4 And they that brought her ;* for her § Egyptian women and attendants, endeavouring to defend her, were many of them flain with her. ‘ Arid he that begat her/ or rather as it is in the margin, 4 he whom ihe brought forth for || the fon was murdered as well as the mother, by order of Laodice. * And he that ftrengthened her in thefe times;’ her hulband Antiochus, as If Jerome conceives; or thole who took her part and defended her ; or rather her lather who died a little before, and w as fo very fond of her, ** that he took care continually to lend her frefti lupplies of the water of the Nile, thinking it better for her to drink of that than of any other river, as Polybius relates.
* * After a long while, overpowered by his affe&ion, he brought back into his palace Laodice with her children.’ See Jerome in the fame place.
f * She fearing the inconftancy of her hufband, left he Ihould bring back Berenice, caufed her fervants by means of poifon to put him to death.’ See Jerome in the fame place. See Appian on the . Syrian wars, page 130, in Stephanus’ edition, and page 211, in that of Tollius. See Valerius Maximus, Book IX. Chap. xiv. See alfo Pliny, Book VII. Sedt. 10, in Harduin’s edition.
/ f See Jerome in the fame place. See the fame work of Appian. See alfo Polyaenus’ Stratagems, Book VIII. Chap. 1.
$ » And the women her attendants, attempting her defence were moft of them flain. See the fame work of Polyaenus in MaasYicius* edition.
-	|| See the fame place of Jerome, and of Appian, and of Polyaenus. See alfo Juftin, Book XXVII. Chap. i.
« King Antiochus alfo, who comforted and ftrengthened her, was flain by his wife’s poifon.’ See Jerome in the fame place.
-	** Ptolemy II. king of Egypt, firnamed Pbiladeiphus, when he bad given his daughter in marriage to Antiochus the king ojf Syria, was very careful to fend the water of the Nile to her, that ihe. (night drink of that only, as. Polybius hath written.’ See Athenaeus, Book, II. page 45, in Cafaubon’s edition.
DISSERTATIONS OH
But fuch wickednefs fhould not pafs unpuniihed and unrevenged .	* But out of a branch of her root (hall one (land
up in his eftate,* or rather as it is tranflated * in the Vulgar Latin, 4 out of a branch of her root (hall (land up a plant; and he (hall come with an army, and (hall enter into the fortrels’ or the fenced cities 4 of the king of the north, and fhall deal,’ (hall aft * againft them and lhall prevail: And fhall alfo carry captives into Egypt, their gods with their princes,* or rather f ‘ their gods with their molten images, and with their precious velfels of (ilver and of gold, and he fhall continue more years than the king of the north,* or more literally ‘ he (hall continue iome years after the king of the north. So the kingot the font h lhall come into his kingdom, and (hall return into his own land,* ver. 7. 8, 9* This * branch,* which fprung ‘ out of the feme root* with Berenice, was Ptolemy Euergetes her brother, who no (ooner fucceed-cd his father Ptolemy Phiiadelphus in the kingdom, than Z ‘ he came with a great army, and entered into the provinces of the king of the north,’ that is of Seieucus Cahinicus, who with his mother Laodice reigned in Syria; and he ‘ afted againft them,* and ‘ prevailed* io far, that he took Syria and Cilicia, and the upper parts beyond Euphrates and almoft all Afia. And when he had heard that a (edition was railed in Itgypt, he plundered the kingdom of Seieucus, and took forty thoufend talents of ‘ (ilver,* and i precious veffels,’ and
* ‘ And from a branch of her roots, (hall a plant (land up/ See the Vulgate.
f - ‘ Their gods and graven images/ See the Vulgate. ‘Their gods with their molten images/ See the Septuagint, fo likewife the Arabic.
% ‘ ( It is faid) from a plant or branch after root, becaufe he was her brother-german, and he came with a great army, and entered into the provinces of the king of the north, that is Seieucus fimamed Cal-linicus, who governed in Syria along with his mother Laodice. He afted againft them, and prevailed fo far, as to make himfelf matter of Syria, and Cilicia, ?nd the higher parts beyond the Euphrates, and almoft the whole of Afia. When he heard of an infurreftion it) E-gypt, he plundered the kingdom of Seleu us, carrying off fortv thou-fand talents of filver, and precious veffels, yea and images of their gods to the amount of two thoufand and five hundred. Among thefe were the images which Cambyfes after his conqueft of Egypt bad carried with him into Perfia. In fine, the Egyptians a nation devoted to idolatry, dignified him with the title of Euergetes, that it good-worker or benefactor, becaufe he reftored to them their gods* after they had been taken away for many year®/
Tflfc PROPHECIES.
311
9 images of the Gods,’ two thoufand and five hundred ? among which were alio thofe, which Cambyfes, alter he had taken Egypt, had carried into Perfia. And lor thus reftoring their gods after many years, the Egyptians who were a nation much addicted to idolatry, complimented him with the title of Euergetes or the benefactor. This is Jerome’s account, extraded from ancient hiilorians: but there are authors itill extant, who confirm feveral of the fame particulars. Appiaa informs'us., that * Laodice having killed Antiochus, and after him both Berenice and her child, Ptolemy the l’on of PhiJa-delphus to revenge thefe murders invaded Syria, flew Laodice, and proceeded as far as to Babylon* From Polybius we learn, that f Ptolemy firnamed Euergetes, being greatly incenfedatthe cruel treatment of his After Berenice, marched with an army into Syria, and took the city of Seleucia, which was kept for fome years afterwards by the garrifons of the kings of Egypt* Thus did he * enter into the fortreis of the king of the north/ Polaenus affirms, that J Ptolemy made himfelf matter of all the country from mount Taurus as far as to India without war or battle: but he afcribes it by miftake to the father inilead of the fon. Juitin alTerts, that Sjf Ptolemy had not been readied by a domeltic fed ition into Egypt, he would have polieiied the whole kingdom of Se-leucus. * So the king of the fouth came into the kingdom of the north, and then returned into his own land/ He likewile 4 continued more years than the king of the-north ;* for Seieucus Callinicus j| died in exile of a fall from his liorle,
, * * Laodice killed him (Antiochus,) and afterwards fhe flew Berenice with her little fon. Ptolemy the fon of Philadelphia to revenge thefe wrongs, put Laodice to death, entered Syria in a hoftife manner, and marched to Babylon/ See Appian's Syrian wars, page 130, in Stephanus’ edition, and page 211, in that of Tollius.
•j* ‘ For even then Seleucia was garrifoned by foldiers fent thither • by the kings of Egypt, and fo it had continued from the time that Ptolemy firaamed Euergetes iacenfed on account of the murder of Berenice, carried war into Syria, and made himfelf mailer of that city/ See Polybius, Book V. page 402, 403, in Cafaubon’s edition.
J ‘ He fubdued all the country from Taurus to India, without war or fighting/ See Polyaenus’ Stratagems, Book VIII. Chap. L page 802, in Maasvicius* edition.
J ‘ Who unlefs he had been recalled into Egypt by a domellic fe. dition, he would have poffefied himfelf of the whole kingdom of Sc-leucus/* See Juftin, Book XXVII. Chap. i.
j) See Juitin, Book XXVII. Chap. iii.
312
DISSERTATIONS ON
and Ptolemy Euergetes * furvived- him about four or. fivfc years.
But his fons, that is the fons of the king of the north, fhould endeavour to vindicate and avenge the caufe of their father and their country. ‘ But his^ions fhallbe ftirred up, and lhali aflemble a multitude of great forces; and one fhall certainly come, and overflow, and pafs through; then lhali he return, and be ftirred up even to his fortrefs.’ ver. 10. The Jons of Seieucus Callinicus were t Seleucus and Antio-chus; the elder of whom, Seleucus, fucceeded him in the throne, and to diftinguith him from others of the fame name, was denominated Ceraunus or the thunderer. Where by the way one cannot help obferving the ridiculous vanity of princes in aifuming or receiving fnch pompous appellations without deferving them. Seleucus the father was lirnamed Callinicus or the famous conqueror> though he was fo far from gaining any confiderable vi&ory, that he was thamefully beaten by the Egyptians in the weft, and was made a prifoner by the Parthians in the eaft. In like manner Seleucus the Ion was called Ceraunus or the thunderer, though he was fo far from performing any thing worthy of the name, that lie was a poor and weak prince in all refpefts in mind and body and eftate. Great and fplendid titles, when improperly applied, are rather a fatire and infult upon the perfons, than any honour or commendation. Seleucus Ceraunus was indeed * ftirred up, and afl’embled a multitude of great forces,’ in order to recover his father’s dominions: but + being deftitute. of money, and unable to keep his army in obedience, he was poifoned by two of his generals, after an inglorious reign of two or three years. Upon his deceale his brother Antiochus
* See Ufher, Prideaux, Blair, and other ckronologers.
•j* « After the flight and death of Seleucus Callinicus, his two font namely Seleucus Ceranus, (that is Seleucus the thunderer,) and Antiochus, who was firnamed the Great/ &c. See Jerome on the paf-fage, Col. 1124, of Vol. III. in the Benedidrine edition. See Polybius, Book IV. page 315, in Cafaubon’s edition. See alfo Appi-an’s Syrian wars, page 131, in Stephanus’ edition, and page 21 1, in . that of Tollius.
J * Seleucus weak in body, and without wealth, was unable to keep his anny in fubje&ion to him. After finiftiing the fecond year of his reign, by the treachery of his generals he was poifoned., See Appian in the fame place. ‘ Seleucus the elder brother was flain in Phrygia, in the third year of his reign, by the contrivance of Nica-nor and Apaturius,’ &c. See Jerome in the lame place, and Polybius in the fame place.
THE PROPHECIES.
SIS'
Magnus Was proclaimed king, who was moreUkferving of the title of great, than Seleucus was that of the thunderer. The prophet’s expredion is very * remarkable, that ‘ his fons (hould be ftirred up, and ad’emble a multitude of great forces;’ but then the number is changed, and only ‘ one ihould certainly come, and overflow, arid pafs through.’ Accordingly t Antiochus came with a great army, retook Seleucia, and by the means of Theodotus the iEtoliap recovered Syria, making himfelf matter of forne places by treaty, and of others by force of arms. Then f after a truce, wherein both fides treated of peace, but prepared for war, Antiochus returned, and overcame in battle Nicolaus the Egyptian general, and had thoughts of invading Egypt itielf.
The king of Egypt at that time was Ptolemy Philopator, who wras § advanced to the crown upon the death of his father Euergetes, not long after Antiochus Magnus lucceeded his brother in the throne of Syria. This Ptolemy was || a molt luxurious and vicious prince, but was routed at length by the nearer approach of danger. And the king of the iouth fliail be moved with choler, and (hall come forth and fight with him, even with the king of the north: and he * * * §
* * And therefore he now infers, that two fons being ftirred up, Ihould collect an exceeding great army, but that only one of them, namely-Antiochus the great, Ihould march from Babylon into Syria,* &c. See Jerome in the fame place.
f See Polybius, Book V. page 403, &c. See Jerome in the fame place.
J See Polybius in the fame place, page 411, &c.	* And when
he would have fought againft his generals, nay by the treachery of Theodotus, when, he would have gotten poffefiion of Syria, which now for a long time had been in the hands of the kings of Egypt; he felt fo bold, from the contempt wherein he held the luxury of Phi-lopater, tb&t he thought of carrying the war into Egypt.* See Jerome in the fame place. ‘ Antiochus king of Syria,' pulhed on by the old hatred fubfifting between the two kingdoms, fuddenly fell upon many ©f Ptolemy’s cities and took them, and afterwards he attacks Egypt itfelf.* See Juftin, Book XXX. Chap. i.
§ See Ptolemy on Can. See Eufebius* Chronicle. See Uiher, Prideaux, and the Chronologers.
|| See Polybius, Book ,V. page 380, &c. in Cafaubon’s edition. See Strabo, Book XVII. page 796, in the Paris edition of 1620, and page 1146, jn that-of Amfterdam, 1707. See Plutarch’s life of Cleomenes, page 820, in the Paris edition of 1624 See alio, Juftin, Book XXX. Chap. i.
Vol. I. No. 8.
R r
314
DISSERTATIONS OJT
lhall fet forth a great multitude, but the multitude (hall be
Siven into his hand/ ver. 11. Ptolemy Philopator was, no oubt 4 moved with choler’ for the Ioffes which he had fuliained, and for the revoltof Theodotus and others. And he 4 came forth / he * marched out of Egypt with a numerous army to oppofe the enemy, and incamped not far from Raphia, which is the neareittown to Egypt from Rhonoco-rura. And there he 4 fought with him, even with the king of the north; for thither likewife f came Antiochus with hid army, and a memorable battle was fought by the two kings.
* And he,* the king of the north, 4 let forth a great multitude/ Polybius hath i r cited the various nations of which Antiochus s army was com poled, and all together it amounted to fixty two thoufand foot, fix thoufand horle, and 102 elephants. Bui yet 4 the multitude was given into his hand/ that is into the hand of the king of the fouth; for § Ptolemy obtained a complete victory : and of Antiochus’9 army there were (lain not much fewer than ten thoufand foot, more than three hundred horle, and above four thoufand men were taken pritbners; whereas of Ptolemy's there were killed only lifteen hundred foot, and feven hundred horfe. Upon this defeat || Raphia and the neighbouring towns contended who lliould be molt forward to fubmit to the conqueror ; and -Antiochus was forced to retreat with his lhattered army to Antioch, and from thence lent embailadors to folicit a peace.
♦ See Polybius, page 421, 422. See alfo Jerome on the fame place.
f See Polybius, page 423, &c. See Strabo, Book XVI. page 759, in the Paris edition of 1620, and page 1102, in that of Am-fterdam of 1707. See alfo Jerome in the fame place.
£ ‘ And the multitude of Antiochus, army amounted to fixty-tw® thoufand infantry, fix thoufand cavalry, and an hundred and two ele-. phants/ See Polybius in the fame edition, page 421 and422.
§ * There was flain in the army of Antiochus, a number not much fhort of ten thoufand of his infantry, of cavalry the flain exceeded three hundred, and upwards of four thoufand were taken pri-foners.—-In the army of Ptolemy there were flain.fifteen hundred foot, and fetfen hundred horfemen., See Polybius in the fame place, page 427.—4 Antiochus loft his whole army in a battle near the town of Raphia, which is in the borders of Egypt/ $cc. See Jerome in the fame place.
|| See Polybius in the fame work, page 427, 428. 4 Syria yielded to the conqueror at laft, unconditionally and without any ftipula-tions.’ See Jerome in the fame place.
THE PROPHECIES*
315
Ptolemy Philopator was more fortunate in gaining a vi&ory, than prudent in knowing how to make a proper advantage of it. ‘ And when he hath taken away the multitude, his heart fliall be lifted up, and he (hail call down many ten thoufands; but he fhall not be llrengthened by it,* ver. 19. If Ptolemy had purfued the blow that he had given, it is * reafonably prefumed that he might have deprived Antiochus of his kingdom: but ‘ his heart was lifted up* by his fuccefs; being delivered from liis fears, he now more freely indulged his lulls; and after a few menaces and complaints he granted peace to Antiochus, that he might be no more interrupted in the gratification of his appetites and paffions. He had before f murdered his father, and his mother, and his brother ; and now -J he killed his wife, who was alfo his filler; and § gave himfelf up entirely to the management of Aga-thoclea his harlot, and her brother Agathocles who was his catamite, and their mother Oenanthe who was his bawd. And |j fo forgetful of all the greatnefs of his name and ma jelly, he cortfumed his days in fealting, and his nights in lewdnefs; and became not only the lpeciator, but the mailer and leader of all wicked nets. And what availed it to have conquered his enemies, when he was thus overcome by his vices; he was fo far from being Jirengthened by it, that even Ifhis own fubje6ts, offended at his inglorious peace, and more inglorious life, rebelled againll him. But the pro-
Ehet in this pallage alluded more particularly to the cafe of is own countrymen After the retreat of Antiochus, Ptolemy ** vifited the cities of Cceie-Syria and Paleftine, which
* See Juftin, Book XXX. Chap. i. * He would have deprived Antiochus of his kingdom, if his courage had not failed him.’ See Polybius, Book V. page 4*28, in Cafaubon’s edition.
f See Juftin, Book XXIX. Chap. i. See Polybius, Book V. page 380, 339.
• % See Juftin, Book XXX. Chap. i. See Polybius, Book XV. page 719.
} See Plutarch’s life of Cleomenes, page 820, in the Paris edition ©f 1624*. See Polybius, Book XV. every where.. See alfo Juftin, Book XXX. Chap. i. and ii.
|| ‘ And thus forgetting the greatnefs of his reputation and ma-jefty, he fpends his nights in whoredom, and his days in feafting ;— nor was the king only a fpe&ator of the wickednefs of others, but.a matter and ringleader. See Juftin, Book XXX. Chap.^i.
See Polybius, Book V. page 444.
** For thefe particulars the third book of Maccabees mutt be confulted.
R r 2
DISSERTATIONS ON
had fubmitted to him; and among others in his progrefs he came to Jerufalem. He there offered facrifices, and was defirous of entering into the holy of holies, contrary to the cultom and religion of the.place, being ( as the * writer of the third book of Maccabees lavs) greatly lifted up by pride and confidence. His curiofity was reilrained with great difficulty , and he departed with heavy difpleafure againft the whole nation of the Jews. At his return therefore to Alex* andria, he began a cruel perfection upon the Jewifh inhabitants of that city, who had refided there from the time of Alexander, and enjoyed the privileges of the moft favoured Citizens. 4 And he caft down many ten thoufands;’ for it appears from f Eufebius, that about this time forty thoufand Jews-were flain, or fixty thoufand as they are reckoned in J ercme’s Latin interpretation. No king could be Jtrengthen-ed by the lots of fuch a number of ufeful lubje£ts. The lofs of fo many Jews, and the rebellion of the Egyptians, added to the nvdle-adminiftration ot' the ftate/ipuit certainly very much weaken, and almoft totally ruin thfc kingdom.
Peace was to continue between the two crowns of Egypt and Syria for lome years, and then the king of the north lliQuld attempt another invalion. 4 For the king of the north lhall return, and fhail fet forth a multitude greater than the former, and lhall certainly come, after certain years,’ (at the end of times, that is years) 4 with a great army, and with much riches/ ver. 13. The following events, you fee, were not to take place till 4 after certain years;* and the peace continued between the two crowns + about fourteen years. In that time Ptolemy Philopator § died of intemperance and debauchery, and was fucceeded by his fon Ptolemy Epi-phanes, a child of four or five years old. Antiochus too, II having taken and flain the rebel Achaeus and having f alfo reduced and fettled the eaftem parts in their obedience, was at leilure to profecute and enterprife, and could not let flip
* * He was greatly lifted up by pride and confidence.’ 3 Maec. ii. 21.
f i The Jews were overcome, and forty thoufand armed men were flain.’ Jerome faith fixty thoufand, page 143/
J See Ufher, Prideaux, and the Chronologers.
j See Ptolemy’s Canon j Eufebius, Juftin, IJook XXX. Chap. ii. See alfo Jerome, Set.
|| See Polybius, Book VIII. page 522, &c. in Cafaubon’s edition.
1[ See Polybius, Book X. and XI. See Appian ron the Syrian wars, at the beginning.
THE PROPHECIES.	31 f
fo favourable an opportunity of extending his dominions. He had acquired great riches, and colle&ed many forces in his eaftern expedition ; fo that he was enabled to ‘ fet forth a greater multitude than the former, *and he doubted not to have an eafy vi&ory over an infant king. Polybius exprefsly informs us, that * from the king of Battria and from the king of India he received fo many elephants as made up his number 150, befides provilions and riches. Jerofne out of ancient authors aflirms, that t he gathered together an incredible army out of the countries beyond Babylon ; and contrary to the league he marched with this army, Ptolemy Philopator being dead, againft his fon, who was then four, years old, and was called Ptolemy Epiphanes, or the illuftri-ous. Juftin alfo fays, thatf Ptolemy Philopator king of Egypt being dead, in contempt of the childhood of his fon, who being left heir'to the kingdom was a prey even to his domeftics, Antiochus king of Syria was relolved to take polfeBion of Egypt; as if the thing were as eafily executed, as relolved.
But Antiochus was not the only one who role up again!]: young Ptolemy. Others alio confederated with him. * And in thole times there (hall many ftand up againft the king of the fouth : alio the robbers of thy people fhall exalt them-felves to eftablifh the vifion; but they fhall fall,* ver. 14, Agathocles § was in pofleflion of the young king’s perfon ; and he was lb diffolute and proud in the exercile of his power, that the provinces which before were lubject to Egypt rebelled, and Egypt itlelf was difturbed by {editions; and the people of Alexandria rofe up in a body again!! Agathocles, and caufcd him, and his filler, and mother, and their al- * * * §
* * There alfo he got elephants, fo that altogether they amounted to an hundred and fifty.’ See Polybius, Book XI. page 652.
f * He affembled an jncredible army from the countries above. Babylon ; and having broken the league after the death of Ptolemy Phildpater, he marched it againft his fon, then an infant of four years of age, who was called Ptolemy Epiphanes.* See Jerome on the paflage, Col. 1124.
J * Upon the death of Ptolemy Philopater, king of Egypt, Antiochus the Syrian king, defpifing the childhood of his fon who had been left heir to his crown, and was a prey to his domeftics, refolved to take poffeffion of Egypt.’ See Juftin, Book 31. Chap. i.
§ See Polybius, Book XV. page 712, &c. in Cafaubon’s edition*/ 4 For Agathocles was fo diffolute and proud, that the provinces formerly fobje£t to Egypt,'engaged in a rebellion, and Egypt itfelf was difturbed by feditions.’ See Jerome in the fame place. See alfo* Juftin, Book 30. Chap. ii.
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DISSERTATIONS ON
fociates, to be put to death. Philip too * the king of Mace-don entered iutoa league with Antiochus, to divide Ptolemy’s dominions between them, and each to take the parts which lay neareli and molt convenient to him. And this is the meaning* as t Jerome concludes, of the prophet’s faying* that many fhall rife up together againft the king of the (outh.
* Alfo the robbers of thy people.’ It is literally } ‘ the fons of the breakers,’ the fons of the revolters, the fa&ious and refra&ory ones, ‘ of thy people;’ for the Jews were at that time ‘ broken’ into factions, part adhering to the king of Egypt, and part to the king of Syria; but the majority were for ‘ breaking away’ from their allegiance to Ptolemy. In the Vulgate it is § tranflated,	of the prevaricators
of thy people; in the Septuagint, the Jons of the pejiilent ones of thy people. What (hall they do ? ‘ lhall exalt tbemfelves to eitablilh the virion;’ lhall revolt from Ptolemy, and thereby lhall contribute greatly, without their knowing it* towards the accompli Ih men t of this prophecy concerning the calamities, vvhigh Ihonld he brought upon the Jewilh nation by the fucceeding kings of Syria. That the Jews revolted from Ptolemy is evident from what Jerome allinns, that || the provinces which, before w°re lubjeCt to Egypt rebelled : and
heathen authors intimate, that Antiochus took poHeflion of the cities of Coele-Syria and/Paleftine without any oppoli-tion, at ieait they do not mention any. ‘ But they lhall
* Alfo Philip the king of Macedon, and Antiochus the great* entered into a confederacy to fight againft Agathoclesand Ptolemy, Epiphanes under this condition ; that each of them fhould annex fuch parts of the kingdom of Egypt as lay neareft to him.* See Jerome in the fa ne place. See Polybius* Book III. page 159, and Book 15. page 707. See alfo Jultin in the fame place.
f 4 This is that which the prophet now fays, that many rife up together againft the king of the fouth, namely againft Ptolemy Epiphanes, who was then in a ftate of childhood.9 See Jerome i* the fame place.
J Ubene parltze gnammechcty and the children of the robbers of thy people. See alfo 1 Sam. xxv. 10.
$ * The fons alfo of the prevaricators of thy people.9 See the Vulgate. * The fons of the peftilent or deftru&ive ones of thy people.9 See tlie Septuagint.
I| 4 That the provinces formerly fubjeft to Egypt rebelled.9 See Jerome in the fame place..
Sec Polybius, Book HI. page 159. See alfo Appian on the Syrian wars at the beginning.
THE PROPHECIES
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fell ;* for * Scopas came with a powerful army from Ptolemy, and Antiochus being engaged in other parts, loon reduced the cities of Ccele-Syria and Paleliine to their former o-bedience. He lubdued the Jews in the winter feafon, placed agarrilon in thecaltle of Jerufalem, and returned with great fpoils to Alexandria; for he was f noted above all men &r his avarice and repacity. The expredion of Jofephus is remarkable, that f the Jews fubmitted to Scopas by force, but to Antiochus they fubmitted wiil.ngly.
It was in the abience of Antiochus, that thefe advantages were obtained by the arms of Egypt, but his pretence footi turned the fcale, and changed the whole face.of atfairs. 4 So the king of the north lhail come, and call up a mount, and take the molt fenced .cities, or the city of munitions, and arms of the fouth fhall hot withltand, neither his cholea people, neither lhall there be any ltrength to withlLamh But he that cometh againli him (hall do according to his own will, and none fhall liand before him : and he lhall Hand in the glorious land, which by his hand lhall be conf timid/ ver. 15 and 16. Antiochus § being willing to recover Judea, and the cities of Ccele-Syria and Paieltine, which Scopas had taken, came again into thole parts, Scopas was feat agaiivto eppofe him, and Antiochus fought With him near the Iburces of the river Jordan, del troy ed a great part of his army, and purl'ued him to Sidon, where he lhut him up with ten thou- * * * §
* See Jerome, Col. 1125. See Poly bias a6 quoted by Jofephus in his Antiquities, Book 12. Chap. iii. Sedt 3. page 520, 521, ia Hud ion’s edition.
f See Polybius, Book XVII. page 773.
j ‘ For they furrendered to liim carrying on war againft them.— The Jews fpontaneoully fubmitted to him.* See Jofephus in the fame place.
§ ‘ For Antiochus defirous of recovering Judea, and very many, cities in Syria, formerly taken by Scopas, Ptolemy’s general, came into thofe parts. Scopas was fent again by Ptolemy to oppbfe him. They met and engaged near the fountains of Jordan, at a place where the town of Paneas now Hands. Scopas was put to the rout. He fled to Sidon with ten thoufand of his men, and having entered into that city, he was lhut up therein by Antiochus. To deliver him Ptolemy fent Eropas, Menocles, and Damoxenus, three illuftri-ous generals, but they were unable to raife the fiege. At length Scopas overcome by famine furrendered, and being ftript naked with his companions, they were fuffered to depart.’ See Jerbme in the fame place. See Jofephus. in the fame place. See Valehus’ Excerpts from Polybius, page 77> &c.
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DISSERTATIONS ON
faiul men, and dofely befieged him. Three famous generals were lent from Egypt to raiie the fiege; but they could not fucceed, and at length Scopas was forced by famine to fur-render upon the hard conditions of having life only granted to him Qnd his men ; they were obliged to lay down their arms, and were fent away ftript and naked. This event, I conceive, was principally intended by his 4 tailing up a mount, and taking the city of munitionsfor Sidon was an exceeding ftrong. city in its fituatioh and fortifications. But if we take the phrafe more generally, as our tranflators underhand it, Antiochus, after the fuccefs of this battle and of this liege, reduced other countries and took other 4 fenced cities,* which are mentioned by * Polybius, and recited by Jerome out of the Greek and Roman hiliorians. 4 The arms of the fouth’ could 4 not withftand* him, 4 neither his cho-fen people,* neither Scopas, nor the other great generals, nor the choicell troops who were fent againll him ; but he 4 did according to his own will, and none* was able 4 to hand before him;’ for he foon f rendered himfelf mafter of all Ccele-Syria and Paleftine. Among others i the Jews alfo readily lubmitted to him, went forth in folemn procellion to meet him, received him lplendidly into their city, fupplied him with plenty of provitions for all his army and elephants, and afiilted him in befieging the garrilbn, which Scopas had left in the citadel. Thus he 4 ftood in the glorious land,* and his power was eftablilhed in Judea. 4 Which by his hand (hall be continued :* So this palfage is generally under-itood and tranflated, and commentators hereupon obferve that § Jofephus relates, that, “ Antiochus the great reigning in Alia, the Jews, their country being waited, fullered many tilings, as well as the inhabitants of Coele-Syria For
* See Polybius as quoted by Jofephus, in the fame place. See Jerome in the fame place.
.f See Livy,. Book XXXIII. Chap. xix. See Juftin, Book XXXI.* Chap. i. See Polybius’ embaffy, ixxii. page 893/
J See Jofephus in the fame place. *
$ ‘ While Antiochus the great was reigning in Afia, both the Jews and the inhabitants of Ccele-Syria, by the laying waiie of their countries fullered many things. For when he carried on war againft Ptolemy Eupater, (eyery where elfe he calls him Ptolemy Thilo-pater,) and againtt his fon firnamed Epiphanes, it happened that whether he was conqueror or conquered, they fuffered alike ; fo that they were like a (hip at fea in a ftorm, toffed by the waves on both Tides, for whether Antiochus profpered, or met with a reverfe, their fulferings w ere the fame/ Sec Jofephus in the fame place.
THE PROPHECIES*
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Antiochus warring againft Ptolemy Philopator, and againft his ion Ptolemy Epiphanes, it was their fate to futfer, whether he was conqueror, or was beaten, fo that they were like a (hip toll in a tempeft, and lying between both were lure to fuller, which ever fide prevailed.” But then they could not be laid to be conjumed by the hand of Antiochus particularly; they were conlumed as much or more by Scopas: and the word is capable of another interpretation, which agrees as well with the truth of the Hebrew, and better with the truth ofhiftory. It may be tranflated, Which (hall be perfected, or prolper, or flo*urifh, in his hand. The original will well admit of this fenfe, and the event confirms it. For Antiochus, to reward and encourage the Jews in their fidelity and obedience to him, * gave order that their city Ihould be repaired, and thedifperled Jews Ihould return and inhabit it; that they Ihould be fupplied with cattle and other provifions for facrifices; that they Ihould be furnilhed with timber and other materials for finilhing and adorning the temple; that they Ihould live all according to the laws of their country ; that the priefts and elders, the (bribes and Levites Ihould be exempted from the capitation and other taxes; that thofe who then inhabited the city, or (hould return to it within a limited time, Ihould be free from all tribute for three years, and the third part of their tribute Ihould be remitted to them for ever after ; and alfo that as many as had been taken and forced into fervitude, Ihould be releafed,-and their lubllanc© and goods be rellored to them. Where Grotius remarks, f that what is laid about Jinijhing and completing the temple, anfwers exactly to the word perfeSfed or confummated in the Hebrew. Thus alfo J the Seventy tranl1ate.it, and thua Theodoret explains it; “ And it (hall be perfected by his hand, that is it lhall prolper; for fo likewiie Jolephus hath
♦ See Antiochus’ Epiftle, quoted by Jofephus in the fame place.
f * The Hebrew Word kalah, fignifies he was rendered perfect or abfolute, he confummated, he finiihed, he completed, and is rendered in the Septuagint by correfponding words/ See Grotius on the paffage.
% « And it lhall be finiihed in (or by) his hand. See the Septuagint.
§ « And it lhall be perfe&ed by his hand, that is, it lhall profper with him. For fo Jofephus hath taught us in his hiftory, that the Jews having fpontaneoully received Antiochus, were treated in a very honourable manner by him/ See' Theodoret on the paflage, Vol. II. page 681, in SirmondYedition.
Vol. I. No. 9.	S S
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m
taught us in his hiflory, that the Jews of their own accord having received Antiochus, were greatly honoured by him.”
Antiochus the great, like other ambitious princes, the more he attained, alpired the more to conquett and dominion. * He fhall aifo let his face to enter with the ltrength of his whole kingdom, and upright ones with him : thus lhall he do, and he fhall give him the daughter of women corrupting her, or to corrupt her: but the lhall not itand on his fide, neither be for him,’ ver. 17.	4 He fhall alfo let his face to
enter with the ltrength of his whole kingdom, or rather He lhall alfo fet his face to enter by force the whole kingdom and Antiochus not contented with having rent the principal provinces from Egypt, was forming ichemes * to feize upon the whole kingdom. ‘ And upright ones with him; thus fhall he doIf this tranflation be right, ‘ the upright ones’ here intended are the Jews, who marched under the banners of Antiochus, and are fo denominated to diftinguifh them from the other idolatrous foldiers. But the f Seventy and the Vulgar Latin exhibit a much more probable tranflation, that ‘ he lhall let things right, or make agreement with him/ as the phrale is ufed before, ver. 6. Antiochus wrould have leized upon the kingdom of Egypt by force : but as he was + meditating a war with the Romans, he judged it better to proceed by ltratagem, and to carry on his defigns by-treaty rather than by arms. For this purpoie ‘ he fhall give him the daughter of women,’ his daughter fo called as being one of the molt eminent and beautiful of women : and accordingly § Antiochus propofed a treaty of marriage by Eucles the Rhodian betrothed his daughter Cleopatra to Ptolemy in the feventh year of his reign, and married her to him in the * * * §
* ‘ And Antiochus quickly took his departure, that he might lay hold of Egypt deprived Qf its prince., See Appian on the Syrian wars, page 88j in Stephanas’ edition, and page 144, in that of Tol-liup. 4 Antiochus the Syrian king refolved to poUefs himfelf of E-gypt.’ See Juftin, Book XXXI. Chap. i.
f 4 And he fhall make all things right with him.’ See the Sep-tuagint and Vulgate.
J See Appian in the fame place, page 145.
§ 4 He betrothed his daughter Cleopatra, by means of Eucle$ the-Rhodian, to Ptolemy in the feventh year of his reign, and delivered her over in marriage to him in the thirteenth year, with the whole of Ccele-Syria and Judea, in name of dowry. See Jerome on the paflage, Col. 1126. See Appian in the fame place. See Livy, Book XXXIII. Chap. xiii. See Jofephus’ Antiquities, Book XII. Chap. iv. Se&. 1. page 523, in Hudfon’s edition.
THE PROPHECIES*
32J
thirteenth. He conducted her himfelf to Raphia, where-they were married ; and gave in dowry with her the provinces of Ccele-Syria and Palestine, upon condition of the revenues being equally divided between the two kiugs. Alt this he traula&ed with a fraudulent intention, * to corrupt her,* and induce her to betray her hufband’s interelts to her father. But his defigns did not take effect; 4 the (hall not ftand on his part, neither be for him/ Ptolemy and his generals * were aware of his artifices, and therefore ftood upon* their guard : and Cleopatra; herlelf afte&ed more the caufe ofherhulband than of her father; infomuclrthat t (he joined with her hufband in an embafly to the Romans to congratulate them upon the victories over her father, and to exhort them, after they hud expelled him out of Greece, to profe-cute the war in Afia, alluring them at the fame time that thef king and Queen of Egypt would readily obey the commands of the fenate.
Antiochus having, as he thought, fecured all things be«* hind him, engaged in atf unhappy war with the Romans.
‘ After this (hall he turn his fa6e unto the ifles, and (hall take many : but a prince for his own behalf (hall caufe the reproach offered by him, toceale; without his own reproach he (hall caufe it to turn upon him/ ver. 18. Antiochus + litted out a formidable fleet of one hundred large lhips of war, and two hundred other letter veil’els. With this fleet ‘ he turned his lace unto the iiles’ of the Mediterranean; fubdued molt of the maritime places on the coafts of Alia, Thrace, and Greece; and took Samos,1 Euboea, and many other iflands. This was a great indignity and reproach offered
* * Ptolemy Epiphanes and his generals, perceiving his fraudulent defign, conducted matters with great caution, and Cleopatra herfelf, , efpoufed the fide of her hufband rather than of her father/ See Jerome in the fame place.
j* ‘ Ambafladors from Ptolemy and Cleopatra, the fovereigns of gypt, came to congratulate them (the Romans) on occafion of Manius Acilius the conful having driven king Antiochus out^of Greece : and to ftir them up to invade his dominions in Alia, and to affure them that they were ready, to obey the orders of the fenate/ See Livy, Book XXXVII. Chap. iii.
$ See Livy Book XXXIII. Chap, xix, xx, xxxviii, &c. Sed Appian on the Syrian wars, page 86, 89, 9.V&C. in Stephanas’ e-dition, page 142, 145, 15.1, &c. in that of Tollius. See Jerome in the fame place. See alfo Aurelius Vi6to/s lives of illultrious men, Chap. liv. « And immediately he poflelTed himfelf of Greece and its iflands/
Ss 2
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to the Romans * when their confederates were thus opprefled, and the cities, which they had lately reltored to liberty, were enllaved. < But a prince,’ or rather a leader, a general, meaning the Roman generals, repelled the injury, and 4 cau-fed his reproach to ceafe.’ Acilius theconful f fought with Antiochus at the ftraits of Thermopylae, routed [him, atid expelled him out of Greece : Livius and jEmilius beat his fleets at fea: and Scipio finally obtained a decifive v-i&ory over him in Afia hear the city Magnefiaat the foot of mount Sipylus. Antiochus loll fifty thoufarld foot, and four thousand horfe in that day’s engagement; fourteen hundred were taken priioners, and he himlelf efcaped with difficulty. U-pon this* defeat he X was necefiitated to lue for peace, and was obliged to fubmit to very difhonourable conditions, not tofet foot in Europe, and to quit all Afia on this fide of mount Taurus, to defray the whole charges of the war, &c. and to give twenty hoffages for the performance of thefe articles, one of whom was his youngelt (ion Antiochus, afterwards called Epiphanes. By thefe means § lie and his fuc-ceffors became tributary to the Romans : fo truly and effectually did they not only 4 caufe the reproach offered by him to ceafe,’but greatly to their honour 4 caufed it to turn upon him.’
Antiochus did not long furvive this difgrace^ and the latter end of his life and reign was as mean, as the former part had been glorious. 4 Then lhall he turn his face towards the fort of his own land : but he (hall ftumble and fall, and not be found,’ ver. 19. Antiochus after the battle || fled away that night to Sardes, and from thence to Apamea, and the next day he came into Syria, to Antioch 4 the fort of his own land.’ It was from thence that he fent embafladors * * * §
* See Appian’s Syrian wars, page 87, in Stephanas’ edition, and page 14-3, in that of Tollius. See Livy, Book XXXIII. Chap, xxxix. and Book XXXIV. Chap, lviii. See Polybius, Book XVII. page 769, in Cafaubon’s edition.
f See Livy, Book XXXVI, and XXXVII. See Appian’s Syrian wars. See Florus, Book II. Chap. viii. See alfo Juttin, Book XXXI. Chap, vi, vii, viii.
X See Polybius’ Embafly, 24. page 816, 817- See Livy, Book 87. Chap. xlv. See Appian’s Syrian wars, page 111, &c. in Stephanie’ edition, and page 178, &c, in that of Tollius. See alfo Juftin in the fame place.
§ See 1 Maccab. viii. 7.
|| See Livy, Book 37. Chap. xliv. See Appian’s Syrian wars, page 110, in Stephanie’ edition, and page 177, in that of Tollius.
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325
to fue for peace; and * within a few days after peace was granted, he fent part of the money demanded, and the holla-ges to the Roman counfel at Ephefus. He is f reported indeed to have borne his lofs with great equanimity and temper,. and faid that he was much obliged to the Romans for ealing him from agrea* deal of care and trouble, and for confining him within the bounds of a moderate empire. But whatever he might pretend, he lived in diiirefs and poverty for a great king, being under the greatelt diiiicultjes how to raile the money which he had ftipulated to pay to the Romans : and his necellity or his avarice prompted him at laft to commit facrilege. He + matched into theeallem provinces, to collect there the arrears of tribute, and amais what treafure he could : and attempting to plunder the rich temple of Jupiter Belus in Elymais, he was aifaulted by the inhabitants of the country, was defeated, and himfelf and all his attendants were (lain. So Diodorus Siculus, Strabo, Juftin, and Jerome relate the manner and circumitances of his death. Aurelius Victor reports it otherwife, and allinns § that he was llain by lome of bis companions, whom in his liquor he had beaten at a banquet; but his account dcferves not lb much credit as the concurrent teltimony of earlier hiilorians.
* See Polybius* Embafly, 24*. page 817. See Livy, Book 37. Chap. xlv.
f See Cicero’s Oration for Dejotarus, Chap. xiii. See alfo Valerius Maximus, Book IV. Chap. i.
f See Diodorus Siculus in Valefius* Excerpts, page 292, and 298. See Strabo, Book 16. page 744, in the Paris edition of 1620, and in that of Amllerdam of 1707.	‘ In the mean time Antiochus in
Syria, having been vanquilhed by the Romans, and loaded with the payment of an heavy tribute, as the condition of peace, compelled either by want of money to fulfil his engagements, or hurried on by his own covetoufnefs ; but hoping that the former of thefe would a-pologize for his condud, he committed facrilege, by an attempt tc* plunder in the night-time the temple of Jupiter of Elymais. But riis delign having been difcovered by the inhabitants of the ifland, he and his whole ^my were flam by them.* See Juftin, Book 32. Chap. ii. * Antiochus having been vanquifned, was ordered to confine his authority within mount Taurus ; but fleeing from thence, he viftted Apamia, and Sufa, and the moft diftant cities of his kingdom. But when he was fighting againft the Elymeans, he was deliroyed with his whole army.* See Jerome in the fame place.
$ ‘ He was (lain by his companions, whom at an entertainment being intoxicated, he had ftricken.’ See Aurelius Vidor’s lives of iiluftrious men.’ Chap, liv.
326	IWS^ERTATIOlfS Olf
However it was, his death was inglorious, he c Humbled and fell, and was no more found/
His fucceffor was far from retrieving the fplendor and glory of the nation. • Then lhall Hand up in his eftate a railed of taxes in the glory of the kingdom; or rather according to the original, and as we read in the margin, • one that caufeth an exa6tor to pafs over the glory of the kingdom : but within few days he lhall.be destroyed, neither in anger , nor in battle,’ ver. 20. Seleucus Philopator fucceeded his father Antiochus the great in the throne of Syria; but as * Jerome affirms, he performed nothing worthy of the empire of Syria and of his father, and perilhed inglorkmlly without righting any battles. As Appian alfo teftifjes, he reigned f both idly and weakly, by realon of his father’s calamity. He had an inclination to break the peace, and fbake off the Roman yoke; but had not the courage to do it# He + raifed an army with intent tx>tmarch over mount Taurus to the affiltance of Pharnaces king of Pontus: but his dread of the Romans confined him at home, within the bounds prelcribed to him ; and almoft as loon as had raifed, he dilbanded his army. The tribute of a thouland talents, which he was obliged to pay annually to the Romans, was indeed a grievous burden to him and his kingdom : and he was little more than ‘ a raifer of taxes’ all his days. He was tempted even to commit lacrilege ; for § being informed of the money that was depofited in the temple of Jerulalem, he fent his trealurer Heliodovus to feize it. This was literally ‘ caufing an exaftor to pafsover the glory of the kingdom/when he lent his treafurer to plunder that temple, which || ‘ even kings did honour, and magnify with their beltgifts,’ andrwhere Seleucus himfelf, ‘ of his own revenues, bare all the colts belonging to the lervice of the facrifices. * * * §
* ‘ He means Seleucus firnamed Philopater, the fon of Antioch the great, who performed nothing worthy of the kingdom of Syria, nor of his father ; and who died without 'renown, having fought no battles/ See Jerome in the fame place*
*f* 1 Idly and at the fame time without vigour, becaufe of his father’s calamity.’ See Appiai/s Syrian wars, page 131, in Stephanas’ edition, and page 212, in that of Tullius.
X See Diodorus Siculus, in Valerius’ Excerpts, page 302. See Ufher’s Annals, year oi the world 3823, before Chrift, 181, page 403.
§ See 2 Maccab. iii. 7- See Josephus’ account of the Macca* bees, Sc6l. 4. page 1395, in Hudfon’s edition.
([ See 2 Maccab. iii. 2, 3.
WE PROPHECIES*
337
But within few days,’ or rather years according to the prophetic liile, he was to ‘ be deftroyed and his reign was of fllort duration in companion of his father’s; for he * reigned only twelve years, and his father thirty-feven. Or perhaps the paifage may be better expounded thus, that within few days or years, after his attempting to plunder the temple of Jerufalem, he ftiould be defrayed: and not long after that, as all chronologers agree he was * deltroyed, neither in anger nor in battle,* neither in rebellion at home, nor in war abroad, but f by the treachery of his own treaiurer Heliodorus. The feme wicked hand, that was the inftruinent of his facriiege, was alio the inftrument of his death. Seleucus having $ feni his only (on Demetrius to be an hoftage at Rome inltead of his brother Antiochus, and Antiochus being not yet returned to the Syrian court, Heliodorus thought this a lit opportunity to difpatch his mafter, and in the abfence of the next heirs to the crown, to ufurp it 1$ himfelf. But he wasdilappoint-ed in his ambitious projects, and only made way for another’s ufurped greatnefs, inftead of his own.
Few circumltaticesare mentioned relating to Seleucus Phi-lopator; many more particulars are predicted of his brother and fuccelior Antiochus Epiphanes, as he was indeed amone extraordinary perfon, and likewile a greater enemy and op-prefibr of the Jews. 4 And in hiseliate ftiall ftand up a vile per Ion, to whom they (hall pot give the honour of the kingdom : but he lhall come in peaceably, and obtain t|ie kingdom by flatteries,’ ver. SI. Antiochus returning from Rome, § was at Athens in his way to Syria, when his hrother Seleucus died by the treachery of Heliodorus: and * the honour of the kingdom was not given to him for Heliodorus attempted to get poiieffian of it himfelf; another ff party declared in favour of Ptolemy Philometor king of Egy pt, wliofe mother Cleopatra was the daughter of Antiochus the great, and lifter of the late king Seleucus; and neither was Antiochus Epiphanes the right heir to the crown, but his nephew Demetrius the fon of Seleucus, who was then an hoftage at Rome. However he 4 obtained the kingdom * * * §
* See Appian in the fame place.	.
4. « By the treachery of Heliodorus, one of his attendants, he was put to death.* See Appian’s Syrian wars, page 116, in Stephanas’ edition, and page 187, in the edition of Tollius.
J ‘ See Appian in the fame place.
§ See Appian in the fame place.
|| See Jerome on the paflage, Col. 1127.
328
^DISSERTATIONS ON
by flatteries/ He flattered * Eumenes king of Pefgarmli
and Attains his brother, and by fair promifes engaged their affiitance, and they the more readily alii lied him, as they were at that juncture jealous of the Romans, and >vere wil-» ling therefore to fecure a friend in the king of Syria. He flattered too f the Syrians, and with great Ihow of clemency obtained their concurrence. He flattered allb + the Romans, and lent embalfadors to court their favour, to pay them the arrears of tribute, to prelent them belides with golden velfels of five hundred pound weight, and to delire that the friend-fftip and alliance, which they had had with his father, might he.renewed with him, and that they would lay their com-ioajids upon him as upon a good and faithful confederate kittg;die would never be wanting in any duty. Thus he ^came in peaceably;’ and as he flattered the Syrians, the Syrians flattered him again, § and bellowed upon him the title of Epiphanes or the iiiujirious.but the epithet of vile or Irather defpicable, given him by the prophet, agrees better with his true chara&er, For, as || Polybius and other heathen hiftorians delcribehim, he would Ileal out of the palace, and ramble about the ftreets in dilguile; would mix with the lowell company, and drink and revel with them to the greatell excels; would put on the Roman gown, and go about canvalling for votes, in imitation of the candidates for offices at Rome;, would fometimes lcatter money in the llreets among his followers, and fometimes pelt them with Hones; wouid walh in the public baths, and expole himfelf by all manner of ridiculous and indecent getiures; with a tliouland lucli freaks and extravagances, as induced If Poly-. * * * §
* See Appian in the fame place*
f < With a lhew of clemency he got pofleffion of the kingdom of Syria/ See Jerome on the pafiage.
£ < The king requefted, that they would renew with him the alliance and friendlhip, which had fubfifted between them and his father ; and that the Roman people might command him any thing that was confident with a faithful ally and king, for that he never would be deficient in any duty/ See Livy, Book XLII. Chap, vi*
§ See Appian’s Syrian wars, page 117* in Stephanus* edition* and page 187* in that of Tollius.
|| See Polybius, as quoted by Athenfcus, Book V. page 193. Book X. page 438, in Cafauboi/s edition. See Diodorus Siculut in Valerius’ Excerpts, page 305, 306. See alfo Livy, Book 41. Chap. xxiv. xxv.	-
f Polybius in the twenty-eighth book ofhi3 hiftory, calls him Epimanes and not Epiphanes, on account of his mad pranks. See
THE PROPHECIES,
329
hius who was a contemporary writer, and others after him, in Head of Epiphanes or the illujtrious, more rightly to call him Epimanes or the madman.
But frantic and extravagant as he was, he was however fuccefsful and vi&orious. ‘ And with the arms of a flood (hall they be overflown from before him;* or rather more agreeably to the * original, ‘ And the arms of the overflower fhall be overflown from before him, and fliallbe broken; yea, alfo the prince of the covenant: And after the league made with him he ihall work deceitfully/ ver. 22, 23, The ‘ arms’ which were 4 overflown from before him,’were thofe of his competitors fof the crown, Heliodorus + the murderer of Seleueus and his partizans, as well as thofe of the king of Egypt, who had formed fomedefigns upon-Syria, werevan-quffhed by the forces of Eumenes and Attalus, and were dilli pa ted by the arrival of Antioclius, whole prefence di (con* certed all their.meafures. 4 The prince alfo of the covenant was broken,’ that is the high-prieft of the Jews; and fo { Theodpret underiiands and explains it. 44 The prince of the covenant: He fpeaketh of the pious high-prieft, the brother of Jafon, and foretelleth, that even he lhould be turned out of his office.” As loon as Autioclius was feated in the throne,^ he removed Onias from the liigh prieftoood, and preferred jafon the brother of Onias to that dignity, not for any crime committed agaiuft him by the former, hut for the great fumsof money which were olfered to him by the latter.
Athenaeus, Book 10. page 439. See Book II. page 45, and alfo Book V. page 193.
* < And the arms of the overflower (hall be overflown from before his face/ See the Septuagint. ‘ And the arms of the over-whelmer fliall be overwhelmed from before his face/ See the Arabic. * And the arms of the fighter (hill be fubdued from before hi? face/ See the Vulgate.
+ 1 Heliodorus the murderer of Seleucus, and his partizans, no lefs than thofe of the king of Egypt, who had feme defigns againll Syria, were vanquished by the forces of Attalus, and of Eumenes;' and were difperfed by the arrival of Antiochus, whofe prefence dif-concerted all their fchemes/ See Cahnet: See Appian's Syrian wars, page 116, 117* See alfo Grotius on the paifage.
X “ And the prince of the covenant/' He means the chief - prieft, the pious brother of Jafon,, and (hews before-hand, that he would be diveftedof his office/ See Theodoret on the pafTage, page 683 of Vol. II. in Sirmond’s edition.
$ See 2 Maccab. iv. See Jofephus' account of the Maccabee), 4. page 1395, in Hudfon's edition.
Vol. L No. y.	T t
330
DISSERTATIONS ON
For Jafon offered to give him no lefs than three hundred and fikty talents of (ilver for the high prietthood, betides eighty more upon another account: and good Onias was not only dilplaced to make way for a wicked ufurper, but after a few years, living at Antioch, he was with as great treacheiy as cruelty murdered by the king’s deputy. But though Antio-chus had made a league with Jafon the new high-prieft, yet he did not faithfully adhere to it^ but a6tecl deceitfully. For Menelaus the brother of Jafon *- being tent to the Syrian court, with a co milhon from his brother, to pay the tribute, and to t ran (ad1 me bufinefs with the king; lie by his add refs and flattery fo far infinuated himfelf into the royal favour, that he attempted to fuppkmt his elder brother Jafon, as Jafon had fupplanted his elder brother Onias; and proffered to give three hundred talents more for the high prietthood than Jafon had given for it. The king readily accepted the propotal,'and ittued his mandate for the depoting of Jafon, and advancing of Menelaus in his room : but he could not effect the change without an armed force, which put Menelaus in potleflion of the place, and compelled Jafon to fly, and take Ihelter in the land of the Ammonites.
What follows is not atligning a reafon for any thing that preceded, and therefore ought not to have been tranflated 4 For he lhall come up,’ but 4 And he (hall come up, and fliall become ftrong with a fmall people. He (hall enter peaceably even upon the fatteft places of the province,’ or as it is in the margin, 4 He (hall enter into the peaceable and fat places of the province, and he fliall do that which his fathers have not done, nor his fathers fathers, he (hall lcatter among them the prey, and fpoil, and riches: yea, and he fliall forecalt his devices againlt the ftrong holds, even for a time,* ver. 23, 24. Antiochus Epiphanes had been many years an holtage at Rome; and coming from thence with only a few attendants, he appeared in Syria little at firft, •but foon received a^great increale, 4 and became ftrong vrith a fmall people.’ By the friendfliip f ofEumenes and Attains he 4 entered peaceably upon the upper provinces; and appointed Timarciius and Heraclides, the one to be governor of Babylon, and the other to be his trealurer, two brothers; with‘both of whom he had unnatural commerce. / He
; See 2sM&cab. iv. See Sulpicius Severus* Sacred hiftory* Book ljL-p&gd 8.5, in Elzevir’s edition of 1636.
■ See Appiaii’s Syrian wars, page 117> in Stephanos’ edition* and page l£7£in that of Tollius,
3 St
THE PROPHECIES.
Jikewife ‘ entered peaceably* upon the provinces of Coele-Syria aud Paleftine. And wherever he came, he outdid ‘ his fathers, and his fathers fathers’ in liberality and profu-fion. He ‘ l'cattered among'them the prey, and lpoil, and riches.’ The * prey of his enemies, theJpoil of temples, and the riches of his friends as well as. his own revenues, were expended in public fhows, and bellowed in largeffes among the people. The writer of the firlt book of Maccabees alTirms, that f in the liberal giving of gifts 4 he abounded above the kings that were before him.* Jofephus tefth-lies, that f he was magnanimous and munificent. Polybius recounts § various inftances of his extravagance, and relates particularly, that || fometimes meeting accidentally witli people whom lie had never feen before, he would enrich them with uriexpe&ed prefents; and If fometimes Handing in the public ltreets, he would throw about his money, and cry aloud let him take it to whom fortune fhall give it. His generofity was the more requifite to fix the provinces of Caele-Syria and Paleftine in his interelt, bccaufe they were claimed as of right belonging to the king of Egypt. Ptolemy Epiphanes was now dead; his queen Cleopatra was dead too ; ** and Eulaeus an eunuch, and Lenaeus, who were acini iniftrators of the kingdom for the yotmg king Ptolemy Philometor, demanded the reftitution of thefe provinces, alledging with very good reafon, that they were alligned to the firlt Ptolemy in the laft partition of the empire among * * * § **
* See Polybius quoted by Athenaeus, Book V. page 195, in Cju-faubon’s edition.
f See 1 Maccab. iii. 30.
J See Jofephus* Antiquities, Book XII. Chap. vii. Sedfc. % page 537, in Hudfon’s edition. ‘ Magnanimous and bountiful.*
§ See Polybius in the fame place, page 194, &c. Book X. page 438, &c.
|| « Meeting with perfons whom he never faw before, he beftowred •n them unexpe&ed prefents/ page 194.
f ‘ At other times Handing in the public ftreets, while fcattering his money of gold, he, wroijld cry aloud, let him take it on whom fortune (hall bellow it,* page 438.
** < And when after the death of Cleopatra, Eulaeus the eunuch and tutor of Philomcter, and Lenaeus governed Egypt, they put in a claim for Syria, which Antiochus fraudulently polfeiTed. This claim paved the way for a battle between the young Ptolemy and his uncle.’ See Jerome on the palTage, Col. 1127. See Polybius* embalTy, LXXII. page 892, and XXVIII. page 908* in Ca-faubon’s edition.
Tt 3
333
DISSERTATIONS ON
Alexander’s captains; that they had remained ever fince in the pplFe(lion of the kings of Egypt, till Antiochus the great took them away unjuftly in the minority of Ptolemy Epi-phanes the prelent king’s father; and after he had taken them away, he agreed to furrender them again in dowry with his daughter Cleopatra. Antiochus denied thele pleas and pretences with the dire6t contrary aflertions; and forefeeing, as well he might forelee, that thefe demands Would prove the ground and occalion of a new war between the two crowns, * he came to Joppa to take a view of the frontiers, and to put them into a proper pofture, of defence. In his progrcfs he came to Jerufalem, where he was honourably received by Jalon the high-prieft, and by all the people; and as it was evening, he was ufhered into the city with torch-light and with great rejoicings: and from thence he went into Phoenicia, to fortify his own jirong holds, and to forecaft his devices againft thole of the enemy. The t Seventy and the Arabic tranllator with a little variation in the reading render it, to forecaft his devices againft Egypt. Thus he did * even for a time,’ and employed loine years in his, hollile preparations.
At length Antiochus, in the fifth year of his reign, £ def-piling the youth of Ptolemy, and the inertnels of his tutors, and believing the Romans to be too much employed in the Macedonian war to give him any interruption, relolved to carry hoftilities into the enemy’s country inftead of waiting for them in his own, and marched with a powerful army againft Egypt. * And he lhall ftir up his powrer and his courage againft the king of the louth with a great army, and the king of the fouth lhall be furred up to battle with a very great and mighty army; but he lhall not Hand : for they lhall forecaft devices againft him. Yea, ihey that feed of the portion of his meat, fliall deftrov him, and his army lhall overflow, or § rather lhall be overflown: and many fliall tail down flam.’ ver. 25, 26. Thefe things [| Porphyry right-
* See 2 Maccab. iv. 21, 22.
f 4 And he lhall forecaft devices againft Egypt.’ Sec the Sep* tuagint. 4 And he lhall devife devices againft Egypt.’ See the Arabic.’ Inftead of Mibetzarim, they have read Milzraim.
J See Livy, Book XLII. Chap. xxix.
\i ‘ His army lhall be overflown.’ See Pagnin. 4 And his’ar-my lhall be overthrown.’ See the Vulgate. 4 His army lhall be ailperfed.’ See the Syriac.
j| 4 Thefe things Porphyry underftands of Antiochus, wh#
THE PROPHECIES.
338
ly interprets of Antiochus, who marched againlt Ptolenty his filter’s ton with a great army. The king of the fouth» too, that is the generals of Ptolemy were ltirred.up to war with very many and exceeding Itrong forces; and yet could not refill the fraudulent counfels of Antiochus. The two armies engaged * between Pelulium and mount Cafius, and Antiochus obtained the vi6tory. The + next campaign he had greater fuccels, routed the Egyptians, took Pelulium, alcended as far as Memphis, and made himfelf malter of ail Egypt except Alexandria. Thefe tranfa&ions are thus related by the J writer of the firft book of Maccabees: ‘ ‘ Now when the kingdom was eltablilhed before Antiochus, he thought to reign over Egypt, that he might have the dominion of two realms’. Wherefore he entered into Egypt with a great multitude, with chariots, and elephants, and horfe-men, and a great navy; and made war againlt Ptolemy king of Egypt: but Ptolemy was afraid of him, and tied; and many were wounded to death. Thus they got the ltrong cities in the land of Egypt, and he took the Ipoils thereof.*’ ‘ He lhali llir up his power againlt the king of the louth with a great army,* fays the prophet; he entered hi to Egypt with a great multitude, fays the hiliorian. ‘ The king of the louth lhali not (land ,* fays the prophet; Ptolemy was afrqid and fled, lays the hiliorian. ‘ Many fh all fail down fiain/ fays the prophet; and many were wounded to death, fays the hiliorian. The misfortunes of Ptolemy Philometor are by the prophet alcribed principally to the treachery and b$fe-nefs of his own minifters and fubjccts : ‘ for they fhaU,fere-calt devices againlt him; Yea, they that feed of the por&pn of his meat lhali deltroy him.* And it is certain that guldens § was a very wicked miniltfer, and bred up the yppng king in luxury and effeminacy contrary to his natural mchua-
marched with a great army againft Ptolemy his lifter’s fon. The king of the fouth too, that is Ptolemy’s generals, were ftirred up to war by forces exceeding numerous and powerful, but they could not withstand the fraudulent counfels of Antiochus.’ See Jerome on the paflage, Col. 1128.	*
* « When they engaged between Pelufium and Caufiys, Ptolemy’s generals were overcome.’ See Jerome, Col. 1127 an^ 112$*
| See 2 Maccab. v. 1. See Jerome in the/ametjafe. See Jo-Ijpphus’ Antiquities, Book Xll. Chap. v. Se£l. page .532, in Hudfon’s edition, and-Valelius’ Excerpts from Diqdyrqsj page SI 1. J See 1 Maccab. i. 16—19.	-
f See Valeftus’ Excerpts from Diodorus, page $11* Sl3,*
334
DISSERTATIONS ON
tion. Ptolemy Macron too, * who was governor of Cyprus, revolted from him, and delivered up that important ifland to Antiochus; and for the reward of his treafon was admitted into the number of the king’s principal friends, and was made governor of Ccele-Syria and Paleftine. Nay event the A lexandrians, feeing the diftrefs of Philometor, renounced their allegiance; and taking his younger brother Euergetes or Phyfcon, proclaimed him kinginttead of his elder brother.
Hiitory hath not -informed us, by what means Ptolemy Philometor came into the hands of Antiochus, whether he was taken priloner, or liirrendered himfeif of his own accord; but that he was in the hands of Antiochus, it is evident beyond all con trad ibtion. ‘ And both thefe kings hearts fhall be to do milchief, and they ihall (peak lies at one table; but it Ihall not profper: for yet the end fhall be at the time appointed,’ ver. 27. After Antiochus was come to Memphis, and the greater part of Egypt had Submitted to him, t he and Philometor did frequently eat and converfe together ‘ at one table but notwithitanding this appearance of peace and friendfliip, ‘ their hearts’ were really bent ‘ to do mil-chief,’ and they ‘ fpoke lies’ the one to the other. For § Antiochus pretended to take care of his nephew Philometor’s intereft, and promiled to reitore him to the crown, at the lame time that he wTas plotting his ruin, and was contriving means to weaken the two brothers ia a war again It each other, that the conqueror wearied and exhaufted might fall an eafier prey to him. On the other fide |j Philometor laid tile blame of the war on his governor Eulaeus, pro felled great obligatiorTSs to his uncle, and teemed to hold the crown by liis favour, at the fame time that he was refolved to take the firlt opportunity of breaking the league with him, and of being reconciled lo his brother: and accordingly, as foon as ever Antiochus was withdrawn, he made propoiais oFac-
' * See Valerius' Excerpts from Polybius, page 126. See 2 Mac. x. 13. I Maccab iii. 38. 2 Maccab. viii. 8.
f See Porphyry, quoted by Eufebius in his Greek Chronicle, page 60 and 68.
% ‘ No body doubts but Antiochus concluded a peace with Ptolemy, feafted with him, and meditated mifehief, &c. See Jerome, Col. 1128.
§ See Polybius' embaffy LXXXIV, page 909, in Cafaubon's edition. See Livy Book XLIV. Chap. xix. and XLV. Chap. xi.
|| See the fame place*of Livy. See Polybius' embaffy LXXXU, page 909* See Porphyry quoted by Eufebius.
THE PROPHECIES.
335
•ommodation, and by the meditation of their lifter Cleopatra a peace was made between the two brothers, who agreed to reign jointly in Egypt and Alexandria. But ftiii thw artifice and dilfimulation did not prolper on either fide. For * neither did Antiochus obtain the kingdom, neither did Philometor utterly exclude him, and prevent his returning with an army, as each intended and expe&ed by the meafures which he had taken: for thefe wars were not to have an end till ‘ the time appointed/ which was not yet come.
Antiochus hoping to become abfolute mafter. of Egypt, more eafily by the civil war between the two brothers than by the exertion of his own forces, left the kingdom for a while, and returned into Syria. ‘ Then (hall he return into his land with great riches, and his heart fhall be againft the holy covenant; and he lhall do exploits, and return to his own land/ ver. 28. He did indeed 4 return with great riches / for the fpoils which he took in Egypt were of immente value. The f writer of the firft book of Maccabees lays, “ Thus they got the ftrong cities in the land of Egypt, and he took the fpoils thereof. And after that Antiochus had (mitten Egypt he returned.” Polybius i deferibing his optionee and the great fhow that he made of gold, filver, jewels, and the like, allirtns that he took them partly out of Egypt, having broken the league with the young king Philometor. Returning too from Egypt, lie let * his heart againft the holy covenant.’ For it happened while lie was in Egypt, that § afalfe report was fpread of his death. Jafon thinking
* * And it profited nothing ; for he could not obtain his kingdom/ &c. See Jerome in the fame place.
f See 1 Maccab. i. 19, 20.
j 4 All thefe things were amafled by plundering Philometor, wha was yet a youth in Egypt, contrary to foiemn treaty.* See Polybius quoted by Athenaeus, Book V. page 195, in Calaubon’s edition.
$ See 2 Maccab. v. 5—23. 1 Maccab. i. 20—28. See Jofe-phus* Antiquities, Book XII. Chap. v. Sedl. 3. page 532, and Book XIII. Chap. viii. Se&. 2. page 582. See his Jewilh wars, Book I. Chap. i. Se&. 1. page 958. See his account of the Maccabees, Se&. 4. page 1396. See Polybius the Megalopolitan, Strabo the Cappadocian, Nicolaus of Damafcus, Timagenes, Caller and Apollodorus, quoted by Jolephus writing againft Apion, Book II. page 1369, in Hudfon’s edition. See Diodorus Siculus, Book XXXIV. firft Eclogue,'page 901, in Rhodomanus’edition, and in Photius* Library, Cod. 214. page 1149, in Rothom’* edition 1653.
S3 6
DISSERTATIONS OH
this a favourable apportunity for him to recover the high priefthood, marched to Jerufalem with a tiioufand men, at laulted and took the city, drove Menelaus into the caitle, and exercifed great cruelties upon the citizens* Antiochus hearing of this, concluded that the whole nation had revolted ; and being informed that the people had made great rejoicings at the report of his death, he determined to take a fe-vere revenge, and went up with a great army as well as with great indignation againft Jerufalem. He hefieged and took the city by force of arms, flew forty thouland of the inhabitants, and fold as many more for (laves, polluted the temple and altar with fwines fle(h, profaned the holy of holies by breaking into it, took away the golden velfels and other facred treafures to the value of eighteen hundred talents, reftored Menelaus to his office and authority, and conltituted one Philip, by nation a Phrygian, in manners a barbarian, governor of J udea. When he had done thefe exploits, he ‘ returned to his own land/ So fays * the writer of the firft book of Maccabees, “ When he had taken all away, he went into his own land, having made a great maflacre, and fpoken very proudly.” So like wife + the author of the fecond book of Maccabees, “When Antiochus had carried out of the temple a thoufand and eight hundred talents, he departed in all hafte unto Antiochia.” Jolephus too } to the fame purpofe, “ When he had gotten polfeffion of Jeruialem, he flew many of ihe adverfe party; and having taken great fpoils, he returned to Antioch.” Thefe things are not only recorded by Jews; for as § Jerome obferves, “ both the Greek and Roman hiftory relates, that after Antiochus returned from Egypt, lie came into Judea, that is, againft ihe holy covenant, and fpoiled the temple, and took away a great quantity of gold ; and having placed a garrison of Macedonians in the citadel, he returned into his own . land.”	•	- * * * §
* See 1 Maccab. i. 2k	f See 2 Maccab. v. 21.
J ‘ But he, when he had [gotten poffeflion of Jerufalem, flew
many of the oppofite party ; and having collected much money, he returned to Antioch/ See Jofephus’ Antiquities, Book XII. Chap. v. Se&. 3. page 532, in Hudfon’s edition.
§ ‘ It is related both in Greek and Roman hiftory, that Antiochus forced to quit Egypt after his return, he came into Judea, that is againft the holy covenaut, and plundered the temple* and carried off very much gold. Having put a garrifon of Macedonians in the citadel, he returned into his own country/ See Jerome on the paffage, Col. 1129.
THE TROPIIECIES.
Sfif
After * two years Antiochus marched into Egypt again. ‘.At the time appointed’ (and hinted at before, ver. 27.)‘ he fliail return, and come toward the foulh, but it Ihall not be as the former, or as the latter;’ or as it is tranflated in f the Vulgar Latin, ‘ the latter lhail not be like the former. For the lhips of Chittim fliail come againlt him : therefore he Ihall be grieved, and return, and have indignation'againlt the holy covenant: fo Ihall he do, he (hall even return, and have intelligence with them that forfake the holy'covenant,* ver. 29, 30. Antiochus perceiving that Ins fine-woven policy was all unraveled, and that the two brothers, inltead of waliing and ruining each other in war, had provided for their mutual iafety and interelt by making peace, J was lb offended, that he prepared war much more eagerly and malicioufly againlt both, than he had before againftone of them. Early therefore in the fpring he let forwards with his army, and palling through Ccele-Syria came into Egypt, and the inhabitants of Memphis and the other Egyptians, partly out of love, partly out of fear, fubniitting to him, he came by eaiy marches down to Alexandria. But this expedition was not as fuccelsful as his former ones; the rcalon of which is a fiig lied in the next words,’ the lhips of Chittim coming againlt him.’ In the fifth dillertation it was proved that * thecoalt of Chittim and the land of Chittim’ is a general name for Greece, Italy and the countries and illands in the Mediterranean. * The lhips of Chittim’ therefore are the lhips which brought the Roman embafiadors, who came from Italy, touched at Greece, and arrived in Egypt, being lent by the fenate, at the Application'of. the Ptolemies, to command u peace between the contending kings. Theitory was related out of the Greek and Roman hiftorians in the' laft dilierta-tion : it is needleis thereforejo repeat it here : it will be liif-ficient to add what § St Jerome lays upon the occafion.’
* * And after two years he again aflembled an army againfl Ptolemy, and came into the fouth.* See Jerome in the fame place.
f ‘ The latter will not be like the former* * See the Vulgate.
J < He was fo offended, that with more keennefs and rage, he prepared for the war againlt the two, than formerly he had done a-gainft the one :—He early in the fpring intending to march into F-gypt, advanced into Celo-Syria. Being welcomed by the inhabitants of" Memphis, and by other Egyptians, partly from inclination,' and partly from fear, he went down by eafy marches to Alexandria.’ See Livy, Book XLV. Chap. xi. and xii.
$ « When the two brothers Ptolemies, the fons of Cleopatra,' whofe uncle he was, were befieged i(i Alexandria, ambafTadora urn.
Vol. I. No. ih	U u
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DISSERTATIONS ON
“ When the two brothers Ptolemies, the fons of Cleopatra, were befieged by their uncle in Alexandria, the Roman eni-bafiadors. came : one of whom Marcus PopilliusLenas, when lie had found him Handing on the (hore, and had delivered to him the decree of the fenate, by which he was commanded to depart from the friends of the Roman people, and to be content with his own empire; and he would have deferred the matter to confult with his friends; Popilius is laid to have made a circle in the land with the flick that he held in his hand, and to have circumfcribed the king, and to have faid, the fenate and people of Rome order, that in that place you anfwer, what is your intention. With thele words being frighted he faid, If this pleafes the fenate and people of Rome, we mnit depart; and fo prefently drew off his army.” The realon of the Romans adting in this imperious manner, and of Antioch us fo readily obeying, was, as * Polybius fuggefts, the total conquelts that A&rnilius, the Roman confui, had jult made of the kingdom of Macedonia. It was without doubt a great mortification to Antiochus, to be lb humbled, and fo dilappointed of his expe&ed. prey.
‘ Therefore he grieved, and returned.' He led back his forces, into Syria, as f Polybius fays, grieved and groaning, but thinking it expedient to yield to the times for the pre-fent. * And had indignation againllthe holy covenant: for } he vented all his anger upon the Jews: he detached A-pollonius with an army of twenty-two thouiand men, who
red from Rome. The name of one of them was Marcus Popilius Lenas. He found the king Handing upon the fhore, and delivered to him a decree of the fenate, which enjoined him to withdraw from the friends of the Roman people, and to be content with his own kingdom. He wiihing to delay giving an anfwer, till he had con-fulted with his friends, made this known to him. But it is mentioned that he (the ambafiador,) made a ring round the king with his rod in the fand and faid, the Senate and people of Rome order you to make an anfwer in the fpot where yoti now Hand, what your intention is. At the hearing of thefe words, he replied, fince it is the pleafure of the fenate, and of the Roman people, I mult withdraw, an4 immediately he decamped.’ See Jerome in the fame place.
* ‘ Unlefs this had happened, and had been credited, it doth not appear to me thit Antiochus would have obeyed thefe orders.’ See Polybius’ Embaffy XCII. page 917, in Cafaubon’s edition.
f 4 He indeed led off his army into Agria, (into Syria as Ufher thinks,) fad and fighing, thinking it better at prefent to yield to the times.’ See Polybius in the fame work, page 916.
J See 1 Maccab. i. 29—10. 2 Maccab. v. 24, 25, 26.
THE PROPHECIES.
339
coming to Jerufalem flew great multitudes, plundered the city, let lire to it in feveral places, and pulled down the houies and walls round about it. Then they buiided, on afi eminence in the city of David, a ftrong fortrefs, which might command the temple; and ilfuing from thence, they fell on tlmfe who came to wodhip, and fried innocent blood on every fide of the fanctuary, and defiled it; fo that the temple was delerted, and the whole fen7ice omitted ; the city wasforia-ken of its natives, and became an habitation of ftmngers. So he did, and alter his return to Antioch * he published a decree, which obliged all perfons upon pain of death to conform to the religion of the Greeks: and lb the Jewifh law was abrogated, the Heathen worlhip was fet dp in its dead, and the temple itlelf was conlecrated to Jupiter Olympius. In the traniacting and ordering of thefe matters he ‘ had intelligence with them that forfook the holy covenant,’ Me-nelaus and the other apollate Jews of his party, who were the king’s chief initigators againlt theiv religion and their country. For f as the writer of the firlt book of Maccabees lays “ In thole days went there out of Ifrael wicked men, who perluaded many, faying, Let is go, and make a covenant with the Heathen, that are round about us: Then certain of the people were lb forward herein, that they went to the king, who gave them licence to do after the ordinao- ’ ces of the Heathen : And they made themfeives uncireumr ciled, and forfook the holy covenant and joined themfelves to the Heathen, and were fold to do milchief.” Jofephus has .plainly J a (bribed the diiirels of his country to the factions among his countrymen, and to thofe perlons particularly who fled to A ntiochus, and befought him that under their conduct he would invade Judea.
It may be proper to Hop here, and reflect a little how
Particular and circumftantial this prophecy is concerning the ingdoms of Egypt and Syria, from the death of Alexander to die time of Antiochus Epiphanes. There is not fo complete and regular a leries of their kings, there is not fo concile and comprehenfive an account of their atfairs, to be found in any author of thofe times. The prophecy is really more perfect than any hiftory. No one hiltorian hath related fo many circumltances, and in fuch exa£t order of
* See I Maccab. i. 4<l-r-6L 2 Maccab. vi. 1—9.
See 1 Maccab. i. 11, 13, 15.	.
J See Jofephus* Jewifii wars, Book I. Chap. i. Se&. 1. page 958? in Hudfon’s edition.
Uu2
84i
DISSERTATIONS ON
timQ, as the prophet hath foretold them : fo that it was ne-eellary to have recourie to feveral authors, Greek and Roman, Jewifti and Chiiltian ; and to collect here fomething from one, and to coiled there fomething from another, for the better explaining and illuftrating the great variety of particulars contained in this prophecy. We have been particularly obliged to Prophyry and Jerome, who made ufe of the fame authors for different purpoles, and enjoyed the advantages of having thofe hiftories entire, which have fince either in whole or in part been deftroyed. For * they had not only Polybius, Diodorus, Livy, Trogus Pompeius, and Juftin, fome parts of whofe works are now remaining; hut they had likewile Sutorius Callinicus, Hieronymus, Pofidonius, Claudius Theon, and Andronicus Alipius, hillo-rians who wrote of thofe times, and whole woiks have fingc entirely pe^rilhed. If thele authors were fti 11 extant, and thofe who are extant were ftill complete, the great exadnefs of tlie prophecy might in all probability have been proved in more particulars than it hath been. This exadnefs was lo convincing, that Pojphyry could not pretend to deny it; lie rather laboured to confirm it, and drew this inference from it, that the prophecy was lo very exad, that it could not polfibly have been written before, but mult have been written in, or toon after the time of Antiochus Epiphancs, all being true and exad to that time, and no farther. O-thers after him have aflerted the fame thing, not only without any proof, but contrary to all the proofs, which can he had in cafes of this nature, as it hath been Ihown in a former dilfertation. The prophecy indeed is wonderfully exad to the time of Antiochus Epiphanes, but it is equally fo beyond that time, as you will evidently perceive in the fequel, which cannot all with any propriety be applied to Antiochus, but
* ‘ To underftand the end of the book of Daniel, much of the Greek hiftory is neceffary, namely what has been written by Suc-torius, Callinicus-, Diodorus, Jerome, Polybius, Pofidonius, Claudius Theon, ahd Andronicus firnamed Alipius, all of whom Porphyry tells us he followed ; as alfo Jofephus and the author mentioned by him, and efpecially our Livy, and Pompeius Trogus, ^nd Juftin, who all relate the hiftory of this laft vifion.- See Jerome’s preface to the Book of Daniel, Col, 1074*, in the Benedi&ine edition. Su&oriui namely Callinicus, Diodorus, Jerome, Polybins, Pofidonius, Claudius Theon, and Andronicus lirnamed Alpius. Thus correct that paffage, {Ju&orius is commonly mentioned before Callinicus, as if they were different perfons. But this is a miftake. See \oflius’ Greek hir (lory, Book II. Chap. xiii.
TIIE PROPHECIES.	341
extends to remoter ages, and reaches even to the general refurreftion. No one could thus declare ‘ the times and the feafons’ A6ts i. 7. but lie who ‘ hath thernin his power.’
XVII.
The fame fubject continued.
PART II.
THUS far the meaning and completion of the prophecy is lufficiently clear and evident; there is more oblcurity and difficulty in the* part that remains to be confidcred. Thus far commentators are in the main agreed, and few or none have deviated much out of the common road : but hereafter they purfue fo many different paths, that it is not . always ealy to know whom it is belt and 1afe1t to follow. Some * as Porphyry among the ancients, and Grotius among the moderns, contend that the whole was literally accom-plifhed in Antiochus Epiphanes. Others, f as Jerome and molt of the Chrifiian fathers, confider Antiochus as a type of Antichrilt; as in'the leventy-fecond pfalm Solomon is exhibited as a tpye of Chrift, and many things are (kid qf. the one, which are only applicable to the other. Some again, uiiderdaud what remaihs, partly of the tyranny of Antio-cluis, and 'partly of the great apoftacy of the latter days, or the davsof the Roman empire. Others again apply it wholly to the" invafion and tyranny of the Romans, the fubfequent corruptions in the church,, and alterations in the empire. There is no writer or commentator, whom we would choole to follow implicitly in all things; but in this we may agree
* ‘.The reft to the end of the book, he (Porphyry) underftands • with reference to Antiochus firnamed Epiphanes,J &c. See Jerome, Col. 1127.
f ‘ All our (Chriftian) writers are of opinion, that all thefe things are prophetically descriptive of Antichrift.—And when many of thefe things which we are about to read and expound, do not agree with the perfon of Antiochus, they think him in thefe to be typical of Antichrift ; juft as that which is fpoken in the lxxi. Pfalm, (or the lxxiu as it is reckoned in the Hebrew and Septuagint,) which is marked a Pfalm for Solomon* For there all. that is faid of him cannot be underftood of Solomon/ 6cc. See Jerome, ibid.
342
BTSSERTATIONS ©W
with one, in that with another, and in fome mliances perhaps differ from all.
The prophet proceeds thus, ver SI. * And arms fhall Hand on his part, and they lhall pollute the fan&uary of ftreiigth,' (the temple lb called by realon of its fortification) 4 and lhall take away the daily facrilice, and they lhall place the abomination that maketh deflate/ Porphyry and his adhereuts * would have thole to be fignified, who were fent by Antiochus two years after he had (polled the temple, that they might exa6t tribute from the Jews; and take away the worlhip of God, and place in the temple of Jerufaleni the image of Jupiter Olympius, and the llatues of Antiochus, which are here called 4 the abomination of defection/ Anti it is very true, f as the writer of the firll book of Maccabees faith, that Appollonius and others commiflioned by Antiochus did “ pollute the lanctuary, and forbid buri\t-ofl‘erings, and lacrifice, and drink-olierings in the temple, and let up the abomination of deflation upon the altar, and builded idol-altars throughout the cities of Judah o:i every fide.'*
. Jofephus like wile + affirms, that Antiochus forbad the Jews to ©flier the daily facrilices, which they ottered to God according to the law: He compelled them alio to leave oft' the fervice of their God, and to worlhip thole whom he eiteemed gods ; and to build temples and erect altars to them in every city and village, and to lacrifice fwine upon them every clay. This interpretation therefore might very well be admitted, if the other parts were equally applicable to Antiochus; hut the difficulty, or rather impollibility of applying them to Antiochus, or any of the Syrifti kings his luccellbrs, obliges us to look out for another interpretation. Jerome and the
* * But they will have thofe to be. fignified, who were fent by* Antiochus, two years after he had plundered the temple, to demand tribute from the Jews, to remove the worlhip of God, and to fet up in the temple of Jerusalem the image of Olympian Jupiter, and the fiatues of Antiochus, which here he calls the abomination of deflation.’ See Jerome on the paffage, Col. 1129.
f See 1 Maccab. i. 45, 46, 54.
% ‘ For he prohib ted them from offering up the daily facrifices, which they were accuftomed to offer up to God, according to the law.—He compelled them alfo to omit their worlhip of the true God, and to pay divine honours to them whom he regarded as gods, and to make Ihrines in every city and village, and to build ahars, and daily to facrince fwine upon them.’ See Jofephus’ Antiquities, Book XII. Chap. v. Se&. 4. page 533, in Hudfon’s edition.
THE FROPHBGIES.
343
Chriftians of his time * contend, that all thefe things were * a type of Antichrift, who is about to fit in the temple of God, and to make himfeif as God : but the fathers had very confuted and imperfe6t notions of Antichrift, the prophecies relating to him having not then received their completion. All things duly confidered, no interpretation of this pafiage appears fo rational and convincing, as that propol'ed by Sip f liaac Newton. “ In the fame year that Antiochus by the command of the Romans retired out of Egypt, and let up the worfhip of the Greeks in Judea; the Romans conquered the kingdom of Macedon, the fundamental kingdom of the empire of the Greeks, and reduced it into a Roman province; and thereby began to put an end to the reign of Daniel’s Ihird beaft. This is thus expreffed bv Daniel. And after him arms, that is the Romans, /hall Jiand up. As Mimmelcch fignifies + after the king, Dan. xi. 8 ; fo Mimmdnu may fignify after him.% Arms are every where in this prophecy of Daniel put for the military power of a kingdom; and they ftand up when they conquer and grow powerful. Hitherto Daniel deicnbed the a&ions of the kings of the ’north and fouth ; but upon the conqueft of Macedon by the Romans, he left off delcrib-ing the actions of the Greeks, and began to defcribe thole of the Romans in Greece. They conquered Macedon, Illyricuni, and Epirus, in the year of Nabonafiar 580 ; 35 years alter, by the laft will and teftament of Attains the lath king of Par-gamus, they inherited that rich and floinching kingdom, that is, all Afia weftward of mount Taurus; t)9 years after they Conquered the kingdom of Syria, and reduced it into a province, and 34 years after th#^ did the like to Egypt. By all thefe fteps the Roman arms ftood up over the Greeks; and after 95 years more, by making war upon the Jews they polluted the fanchiary af Jirength, and took away the daily facrifice, and then placed the abomination of dejblation. For’ this abomination was placed after the days of Chrift, Matt.
* ‘ All which things our writers contend, went before as typical of Antichrift, who is to fit in the temple of God, and to make him-lelf as God.’ See Jerome in the fame place.
•f See Sir Ifaac Newton’s Obfervations on Daniel, Chap. xii. page 188, &c. See alfo Chap. ix. page 125, &£.
J So in Neh. xiii. 21. Min-hagntth hahi, is “ after that time,” or “ from that time forth.” So like wife in this very chapter, verfe 23: Umim-bithhalruth elaiu, is tranfiated, “after the league made with him.’ See the particle min, in Noldius and Taylor’s concordance.
344
DI9SER*AT'lON9 ONT-
xxiv. 15. in the 16th year of the emperor Adrian, A. C.
132, they placed this abomination by building a temple to Jupiter Capitolinus where the temple of God in Jeruiixlem had ltood. Thereupon the Jews und^fr the conduct of Bar-chochab rofe up in arms againll the Romans, and in the war liad fifty cities demoliihed, nine hundred and eighty five of of their belt towns deftroyed, and five hundred aud eighty thoufand.men (lain by the lword ; and in the end of the war, A. C. 136, were baniihed Judea upon pain of death, and thenceforward the land remained delbiate of its old inhabitants.” In liipport of this interpretation it may. be farther added,- that the Jews themlelves, as* Jeroue informs us, “ underftood this paflage neither of Antiochus Epiphanes, nor of Antichrift, but of the Romans, of whom it was laid above that the (hips of Chittim (hall come, and he jhall he grieved. After fome time, lays the prophet, out of* the Romans themlelves, who came .to allift Ptolemy, and menaced Antiochus, there fhall arile the emperor Vefpafian, there (hall arife his arms and feed, his Ion Titus with an army; and they fhall pollute the fauctuary, and take away the daily lacrifice, and deliver the temple to eternal deflation.” Mr Mede too afligns f the lame reafon for the pro-
* 4 The Jews will have this to be meant neither of Antiochus E-piphanes, nor of Antichrift, nor of the Romans, concerning whom it hath been faid before, 44 and the (hips (hall come,” either the Italian or Roman, 44 and he fhall be humbled.” He fays, after a long time* from the Romans themfelves who came to afiift Ptolemy, and to threaten Antiochus, the empeMp Vefpafian fhall arife, his arms and reed fhall fpring up, namely Bis fon Titus with an army, and they fhall pollute the fan&uary, and remove the daily facrifice, and deliver over the temple to perpetual deflation.* See Jerome in the fame place.
*t* See Mede’s Works, Book IV. Epiftle XLI. page 797. See alfo Book'III. page 667> 672. See Lucius Floras, Book II. Chap, vii. 4 Hannibal being worfted, Africa became the reward of the vi&ory, and after Africa the whole world'alfo. None thought it a frame to be overcome, after Carthage was. Macedonia, Greece, Syria, and all other nations, as if carried \Vith a certain current and torrent of fortune, did foon follow Africa : But the firft who followed were the Macedonians, a people that fometime affe&ed the empire of the tf,orld., In Velleius Paterculus, Book I. Chap. vi. is an annotation out of one Atrnilius Sura in thefe words : 4 The Af-fyrians had the fovereign dominion the hr ft of all nations, then the Medea and Perftans ; after them the Macedonians ; afterwards thofe two kings, Philip and Antiochus, Icing overcome, and that a little
THE PROPHECIES.
453
phet’s palfing from Antiochus Epiphanes to the Romans. ** We mult know, lays he, that after the death of Antioclrus Epiphanes the third kingdom conies no more in the holy reckoning, none of the Greek kings after him being at all prophefied of; yea Daniel himlelf calling the time of Antiochus’ reign the latter end of the Greek kingdom, viii. Q3. The reafon of this is, becauie during the reign of A ntiochus, Macedonia (whence that kingdom l*prung) with all the relt of Greece, came under the Roman obedience. From thence therefore the Holy Ghoft begins the rile of the fourth kingdom, yea the Rbman hiftorians themlelves mark out that time for the rife of their empire.0 And for this purpole he alledges two quotations from Lucius Florus ana Velleius Paterculus. Our Saviour himfelf making ule of this fame phrafe ‘ the abomination of defolation* in his predi&ion of the deftru&ion of Jerufalein, may convince us that this part of the prophecy refers to that event.
What follows can be but in part applied to the times of Antiochus Epiphanes. ‘ Arid luch as do wickedly againit the covenant, lhall be corrupt by flatteries : but the people that do know their God, lhall be flrorig, and do exploits. And they that underftand among the people, lhall inftruct many : yet they lhall fall by the lword, and by flame, by captivity, and bv fpoil many days,’ ver. 32, 33. If it may be laid of Antiochus, that be corrupted many by jiatteries, by rewards and promiles, to forlake the holy covenant, and to conform to the religion of the G reeks ; ‘ but the people who knew their God,’ the Maccabees and their aflbeiates, * were ftrong, and did exploits:* Yet it cannot fo properly be faid of the Maccabees, or any of the devout Jews of their time, that they did ‘ inllruct many,* and make many prolelytcs to their religion ; neither did the perfecution, which Antiochus raifed againit the Jews, continue ‘ many days,’ or years' according to the prophetic ltile, for it laited only a few years. All thefe things are much more truly applicable to the ChriliianJews : for now the daily facrilice was taken away, the temple was given to defolation, and the Chriltian church had fucceeded in the place of the J ewilh, the new covenant in the room of the old. ‘ And fucli as do wickedly againit the covenant, lhall he corrupt by flatteries ;* He, that is the power before deferibed, who ‘ took away the daily facrilice, and placed the abomination of defolation:* nor is luch a
after that Carthage was fubdaed, the imperial power came to the Romans.
Vol. I. No. 9.	Xx
340
DISSERTATIONS 0*
change of number unfrequent in the Hebrew language.
44 There are fome, faith an * old commentator, who think that the prophet here had refpe6t to the Chriftians, whom the wicked idolaters endeavoured from the beginning of the riling church to feduce by flatteries; bnt the prelection of tyrants raged chiefly againtl the apoltles and holy teachers.” The Roman magiiirates and officers, it is very well known, made ufe of the molt alluring promifes, as well as of the molt terrible threatnings, to prevail upon the primitive Chriftians to renounce their religion, and ofter incenle to the ftatues of the emperors and images of the gods. Many wfere induced to comply with the temptation, and apoliatized from the faith, as we learn particularly from the famous t epiftle of Pliny to Tarjan : but the true Chriftians, 4 the people who knew their God were flrong,’ remained firm to their religion, and gave the moll illultrious proofs of the molt heroic patience and fortitude. It may too with the ltri&eft truth and propriety be laid of the primitive Chriftians, that being dif-perled everywhere, and preaching the gofpel in all the parts of the Roman empire, they ‘ inlirubted many,* and gained a great number of prolelytes to their religion: * yet they lei! by the fword, and by flame, by captivity, and by fpoil many days;* for they were expofed to the malice and fury of ten general perfections, and fullered all manner of injuries, affli&ions and tortures with little intermittion for the lpace of three hundred years.
After thefe violent perfections the church obtained fome Tell and relaxation. * Now when they (hall fall, they lhafl be holpen with a little help; but many {hall cleave to them with flatteries. And fome of them of underllanding (hall fall, to try them, and to purge, and to make them White, even to the time of the end ; becaufe it is yet for a time appointed,* ver. 34, 35./ Here Porphyry hath many followers, belides Grotius: /and he J luppofeth that by 4 the
* * There are fome who think, that die prophet here has an allu-fion to thofe Chriftians,/whom wicked idolaters from the beginning of a rifmg church, endeavoured by flatteries to feduce. But the fury of the tyrants fell chiefly upon the apoftles and facred teachers/ See Clarius on the paflage.
f See Pliny’s Epiftles, Book X. Epiftle XCVII.
J * Porphyry thinks that by the little help, is to be underftood Mattathias, of the village of Modin ; who rebelled againft the generals c*f Antiochus, and endeavoured to preferve the worlhip of the true God. But faith he, he calls it a little help, becaufe Mattathias was flain in battle ; and afterwards his fon Judas firnamed the Mac-
THE PROPHECIES.
34T
little help’ was meant Mattathias of Modin, who rebelled againft the generals of Antiochus, and endeavoured to pre-ferve the worfliip of the true God. It is called * a little help,’ faith he, becaufe Mattathias was (lain in battle; and afterwards his Ion Judas, who was called Maccabeus, fell in tight; and his other brethren were deceived by the fraud of their adverfaries. But this is not an exa& or juft reprefenta-tion of the cafe. Mattathias * was not (lain in battle, but died of old age. His fon Judas Maccabeus feveral times vanquifhed the generals of Antiochus, recovered the holjr city, cleanfed the fan&uary, reftored the public worfliip of God, and not only furvived Antiochus fome years, but alio received the good news of the dethroning and murdering of his fon. His brother Jonathan was made high-prieft, and his brother Simon fovereign prince of the Jews; and both thefe dignities, the high-priefthood and the fovereignty, descended to Simon’s fon, and continued united in the family for feveral generations. That therefore could not be deemed * a little help,' which prevailed and triumphed over all the power and malice of the enemy, and eftabliflied the Jevvifli religion and government upon a firmer bafis than before ; lb tar were they from falling again into a ftate of perfecution, as tltfe next verfe intimates that they fhould. It may be concluded then, that Porphyry was miftaken in the lenle of /this pafiage. The Jewifli doctors feem to have come nearer the mark: for fome of them, as Jerome f allinns, underftood thefe things of the emperor Severus and Antoninus, who much loved the Jews; and others, of the emperor Julian, who pretended to love the Jews, and promifed to facrifice in their temple. But the molt natural way of interpretation is to follow the courfe and leries of events. The church had now laboured under long and fevere perfections from the civil power. They ‘ had fallen by the lword, and by flame, by captivity and by fpoil many days.’ The tenth and laft
eabee, fell in an engagement; and the reft of his brethren were deceived by the craft of their enemies.* See Jerome, Col. 1130.
* For thefe particulars the two books of Maccabees, Jofephus, Ufher, Prideaux, &c. muftbe confulted.
f * Some of the Jewifh Rabbis underftood thefe things, as having been fpoken of the emperors Severus and Antoninus, who were very friendly to the Jews. But others confider them as having a reference to the emperor Julian ; who pretended that he loved the Jews, and promifed that he would facrifice in their temple.* See Jerome in the faxrfe place.
Xx 9
313
dissertations on
general perfection was begun * by Diocletian: it raged, though not at all times equally, ten years; and was fupprelf-ed entirely by Conftantine, the firft Roman emperor, as it is univerfally known, who made open profeflion of Chrifti-anity; and then the church was no longer perfecuted, but was protebted and favoured by the civil power. But ftill this is called only < a little help;' becaufe though it added much to the temporal profperity, yet it contributed little to the fpiritual graces and virtues of Chriftians. It enlarged their revenues, and increafed their endowments; but proved the fatal means of corrup ing the do&rine, and relaxing the dif-cipiine of the church. It was attended with this peculiar diiadvantage, that ‘ many clave to them with flatteries/ Many became Chriftians for the fake of the loaves and the fifties, and pretended to be of the religion, only becaufe it was the religion of the emperor. Eufebius, who was a contemporary writer f, reckons that one of the reigning vices of the time was the diffimulation and hypocriiy of men fraudulently entering into the church, and borrowing the name of Chriftians without the reality. Julian himfelf* as a + heathen hiftorian relates, Unit he might allure the Chriftians to favour him, publicly profeffed the faith, from which he had long ago privately revolted ; and even went to church, and joined with them in the moll folemn offices of religion. He did more; his dillimulation carried him io far as to § become an ecclefiaftic in lower orders, or a reader in the church. ' Moreover, this is alfo called ‘ a little help/ becaule the tem-i poral peace and profperity of the church lulled but a little * * * § * * * §
* See Eufebius* Ecclefiaftical hiftory, Book VIII. Chap. ii. and xv, &c. See La&antius on the death of persecutors, Chap. xii. and xlviii. 4 Thus from the overthrow of the church to its reftora-. tion were ten years/ &c.
f 4 And the inexpreffible diflimulation of them who crept into the church, and falfely and hypocritically aflumed the name of Chri-fdans.’ See Eufebius* Life of Conftantine, Book IV. Chap. liv.
:f 4 That he might remove every impediment, and allure all to fa-, your him, he counterfeited an attachment to the Chriflian worfliip, from which fecretly he had long ago withdrawn.;—And entering im to their church and joined folemnly ip public prayer and then departed.* See Ammianus Marcellinu$, Book XXI. Chap. ii. page 26S, in Valefius* edition of Paris, 16S1. '
§ See Theodoret*s Ecclefiaftical hHlory, Book III. Chap, i,
4 And he was thought worthy to be admitted into the band of readers, and in cccldiaftical aficipbfcs lie read oyer the facred books \he people/
THE PROPHECIES.	$49
iVhite. The fpirit of perfection prefently revived; and no fooner were the chriftians delivered from the fury of their heathen adversaries, than they began to quarrel among them-felves, and to perfecuteone another. The *Confubdantialids, even in the time of Condantine, led the way by excommunicating and banilhing the Arians. The latter, under the favour of Condantius and Valens more than retorted the injury, and were guilty of many horrible outrages'and cruelties towards the former. Such more or lets have been the fate and condition of the church ever fince: and generally fpeaking, * thofe of underitanding have fallen’ a facrifice to others, fome of the belt and wiled men to fome of the Word and mod ignorant. At lead, if the perlecuted have not been always in the right, yet the perfecutors have been always in the wrong. Thefe calamities were to befall the Chriftians,
to tiy them ; and to purge, and to make them white,’ not only at that time, but ‘ even to the time of the end, becaufo it is yet for a time appointed :’ And we fee even at this day, not to alledge other indances, how the poor protedants are perfect!te'd, plundered and^ murdered in the fouthern parts of France.
The principal fource of thefe perfections is traced out in the following verfes.. * And the king’ (who dial! caufe thele perfections) 4 fhall do according to his will, and lie fhaii exalt himfelf; and magnify himfelf above eveiy god, and diall (peak marvellous things againit the God of gods, and fhaii prolper till the indignation be accomplillied; for that is determined, fhaii be done,’ ver. 36- from this place, as f Jerome afierts, the Jews as well as the Chriftians of his time underdood all to be fpoken of Antichrift. But Porphyry and others who follow him, fuppofeth it to he fpoken of Antiochus Fpiphanes, that he fhould be exalted agaiiift the worfhip of God, and grow to that heighth of pride, that he fhould command his datue to be placed in the temple of Jcrufdlem. But if it might be laid of Antiochus, that he
* See Socrates, Sozomen and others. See Jortin’s Remarks on Ecclefiaftical hiftory, Vol. III. page 104, 105.
f ‘ From this place the Jews think that mention is made of An-tichrift,—And indeed with them we agree. But Porphyry and o-thers who copy after him, think that the prophet fpeaketh of Anti-ochus Epiphanes, becaufe he was exalted in opposition to the worfhip of God, and arrived at fuch a pitch of arrogance, that he ordered
image to be fet up in the temple of Jemialem^ See Jerome* Col 1131,
350
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• fpokc marvelous things againft the God of Ifrael ;f yet it could not be 1o well affirmed of him, that * he magnified and exalted himfelf abpve every god ;* when * in his pubfic faqri-fiqes and worffiip of the gods he was more (umptuous and magnificent than all who reigned before him ; and when in his folemn (hows and proceffions were carried the images of all who among men were called or reputed gods, or daemons, and even heroes; as Athenaeus reports out of Polybius. He was certainly very fuperftitious though fometimes hi» extravagancies and neceffities might induce him to commit fecrifoge. I,t is a ltrong argument in favour of the Jewifh and Chriltian interpretation, that St Paul appears to have underltood this paliage much in the fame manner, becaufe he applies the lame exprellions, 2 Thelf. ii. 3, 4. to V the man of (in* the fon of perdition, who oppofeth and exalteth hinalelf above all that is called God, or that is worlhipped ; $o that he as God fitteth in the temple of God, (bowing himlelt* that he is God/ The thread of the prophecy will sfifo condu6t us to the fame conclulion. For the prophet was 1 peaking of the perlecutions, which (hould be permitted for the trial and probation of the church, after the empire was become chriltian: and now he proceeds to delcribe the principal author of thefe perlecutions. A Icing or kingdom, as we have lhown before, and it appears in feveral infiances, fignifies any government, liate or potentate : and the meaning of this verle we conceive to be, that after the empire was become chriltian, thete (hould lpring up in the church an antichriltian power, that (hould act in the molt ablhulte and arbitrary manner, exaltitfelf above all laws divine and human, difpenfe with the molt folemn and facued obligations, and in Biany reflects enjoin what God had forbidden, and forbid what God had commanded. This power began in the Roman emperors, who fummoned councils, and directed and influenced their determinations alnioit as they pleated. After the divifion of the empire, this power Itili increafed, and was exerted principally by the Greek emperors in the call, and by the bilhops of Rome in the weit; as we lhall fee in the feveral particulars hereafter fpecified by the prophet. This power too was to continue in the church, and 4 prolper till
* « In his public facrificcs, and in his a£ts of worlhip performed » honour of the gods, he furpaffed all that had reigned before him. —For he ufed to carry about images of all who were called or reputed by men as gods, or demons, or even heroes/ See Polybius^ quoted by Athenasus, Book V. p. 191, 195, in Cafaubor/j edition.
*HErR«PHKCIE*.
351
the indignation be accompliffied ; for that that is determined lhall be done,’ This mult denote fome particular peribd : or otherwife it is*no more than faying, that God’s indignation (hall not be accomplilhed till it be accomplilhed. This is the fame as what before was called, viii. 19. ‘ the lad end of the indignation/ and ix. 27. 4 the conlummation :* and it meaneth the lalt end and confummation of God’s inindignation againft his people the Jews. This leemeth t<yfee expreffed plainer in the following chapter, ver. 7.	* And
when he (hall have accompliflied to icatter the power of the holy people, all thefe things lhall be tiniftied.* So long this antichriftian power lhould continue. We lee it ftill fubfilting in the church of Rome: and it was an ancient tradition among the Jewilh doctors, that the deltriMSlion of Rome and the re flora tion of the Jews lhould fall out about the lame period. It is a laying of the famous rabbi David Kinachi in nig comm nt.upon Obadiah,* when Rome lhall be laid wafte, there lhall be redemption for IlYael. The curious reader may fee more authorities cited by Mr Mede in a fmall Latin tra&ute upon this fubje6fc.
In this prophecy the antichriftian power is delcribed as exerted principally in the eaftem empire, it was before delcribed as exerted in the weltern empire, under the figure * of the little horn’ of the fourth beatt. * Neither fhajl he regard the God of his fathers, nor the defire of womefi, nor regard any God; for he lhall magnify himielf above all,’ ver. 37. That he lhould ‘ not regard the God of his fathers/ could not be truly affirmed of Antiochus, t who compelled all, andefpecially the Jews and Samaritans, to conform their worlhip to the religion of the Greeks: and what were the idols that he fet up among them, but the Grecian deities, as Jupiter Olympius in the temple of Jerufalem, and Jupiter Xenius, or the defender of ltrangers, in the temple of the Samaritans; this therefore, as J erome rightly oblerves, agrees better with Antichrlt than with Antiochus. ‘ By not re-
* « When Rome lhall be laid wafte, the redemption of Ifrael (hall come.’ See Mede’s Works, Book V. Chap. vii. See the de-cifions of the Jewilh Rabbies concerning the dellru&ion of Babylon or of Rome.’ page 902.
f See 1 Maccab. i. 41—64. 2 Maccab. vi. 1, &c. See Jofc-phiis’ Antiquities, Book XII. Chap. v. Seft. 4. page 533, in Hud-fon’s edition. * This agrees better with Antichrift than, with Antiochus. For we read that Antiochus worfhipped the idol divinitie* of Greece, and forced the Jews and Samaritans to do the fame/ See Jerome in the fame place.
IMPUTATIONS 6*C
85S
gard ing the God of his fathers/ Mr Mede * ufiderftands the Roman Hates calhiering and calling off the pagan deities and heathen gods which were worlhipped in their empire. But the converOon of the Roman ftate was hinted before, ver. 34. and other events have been pointed out lince; lb that it w ould be breaking in upon the feries and order of the pro* phecy, to relume that futyedl again. The character too here given, doth not leem in any part of it, defigned by. way of commendation* It is not mentioned to the honour* but to the reproach of the power here deicribed, that he Ihould for-fake the religion of his anceftors, and in a manner let up a new religion. It was not the prophet’s intention to praife him for renouncing the idolatry of his heathen lathers, but to blame him for apollatizing in lome mealure from the religion of his chriltian fathers; as he did actually both in the Greek and Latin church, by worthipping Makuzzim inltead of the true God blelled for ever. Another property of the power here deicribed is, that he fliould ‘ not regard the deli re of women And neither could this with .any truth be declared of Antiochus, who befides having a wife, f was lewd and vicious to fuch a degree, that he had no regard to common decency, bnt would prollittite his royal dignity, and gratify and indulge his lulls publicly in the prefence of the people. He had a favourite concubine, whom he called after his own name Antiochus. To her he alligned two eities in Cilicia, Tarlusand MaHusfor her maintenance ; and the inhabitants, rather than they would llibmit to luch an indignity, rebelled againlt him. As Jerome fays, { the interpretation is ealier of Antichrift, that he Ihould therefore counterfeit challity, that he might deceive many. In the Vulgar Latin it is indeed § ‘ And he Ihall regard the delire of womenbut this reading is plainly contrary to the orignal, and to moll other verlions; unlels with Grotius we underhand the co- * * * §
* See Mede’s Works, Book III. page 668.
f 4 He was very luxurious, and brought the royal dignity into fuch difgrace by his whoredoms and wickednefs, that he would gratify his lull in the prefence of the people, by connecting himfelf with adtrefles and notorious proftitutes.’ See Jerome in the fame place. See alfo Theodoret on the pafTage, page 689, and 2 Maccab. iv. 30.
% 4 Its being interpreted of Mahomet is eafier, that he Ihould pretend challity with a view to deceive many.* See Jerome in the fame place.
§ 4 And he Ihall be in (or regard) the lulls of women.’ See the Vulgate.
the prophecies
558
putative und, when it follows a negative, as becoming a negative too, and fignify neither. Grottos explains it-of Antiochus, * that he ihould not fpaTe even women : but the words in the original will not by any fair conftrudfcion admit of this intrepretation. The word in the original for women t figmheth properly wives, as defire doth conjugal affe&ion The meaning therefore of ‘ not regarding the defire of Women* is neglecting and difcouraging marriage ; as both the Greeks and Latins did to the great detriment of hlimant lociety, and to the great discredit of tlie chfiftfen religion. The Julian and Papian laws which were ena&ed in the moft flouriOiiug times of the Romans for the favour and encouragement of thole who were married, and had children, + Com ifcmtine himfeif repealed, and allowed equal or greater privileges and immunities to thole who were unmarried and had no children. Nay he § held in the highelt veneration thole
*	‘ In Hebrew Ve coming after a negative, has a negative fignii fication, and fignifies nor, fo that the meaning is, “ nor the defire of women, that is he will have no regard for women however lovely, he will not be touched with any pity for that fex.' See Grotius on the paffage.
*	See Mede’s Works. Book 3. p. 668. And it might have been tranHated in this place dcfire of wives-, as well as defire of women ; for there is no other word ufed in the original for wives above once or twice in the whole fcripture, but this Naftiim which is here termed women. With the like ufe of the word defire, the fpoufe iu the Canticles vii. 10. expreffeth her well beloved to herhulbaild ; I am my beloved's and his defire is towards me ; that is, he is my hufband ; for fo twice before (he exprefled herfelf, ii. 16. My beloved is mine and I am his ; and vi. 3. I am my beloved's, and my beloved is mine. So Ezek. xxiv. 16. the Lord threatening to take aw&y Ezekiel’s wife; faith, Behold, 1 tale away from thee the defire of thine eyes, Mahhmad Gnenerha, and afterwards ver. 18. it fcdloweth, And at even my wife died. Yea, the Roman language itfelf is not unacquainted with this fpeecK. Cicero faith to his wife u behold thou art my light, my defire.’*
J See Eufebius’ life of Conftantine, Book IV. Chap, xxvi: See Bozomen, Book I. Chap. ix. See alfo Jortin’s Remarks on Eccle-fiaflical hiftory, Vol. III. page 231.
§ * But efpecially he greatly honoured thefe perfons, who devoted their lives to a divine philofophy, (that is who led a monaftic life.) The moft holy company of perfons, who were perpetually virgins to God, he carried himfeif towards in a manner but little fhort of adoration, becaufe he was firmly perluaded that that God dwelt m their fouls, to whom they had devoted themfelves/ See Eufebuts in the fame place, Chap, ’ixviii.
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DISSERTATIONS 01V
men, who had devoted themfelves to the divine philofophy, that is to a monadic life ; and almod adored the mod holy company of perpetual virgins, being convinced that the God, to whom they had confecrated themfelves, did dwell in their minds. His example was followed by his fucceffors: and the married clergy were difcountenanced and deprefl’ed; the monks were honoured and advanced ; and in the fourth century like a torrent over-ran the eadern church, and foon after the wedern too. This was ‘ evidently not regarding the defire of wives,* or conjugal affe&ion. At fird only fecond marriages were prohibited, but in time the clergy were abfolutely redrained from marrying at all. So much did the
Eower here defcribed ‘ magnify himfelf?above all, even God imfelf, by contradicting the primary law of God and nature; and making that dilhonourable, which the lcripture, Heb. Xiii. 4. hath pronounced ‘ honourable in all.*
More proofs arealledged in the next verfe, of his apodati-zing from the religion of his ancedors. * But in his edate fhall he honour the God of forces, or Mahuzzim; and a God whom his fathers knew not, fhall he honour with gold and filver, and with precious dones and pleafant things,* ver. 38. How can this with any propriety, or with any degree of fenfe, be applied to Antiochus? The God Mahuzzim, as * Jerome remarks, Porphyry hath ridiculoufly interpreted the God ofModin, the town from whence came Mattathias and his fons, and where the generals of Antiochus compelled the Jews to facrifice to Jupiter, that is, to the God of Mo-din. ‘ The God whom his fathers knew not,* Grotius alfo t fays, was Baal Semen, who was the fame as Jupiter Olym-
fiius : but if fo, how was he unknown to the Macedonians?
t is necelfary therefore to conclude with Jerome that J this likewife agrees better with Antichrid than with Antiochus. The word Mahuzzim is taken perlonally, and is retained §
* 1 Porphyry"ridiculoufly interprets the god Maozim, to mean the town of Modin, from whence Mattathias and his fons came, and where the generals fet up the image of Jupiter, and compelled the Jews to offer Sacrifices to him, that is to the god of Modin/ See Jerome in the fame place.
f * Baal-Semen is the fupreme god of the Phoenicians, whom the Greeks call Olympian Jove, and is a tranflation of the Greek name into their language/ See Grotius on the paflage.
% « This agrees more with Antichrid than with Antiochus/ See Jerome in the fame place.
^ § ‘ And he fhall glorify Maodzim in his place/ See the Septua-
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355
in feveral tranflations. It is derived from * a radical verb fignifying Ac was Jlrong: and the proper meaning of it is munitions, bulwarks,fortreffes : but the Hebrews often ufing abftra&s for concretes, it fignifies equally protestors, defenders, and guardians, as Mr Mede f hath fhown in feveral instances. This being the derivation and fignification of the word, the verfe may literally be tranflated thus, 4 And the god Matiuzzim in his eftate (hall he honour; -even a god whom his fathers knew not, (hall he honour with gold and filver, and with precious ftones, and defirable things.’ ‘ There are examples of the fame conftru6tion in other parts of (crip* ture, as particularly in Pfalm lxxxvi. 9. 4 they (hall glorify thy name;’ where f in the original the verb and particle prefixed to the noun are the fame as in this palfage. But if it be thought requifite to feparate Cod and Mahuzzim, and to exprefs the force of the particle? then the verie may be tranflated thus, * And with God, or initead of God Mahuzzim in his eftate (hall he honour; even with God, or initead of God, § thofe whom his fathers knew not (hall he honour with gold and filver, and with precious Hones, and defirable things.’ However it be tranflated, the meaning evidently is, that he fliould eltablifli the worfliip of Mahuzzim, of protestors, defenders, and guai'dians. He fhould worfliip them as God, or with God : and who is there fo little acquainted with ecclefiaftical hfflory, as not to know that the worfliip of faints and angels was eftablilhed both in the Greek and Latin church? They were not only invocatedand adored as patrons, interceifors, and guardians of mankind; but feltival days were iuftituted to them; miracles were alcribed to them;
gint. « And he (hall worfliip Maozim in his placed See the Vulgate.
* ‘ The word Magnus fignifies strength, a fortrefs, a munition, and is derived from Gnuz, “ he llrengthened, he ftrengthened him-felf, he was made ftrong.” See Buxtorfs Lexicon.
f See Mede’8 Works, Book III. page 669, 670. Wherefore the Septuagint, five times in the Pfalms, render ,|he word Magnuz by the word hyperaspistes, a defender, and the Vulgate Latin as often protestor. The places are thefe ; Pfal. xxvii. 1. xxviii. 8. xxxi. 3, 5. xxxvii. 39.
f Vicabbedu lijhmeca, “ they (hall glorify thy name.”
§ The Hebrew word Alher fignifies he who, they who, as in Numb. xxii. 6. Ruth’ii. 2. Gen. vii. 23. Jofh. xvii. 16. 1 Sam. xxx. 27-—31. The accufative cafe is placed before the verb,'as Magnuztni is iu the former period; and other wife there is no accu* fative cafe governed by the verb vicabbedu.
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DISSERTATIONS Qn
churches were erected to them; their very relics were wor-r fliipped ; and their fhrines and images were adorned with the moft coltly offerings, and ‘ honoured with gold and filver, and with precious ftones and desirable things.’ And whafc tenders the completion of-the prophecy (till more remarkable is, that they were celebrated and adored under the title of Makuzzm of bulwarks and fortrefjes, of protestors and guardians of mankind. Mr Mede and Sir Iiaac Newton* have proved this point by a great variety of authorities cited from the fathers and other ancient writers. It may be proper to recite some of the principal. Bafil a monk, who was made biihop of Caefarea in the year 369, and died in the year 378, concludes tiis oration upon the martyr Mamas with praying, 44 that f God would preferve the church of Carfare a unfha-ken, being guarded with the great towers of the martyrs." Jn his oration upon the forty martyrs, whofe relics were clif.
Eerfed in all places thereabouts; “ Thefe are they, + faith e, who having taken poUefiion of our country, as certain conjoined towers, lecure it from the incurfious of the enemies; **' and he farther invokes them, 44 0 ye common keepers of mankind, good companions of our cares, coadjutors of our prayers, moji poweiful embajjitdors to God, &c.” Chrylof-tome in his thirty-lecond homily upon the eprftlc to the corps, Romans, fpeaking of the relics of Peter and Paul. 44 This coq>s, § laith he, meaning of Paul, fortifies that city of Rome more jirongly than any tower, or than ten thou* fund rampires, as alio doth the corps of Peter.'* Are not thefe ftrong Mohuzzim? In bis homily likewife upon the Egyptian martyrs hefpeaketh || after this manner, 44 The * * * § * * * * § *
* See Mede*& Works,/Book III. page 673, 674. See alfo Sir Ifaac Newton’s Obfervations on Daniel, Chap. xiv.
f 4 May he ptefervc this church immoveable, being guarded by the great towers of the martyrs.’ See Baijl’s Works, Vol. II. page 189, in the Benedi&ine edition.
f 4 Thefe sure they who having received in charge our country, like certain, contiguous towers, afford fafety from the. incurlions of enemies.—*.—O ye common guards of human kind, ye kind affo-ciates in our cares, ye helpers of our- prayers, ye moft potent meflen-gers,’ &c. page 156.
§ 4 This body walketh around that city, and rendereth it more fecure, than. multitudes- of towers and ramparts ; and with this alfo the body of Peter.’ See Chryfoftom’s works,* VoL IX. page 759, in the BenediAine edition.
|| 4 For the bodies of thefe faints fortify our city more ftrongly,
than any adamantine or impregnable wall; and like certain high,
THE PROPHECIES*	S5J
bodies of thefe faints fortify our city more Jlrotigfy than any impregnable wall of adamant; and as certain high rocks pro* minent on every fide, not only repel the affaults of thefe enemies who fait under the fenfes and are feen by the eves* but alio fubvert and dilfipate the fnares of invisible demons, and all the ltratagems of the devil/’ Hilary alfo will telt us, that neither the guards of taints, nor [angelorum muni* tionesj the bulwarks of angels are wanting to thole who are willing to ftand. Here angels are Mahuzzim, as faints were before. The Greeks at this day, in their Preces Horari®, thus invocate the bleflfed virgin, “ O thou virgin mother of God, thou impregnable wall, thou fartrefs of la 1 vat ion \mag-nor Jejhugnotk Pfal. 28.} we call upon ihee, that thou wouldlt fruftrate the purpofes of our enemies, and be a fence to this city / thus they goon, calling her The Hope, Safeguard„ and SanStmry of Chrijiians. Gregory Nylien in his third c ation upon the forty martyrs calleth them [doryphowi kai hyperafpijtai'] gnarders and protedtors: Eucherius his St Gervafe the perpetual [propugnator] protector of the faith fuL Theodoret * calleth the holy martyrs Guardians of cities9 Lieutenants of places, Captains of men, Princes, Champions and Guardians, by whom difafters are turned from us, and thofe which come from devils debarred and driven awvy. By thefe and other authorities it appears, not only that Mahuzzim were worlhipped, but they were worlhipped likewife as Mahuzzim. This luperftition began to prevail in the fourth century; and in the eighth century, in the year 787, the worlhip of images and; the like was fully eftablilhed by the feventh general council* and the fecond which was held at Nice: luch different fortune attended that city, that there the firft general council eftablilhed orthodoxy, and there alfo the leventh eftablilhed idolatry by law.
Other inftanees of his regard to Mahuzzim are produced ' in the next verfe. * Thus fhall he do in the molt lirong
rocks proie&ing on every fide, ward off the affanjts not only of enemies that areifeen and felt, but even deftrory and diffolve the fnares of invifible de rfrons, and all the ftratagems of the devil/ See the fame,
VoL II. page 699.	. .
* < And they honour them as the keepers and guardians of cities.
__Thefe are the champions, the defenders and helpers of men, the
averters of evih, and the deliverers of men from thofe injuries that come to them from demons/ See Theodoret*s Works, VoL IV. Concerning the curing of the affections of the Greeks, Serm. VIII*. page 503, 59i‘, 600, in the Paris edition of i6-12*
DISSERTATIONS ON
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holds with a ftrange god, whom he (hall acknowledge, and increafe with glory: and he (hall caufe them to rule over many, and (hall divide the land for gain/ ver. 39. Porphyry * explains this of Antiochus fortifying the city of Jer-rulaletn, and placing garrifons in the other cities, and per-fuading the people to worfliip Jupiter; and then giving much honour and glory to thofe whom he had fo perfuaded, and caufing them to rule over the other Jews, and dividing poffeflions and diftributing rewards to them for their prevarication. But if all the reft could be accommodated to Antiochus, how could Jupiter whom he had always worfhipped, be called ‘a ftrange god whom he fhould acknowledge ?’ The worlhip of Mahuzzim was indeed the worfhip of a ftrange god both to thofe who impofed it, and to thofe who received it in the Chriftian church. - But for the belter underltanding of this part of the prophecy, it may be proper to propole a more literal tranflation of it. * Thus (hall he do; to tne defenders of Mahuzzim together with the ftrange god whom he (hall acknowledge, he {hall multiply honour; and he fliall caufe them to rule over many, and the earth he (hall divide for a reward/ Mr Mede’s f tranflation is feme what difter-xent: but I conceive it is neither lb literal, nor fo juft to the original. And he (kail make the holds of the Mahuzzim icithal (or jointly) to the foreign god, ichom acknowledging he (hall increafe with honour; andJhallcaufe them to rule over many, and (hall dijiribute the earth for a reward. Let us examine arid compare the transitions together. In our bible-tranflation it is, * Thus (hall be do in the molt ltrong holds/ or us we read in the margin; ‘ in the fortrelfes of munitions, with a ltrange god ,/ but here Mahuzzim is not taken perfon-ally, as it was in the foregoing verle. Mr Mede tranflates it thus, And he (hall make the holds of the Mahuzzim withal (or jointly) to the foreign god: but then he doth not exprels the force of the particle prefixed to holds in the Hebrew, which ought not to beneglefted. ‘ Whom he {hall acknovv-
* ( Which Porphyry thus explains, he will do all thefe things; he will fortify the city of Jerufalem, and put garrifons ft the other cities, and learn the Jews to worfhip a ftrange god, that is without doubt Jupiter. When he has thus taught and perfuaded them to commit idolatry^ he will beftow upon them much glory and honour* and he will make them to have authority over others in Judea, and for their tranfgrefiions of the law, he will divide poffeflions among than, and diftribute prefents/ See Jerome, Col. 1132.
f See Mede’s Works, Book III. page 667.
THE PROPHECIES*
351
ledge and increafe with glory, * fays our bible-tranflation i but there is no conjunction like and before increafe, and no prepofitioh like with before glory in the original. Mr Mede natii avoided the former objection by changing the verb into a participle, 4 Whom acknowledging he {hall increafe with honour;* but the latter objection remains itill in its full ffrength. The latter part is much the fame in all tranflations: but in our bible-tranflation there is nothing to which them can be referred, 4 A nd her;fliall caufe them to rule over many; ’ for it cannot well be faid, that ‘ lie lhall caufe* the ltrong holds 4 to rule over many.’ Let us nowconfider, how thefe inconveniences may be wholly avoided by a new tranflutioiu 4 Thus * fhall he doSo the fame words are tranflated ver, 50 ; but then here a Hop is to be made. 4 To fthe defenders ofMahuzzim, or to the priefts ofMahuzzim Here the force of the participle is expreifed ; here again the abllraCt is ufed for the concrete as in the foregoing verfe, holds or for-trejjes for defenders and fupportcrs, or priefts as it may be tranflated; and this notion of the word I find + approved and confirmed by Father Houbigant, It is manifeft, that per-fons mull be meant, becaufe they are faid afterwards to 4 rule over many. Together § with the ftrange god whom he fliall acknowledge:’ This is the molt uleful fignification of the propofition; and if Mahuzzim be not confidered as 4 the ltrange god,* it is difliculL to lay who 4 the ftrange god is. He || fhall multiply honour:* Here is no conjunction, nor prepofition inferted without authority from the original, 4 He fhall multiply honour: the noun is the.lame as the verb in the verfe preceeding, 4 he fliall honour. Helhall multiply honour’ to the defenders and champions ofMahuzzim, as well as to Mahuzzim themfelves. Deifying Mahuzzim, * * * §
* Vegnafah, * thus, (or and) (hall he do.’	!
■j* Lemibtzere Magnuzzim, ‘ to the defenders of Mahuzzim/
j Lemibtzere Magnuzzim, ‘ to the defenders of Mahuzzim/ The firft of thefe words is derived from the Arabic word Batzar, which fignifies to fee, to underftand, and fo denotes the prieits, who were Ikilled in the worlhip of that God, and inftru&ed the people therein. It is evident from the word Vehimfoillam, * and he fhall make them lords/ that the word Lcmitzbere, denotes perfons not munitions/ See Houbigant on the paflage.
§ Gnim Eloah ajher hachir, ‘ along with the flrangc god, whom he fhall acknowledge^
[| Jarbeh chabod. The fhall multiply honour, ver. 38. Jecbabbed, * he fliall honour/
360
DISSERTATIONS 0«f
he (hall alfo glorify their priefts and minifteTS: * * and lie ihallcaule them to rule over many, and the earth he ihall divide for a reward.* The prophecy thus expounded, the completion becomes obvious and evident to the meanelt capacity. The defenders and champions of Mahuzzim were the monks, and priefts, and bilhops: and of them it may moft truly and properly be laid, that they were ‘ increafed i with honour,’ that they ‘ ruled over many, and divided the land for gain.’ Mr Mede f applies the latter part to the Mahuzzim themfelves : and he paraphrases it after this manner : “ Yea he (ball diftribnte the earth among his Mahuzzim ; fo that belides feveral patrimonies which in every country he tlrall allot them, he lhall lhare whole kingdoms and provinces among them: Saint George lhall have England* Saint Andrew Scotland, Saint Denis France, Saint James Spain, Saint Mark Venice, &c. and bear rule as presidents and patrons of their feveral countries.” But it appears more natural and eafy to underttand it of the principal teachers and propagators of the worlhip of Mahuzzim, the bilhops, and priefts, and monks, and religious orders : and that they have been honoured, and reverenced, and almolt adored in former ages; that their authority and juril'di&ion have extended over the purfes and conlciences of men; that they have been enriched with noble buildings and large endow* merits, and have had the choiceft of the lands appropriated for church-lands; are points of fuch public notoriety, that they require no proof, as they will admit of no denial.
Such was the degeneracy of the chriftian church, and now we lhall fee its punilhment, efpedally in the ealtern part of it. * And at the time of the end lhall the king of the lbuth pulh at him, and the king of the north fhall come againft nim like a whirlwind with chariots, and with horfemen, and with many fhips, and he lhall enter into the countries, and lhall overflow, and pals over,’ ver. 40. Theie things alfo £ Porphyry refers to Antiochus : that in the eleventh year
* frehimjhillam baralbim, * and he lhall make them to rule over many : Veadamah Jehallek limhhir, ‘ and the earth lhall he divide for reward.1
f See Mede’s Works, page 672.
% ‘ Porphyry refers thefe things to Antiochus, becaufe in the leventh year of his reign, he again made war againft Plolemy Philo-inetor his filler’s foil, who hearing of his ap^ftfcch affembled many thoufands of people. But Antiochus, lifcfe sf mighty whirlwind with his chariots, and horfemen, and large fleet, entered into many
THE PROPHECIES.
361
of his reign he warred again againft his filter's fon Ptolemy Philometor, who hearing of his coming gathered together many thousands of the people; but Antiochus like a whirlwind with chariots, and with horfemen, and with a great fleet entered into many countries, and in puffing over laid all walte; and came to the famous land, that is Judea, and fortified the citadel out of the ruins of the walls of the city, and lb marched forwards into Egypt. But here Porphyry may be convi&ed of falfifying hifiory; for after Antiochu# was difmifled out of Egypt by the Romans, he never ventured to go thither again. The * eleventh was the lalt year of his reign : and all f hiitorians agree, that the latter part of his reign was employed in his ealtern expedition, in reducing Artaxias king of Armenia to his obedience, and in collecting the tribute among the Perfians ; and before he returned, he died. Others therefore + havefaid, that the prophet here refumes his former fubjeCt of the wars between Antiochus Epiphanes king of Syria, and Ptolomy Philometor king of Egypt. But it is not likely, after giving an account of the conciulion of thofi wars by the interpofition of the Romans, that he ftiould return to them again. Having hitherto deduced things in a regular feries, it is more probable that he fliould continue that feries, and proceed to other lubfequent events, than that of a Hidden he fliould Hop Ihort, and revert to Antiochus, after the intermixture of fo many other affairs. But the queftion is not fo much what it was probable for him to do, as what he actually hath done-, and We fhall find, that the remaining parts of the prophecy are more applicable to other fubfequent events than to the tranfaCtions
countries, defolation univerfal marking his progrefs. He came to the famous land, that is to J udea, and he fortified the citadel out of the ruins of the city walls, and fo proceeded towards Egypt.’ See Jerome in the fame place.
* * He died when he had reigned eleven full years.’ See Peta-vius’ ratio temporum, Part I. Book IV. Chap. x. So likewife Eu-febius, Jerome, and Sulpicius Severus. See Uflier’s Annals, A. M. 3840. See Prideaux’ Connexions, Paft II. Book III. Anno 164*.
f See 1 Maccab. iii. 31, and vi. 1, &c.	2 Maccab. ix. 1, &c.
See Jofephus’ Antiquities, Book XII. Chap. viii. SeX. 1. page 544, in Hudfon’s edition. See Valefius’ Excerpts from Polybius, page 145. See Appian on the Syrian wars, page 131, in Stepha-nus’ edition, and page 212, in that of Tollius. See Diodorus Siculus, quoted by Jerome, Col. 1131.
J See Meuochius, SanXius, Maldonatus and others in Pool’s Sy-nopfis. See Calmet, Houbigant, and others on the paflage.
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DISSERTATIONS OK
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of Antiochus. The kings of the fouth aud the north are t# be taken and explained according to the times, of which the prophet is fpeaking. As long as the kingdoms of Egypt and Syria were iubfiliing, fo long the Egyptian and Syrian kings were the kings of the touth and the north : but when thefe kingdoms were fwallowed up in the Roman empire, then other powers became the kings of the fquth and the north.
4 And at the time of the end,’ that is, (as Mr Mede * rightly expounds it) in the latter days of the Roman empire;
* (hall the king of the fouth pufh at him that is the Saracens, who were of the Arabians, and came from the fouth; and under the conduct of their falfe prophet Mohammed and his fucceffors, made war upon the emperor Heraclius, and with amazing rapidity deprived him of Egypt, Syria, and many of Ins finett provinces. They were only to pufh at, and forely wfound the Greek empire, but they were not to fubvert and deltroy it. 4 And tne king of the north fhall come againlt him like a whirlwind with chariots, and with horfemen, and with many (hips, and he lhall enter into the countries, and fhall overflow and pals over:’ that is the Turks,, who were originally of the Scythians, and came from the north; and after the Saracens feized on Syria, and alfault-ed with great violence the remains of the Greek empire, and in time rendered themfelves ablolute mailers of the whole. The Saracens diimembered and weakened the Greek empire, but the Turks totally ruined and deltroyed it: and for this reafon, we may prefume, fo much more isfaid of the Turks than of the Saracens. Their chariots and their horfemen are particularly mentioned ; becaule their armies confifted chiefly ofhorfe, efpecially before the inllitution of the Janizaries, and their ftandards Hill are horle tails. Their flips too are faid to be many ; and indeed without many fhips they could never h&ve gotten pollellion of To many iflands and maritime countries, nor have io frequently vanquilhed the Venetians, who were at that time the greatefl naval power in Europe. What fleets, what armies were employed in the befieging and taking of Conftantinople, ot Negropont or Euboea, of Rhodes, of Cyprus, and laftly of Candy or Crete ? The words ‘ fhall enter into the countries, and overflow, and pafs over,* give us an exabt idea of their overflowing the Weltern parts of Afia, and then pajjing over into Europe, and fixing the feat of their empire at Conitantinople, as they did under their feventh emperor Mohammed the lecond*
* Set Mede’s Works, Book III. p. 674*, and Book IV. p. 816,
THE PROPHECIES.
S<53
Among his other conquefts this king of the north was to take pofieflion of the holy land, and tojfubdue the neighbouring countries; but the mixed people of Arabia were to efcape out of his hands. 4 He (hall enter alfo into the glorious land, and many countries lhall be overthrown; but theie (hall efcape out of his hand, even Edom, and Moab, and the chief of the children of Ammon,’ ver. 4*1. Porphyry and thofe of his opinion * affirms, that Antiochus marching haftily againft Ptolemy the king of the fouth, did not meddle with the Idumeans, and Moabites, and Ammonites, who were fituated on the fide of Judea; left his being engaged in another war (hould render Ptolemy the ftronger. Grotius faith, t that Antiochus fpared thefe nations becaufe they obeyed all his commands; and therefore the Maccabees made war upon them, as the friends of Antiochlis. An ancient commentator, and venerable father, Theodoret, on the contrary, t afferts, that neither dp thel’e things any more than the reft fit Antiochus; for having overthrown thefe nations, lie con-ltituted rulers over them, one of whom was Timotheus the commander of the Ammonites. This Timotheus, I luppofe, was the fame who is mentioned in the fifth chapter ot the firit book of Maccabees. The diverfity of thefe accounts de-monftrates the difficulty of accommodating this paflage to Antiochus. If we belive Theodoret, it cannot be applied to Antiochus in any fenfe. If we rather follow Porphyry or Grotius, it can be applied to Antiochus only in an improper fenfe. The words are, * Many countries lhall be overthrown, but thefe fhall elcape out of his hand/ The manner of expreffion fufficiently implies, that he (hould attempt to conquer thefe as well as the reft, but not with the fame fuc-cefs. Thefe fhould not like the reft * be overthrown ;* they fhould deliver themfelves, and '* efcape out of his hand and we read of no fuch tranlaftion in the hiftory of Antio-
* 4 It is faid, that Antiochus haftening into Egypt, againft Ptolemy the king of the fouth, did not touch the Idumeans, the Moabites, or Ammonites, who were contiguous to the Jews, left increafing his enemies, he (hould render Ptolemy ftronger/ See Jerome, ibid.
f 4 Antiochus fpared them, becaufe they executed all hi? orders/ See 1 Maccab. v. * For this reafon the Maccabees waged war a-gainft thefe nations, becaufe they were friendly to Antiochus/ See Grotius on the pa(fage.
$ 4 Neither do thefe things agree with Antiochus. For when he had fubdued thefe nations he fet rulers over them, of whom Timothy the prince of the Ammonites was one/ See Theodoret ©n the -paffage, page 690, in Sirmond’s edition.
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DISSERTATIONS ON
ohus. We (hall find that the whole may be much better &e-commodated to the Othman empire. ‘ He (hall enter alfo into the glorious land :* the fame expreffion ‘ of the glorious land' was ufed before; ver. 16. and in both places it is rendered by the Syriac tranflator * ‘ the land of Ifrael.* Now nothing is better known, than the Turks took pofieffion of the holy land, and remain matters of it to this day. Sultan Selim f entered into Jerufalem in his way to Egypt. ‘ And niany countries lliall be overthrown:* Aleppo, Damafcus, Gaza, and the neighbouring cities and countries were forced to fubmit, and receive the yoke of the conqueror. * But thefe lhall efcape out of his hand, even Edom, and Moab, and the chief ot the children of Ammon :* thefe were fome of the people who inhabited Arabia, and the Arabians the Turks have never been able*with their forces to fubdue entirely. Sultan Selim their ninth emperor, was the conqueror of the neighbouringcountries, aud annexed them to the Othman empire; but he could not make a complete conqueft of the Arabians. By large gifts J he brought over fome of their chieftains, and fo bribed them to a fubinilTion: and everfince his time, § the Othman emperors have paid them an annual pen lion of forty thouland crowns of gold for theiafe paifage of the caravans and pilgrims going to Mecca: and for their farther lecurity the Sultan commonly orders the Ba(ha of Damafcus to attend them with loldiers and w'ater-bearers and to take care that their number never fall lhort of fourteea thoufand. This penfion was not paid for fome years on ac-
* 1 And he lhall (land in the land of Ifrael,’ ver. 16.	* And he
(hall come (enter) into the land of Ifrael,’ ver. 41. See the Syriac.
f See Savage’s Abridgement of Knolles and Rycaut, Vol. I. page 243. See Prince Cantimir’s hiftory of the Othman empire on Selim I. Se&. 21. page 163. See John Leunclavius’ Pande6is of Turkifh hiftory, Chap. ccx. page 486, in the Paris edition, page 366, in the Venetian edition. See Paul Jove’s hiftory, Book XVII. and a Commentary on Turkifh affairs in Selim.
J See the fame work of Savage, page 248.	1 Therefore Selim
by fit perfons, invited many of their commanders to Memphis, granting them a fafe conduct, and treated them with the greateft munificence. Others encouraged by their example, came daily to him, and receiving^ large prefents they fware fidelity to him.’ See Paul Jove’s hiftoiry, Book XVIII. page 1064, in Gryphius’ edition of 1561.
{ See Prince Cantimir’s Hiftory, under the reign of Ahmed II.’ Sett. 49. page 393, with the note, and alfo in the reign of Bajazet
II. Se£t. I. page 116, with note 2*
THE PROPHECIES.
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count of the war in Hungary: and what was the confequ-ence? One of the Arabian princes in the year 1694, with feveral thoufands of his countrymen, attacked and plundered the caravan going in pilgrimage to Mecca, and made them all prifoners. The neighbouring Bafhas were fent againfi him ; but the prince defeated them all by a ftratagem, and put them to flight. Among the prifoners who had been taken was the molt illuftrious Cham of Tartary, whom the Arabians difrnitfed upon his parole, that he would carry their complaints to the Sultan, and procure the continuance of the penlion. He flood to his engagement, and never ceafed importuning the Othman court, till the arrears of the perifion were duly paid. But notvvithftanding this penlion, the Arabians, as often as they find a lucky opportunity, rob and plunder the Turks as well as other travellers. An initance of the fame kind happened lately, and is related in the London Gazette of Feb. 11, 1758.	“ Conftantinople, December
23. The Mecca caravan, which has been lately plundered by the Arabs, was attacked by a numerous body of that people, lome fay, from 30 to 40,000. The action lalted Hi hours. They firflcut off the Bafha of Sidon, who marched but as ufual to fupply the pilgrims with provilions ; he was killed in the engagement; then they turned and attacked the caravan. The Emir Hadge, or commanding Baflia, offered them 1000 purfes of money to defift; but they refuted any terms, being determined by a mere principal of revenge, for their tribes having been laid afide as conductors or guards to the caravan, and others fubftituted in their place; and it is thought the removal of their favourite, Ezada-Bafha, from that poll to Aleppo, had alfo lome (hare in it. At the return to Damafcus of the fugitive loldiery, who convoyed the caravan, thofe in the town role up in arms againit them, ad traitors to their faith; a great daughter enfued, and continued feme time; but there are advices fince, that all is quieted there. The Bafha of the caravan fled to Gaza, with about 15 or 16 of his people, and it is thought he will lofe his head. The riches loll to many cities of this empire, which are either taken by the Arabs, or difperfed in the deferts, are computed to amount to an immenfe fum, as they are fnpplied from India with all forts of valuable merchandize, fpices, &c. by that canal. A like accident happened in the year 1694, under Ahmed the 2.” Other inltances of the fame kind have happened fince; and are alfo recorded in the London Gazette; but I cannot recollect the dates, and at prefent have not the collecfion of Gazettes to apply to upon this
366	DISSERTATIONS ON
•ccafion. So conftantly have the Arabs maintained the farrm ipirit in all ages; and there is no power that can effectually controul them. Armies have been fent againft parties of the Arabians, but without fnccefs. Thefe free-booters have commonly been too cunning for their enemies : and when it was thought that they were well nigh furrounded and taken, they have ftill 4 efcaped out of their hands.’ So well doth (this particular prediction relating to fome of the tribes of the Arabians agree with that general one concerning the main body of the nation, Gen. xvi. 12. 4 He will be a wild man; his hand will be againft every man, and every man’s hand agairift him; and he lhall dwell in the pretence of all his brethren.’
But though the Arabians Ihould 4 efcape out of his hand,* yet Egypt Ihould 4 not efcape,* but fall under his dominion with the adjoining, countries. 4 He lhall ftretch forth his hand alio upon the countries, and the land of Egypt lhall not efcape. But he lhall have power over the treafures of gold and of filyer, and over all thtf precious things of IJgypt: and the Libyans and the Ethiopians, Ihalj be at his fteps,’ ver. 42, 43. We read, (aith * Jerome, that Antiochus did thele things in part; but what follows relating to the Libyans and Ethiopians, our doCtors aflerfc, agrees better with Antichrift; for A ntiochus did not polfefs Libya and Ethiopia. Theodoret too t ailirms, that thele things alio by no means lit Antiochus, for he neither poffefi'ed Libya, nor Ethiopia, nor even Egypt itfelf. This prophecy then cannot belong to Antiochus ; and indeed the proper application is to the Ottoman emperor. 4 He lhall ltretch forth his hand alfo upon the countries: This implies that his dominion Ihould be of large extent; and he hath 4 ftretched forth his hand* upon many, not only Alianand European, but likewife African countries. Egypt in particular was deftined to, fubmit to his yoke:
‘ And the land of Egypt lhall not efcape; but he lhall have power over the treafures of gold and lilver, and over all the precious things of Egypt:’ and the conqueft of Egypt with
* 4 We have read that Antiochus had done thefe things, in part. But that which follows, “ he lhall pafs through Libya and Ethiopia,our writers affirm agrees better with Antichrift. For Libya, by which moft people^underftand Africa*, and Ethiopia, Antiochu# never poflefled.* See Jerome in the fame place.
+ ‘ And thefe things leaft of all agree with Antiochus, who ne, yer made himfelf matter of Libya, Ethiopia, nor indeed of Egyp$ itfelf/ See Theodoret in the fame place, page 691,	* ,
THE PROPHECIES*	36f
the neighbouring countries follows next ih order after the conqueit of J udea with the neighbouring countries, as in the prophecy, fo likewile in hiltory. The Othman emperor . Selim, * having routed and llain Gauri fultan of Egypt in a battle near Aleppo, became matter of all Syria and Judea, He then marched into Egypt againft Tumanbai the new fultan, whom* alto having vanquilhed and taken*priloner, he barbaroufly ordered him to be hanged before one of the gates of Cairo: and lb put an end to the government of the Mamalucs, and eftablilhed that of the Turks in Egypt* The prophecy fays particularly, that 4 he Ihould have power over the trealures of gold and of tilver, and over all the precious things of Egypt:* And hiltory informs us, that f when Cairo was taken, 44 the Turks rifled the houles of the Egyptians, as well friends as foes, and fullered nothing to be locked or kept private from them : and Selim cauled oOO of the chiefelt families of the Egyptians to be trunfported to Conltanti-nople, as likewile a great number of the Mamaluc’s wives and children, belides the lultan’s trealure and other vaft riches.** Arid lince that time, it is impoftible to iky what immenfe trealures have been drained out of this rich and fertile, but opprelied and wretched country. The prophecy fays farther, that lome others alio of the African nations Ihould lubmit to die conqueror, 4 the Libyans and die ii-thiopians Ihould be at his ltepsAnd we read in hiltory, that + after the conqueit of Egypt, 44 die terror of Selirn*s many victories now fpreading wide, the kings of Africa
* See Prince Cantimir’s hiltory, in the reign of Selim I. Sedt. 16. page 156, &c. See Savage’s Abridgment of Knolles and Ry-caut, Vol. I. page 240, &c. See Paul Jove’s hiltory, Book XVIII. and Commentary on Turkifh affairs in the reign of Selim. See Leunclavius’ Turkifh Annals, page 311, in the Paris edition, and page 265, in the Venetian edition. See Pandedts of Turkifh hiltory, page 207* &c.
f See Savage in the fame work, page 246, and 248. See Paul Jove’s hiltory, Book XVIII.
f See the fame work of Savage, page 248.	6 The kings them-
felves of Africa, who livedj in the borders ;6f Cyreniaca, arid paid tribute, had been accuftomed to obey the Sultans, by a cerrain a-greement difpatched ambaffadors.—And all theie nations which lie towards Ethiopia, as they ufed to acknowledge rather the, amity than the authority of the Sultans, fo they were ealily induced by the fame of their vidteries to enter into treaty with them.’ See Paul Jove’s hiltory, Book XVIII. page 1062, and 1065, Gryphi-us’ edition of 1561.
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bordering upon Cyreniaca, fent their ambaffadors with prof* fers to Income his tributaries. Other more remote nations alio towards Ethiopia were eafily induced to join in amity with the Turks.” At this prefent time alfo many places in Africa befides Egypt, as Algiers, Tunis, &c. are under the dominion of the Turks. One thing more is obfervable with regard to the fate of Egypt, that the particular prophecy ^coincides exa&lv witli the general one, as it did before in the inliance of Arabia. It was foretold by Ezekiel, xxix. 14. xxx. 12. that Egypt (hould always be a ‘ bafe kingdom,’ and fubjed to ftrangers; and here it is foretold that in the latter times it (hould be made a province to the Turks, as we fee at this day.
The two next, which are the two laft verfes of this chapter, I conceive, remain yet to be fulfilled. ‘ But tidings out of the eaft, and out of the north lhall trouble him : therefore lie (hall go forth with great fury to deftroy, and utterly to make away many. And he (hall plant the tabernacles of his palace, or rather of his camp, between the leas in the glorious noly mountain, or as it is in the margin ‘ the mountain of delight and holinefs; yet he (hall come to his end, and (hall help him,1 ver 44, 45. Prideaux * and other learned men as well as Porphyry and Grotius, refer this paffage to Antio-clius ; and to nis hearing of the revolt of the provinces in the eaft, and of Artatfias in the north ; and to his going forth therefore in great anger and with a great army to reduce them to obedience. But if this part might be fitly applied to Antioch us, yet how could he be laid afterwards to ‘ plant the tabernacles of his camp between the feas in the glorious holy mountainfor he returned no more into Judea, but died in that eaftem expedition ? Porphyry therefore f con-
* See Prideaux* Connexions, Part II. Book III. year 164. See Houbigant on the paflage. See Porphyry quoted by Jerome, Col. 1133. See Grotius alfo on the paflage. ‘ Tidings came of a war from the Parthians and Armenians. Parthiarlay on the eaft of An-tiochus, and Armenia on the north. Concerning the Parthian war, we have the teftimony of Tacitus, where he is treating of the Jews lie faith ; that king Antiochus attempting to introduce the Greek fuperftition and manners among them, that he might improve that molt cruel and mifchievous nation, he was hindered by a Parthian war.
f ‘ Aphcdno, which is a place (ituated between two very large livers, the Tigris and Euphrates. When he lias proceeded thus far, he cannot tell us, in what illuftrious or holy mountain he died ; although he cannot prove that he died between two feas; it is belides
THE EROFHECIE&	i6&
fiders the word Aphedno, which we tranflate 4 his palace or his camp,’ as the proper name of a place fituated between the two great rivers, Tigris and Euphrates: But as Jerome replies, he cannot produce any hiftory, whereiri mention i9' made of any iuch place; neither can he fay which is • the glorious and holy mountain ;’ befid$ the folly of interpreting two Teas by two rivers. Father Houbigant * underftands it as the name of a place fituated in the mountains, in which mountains the book of Maccabees relates Antiochus to have died. This place, lays he, was 4 between two Teas/ namely the Cafpian and Euxine, in Armenia itlelf, where Artaxia; prepared rebellion. But neither doth he procure any authority for his alleftions. Where doth he read of any fuch place as Aphedno between the Cafpian and Euxine feas? Where doth he read that Antiochus died in the mountain* of Armenia? The hook of Maccabees, which he alledgeth, teftifieth no fuch thing. Both the t hooka of Maccabees* agree, that A ntiochus died returning out ofPerfia, through Babylon according to the firlt book, through Ecbatana according to the lecond, 4 in the mountains’ indeed, but it is not faid in what mountains. Antiochus was vi&orious in. Armenia, and did not die there. Befides, with what propriety could any mountain in Armenia be called 4 the glorious holy mountain ?’ Theodotion and Aquila too $ render it Aphcdanos the proper name of a place, as doth Jerome alfo, who takethitfor a place near Nicopolis, which formerly was called Emmaus. Indeed if it be the name of any place; it muft be Ibme place in the holy land; becaufe in the Plalms, cvi. <24. 4 the pleafant land/ in Jer. iii. 19. * tlie pleatant land, the goodly heritage,’ and in Ezek. xx. 0\
‘ the glory of all lands’ and conftantly throughout the book of Daniel, 4 the pleafant land,’ viii. 9. * the glorious land’
foolifh to interpret the two river* of Mesopotamia by two feas.* See Jerome, Col. 1133.
* ‘ We underhand Aphedno to be the name of a place. The: book of Maccabees relates that Antiochus died in a mountainous country. This place lay between two feas, namely the Cafpian and the Euxine, in Armenia, where Artaxias was organising a rebellion.* See Houbigant on the paflage.
f See 1 Maccab. iv. 4% 2 Madcab. ix. % 28.
j Theodotion renders the words thus, “he fhall fix his tent in Aphedanus between the feas and Aquila, “ and lie fliall plant the tabernacle of his tent in Aphedanus between the fea9.,, Aphedno near Nicopolis, was formerly called Emmaus. See Jerome, Co!, i 131.
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xi. 10* and again * the glorious land,* ver 41..are appellatives of the holy land; and fo confequently ‘ the glorious holy mountain’ mud be Sion, or Olivet, or fome mountain 'in the holy land, which lieth ‘ between the Teas,’ * the Dead Sea on the eaft, and the Mediterranean on the welt. But after all Aphedno doth not feem to be the name of any place. They who render it as the proper name of a place, molt probably did not know what elle to make of it: but the word + occurs in Jonathan’s Targum of Jeremiah, xliii. 10, and there it fignifies ‘ a pavilion, and he (hall fpread his royal pavilion oyer them ;* and to the lame purpofe it Ihould be tranflated here, ‘ he (hall plant the tabernacles of his camp between the leas in the glorious holy mountain.* This prophecy then cannot by the help of any explanation be made to fit and agree with Antiochus: and in our application of it to the Othman empire, as thefe events are yet future, we cannot pretend to point them out with any certainity and exa&nefs. Mr Mede J luppofeth, that “ the tidings from the eaft and north may be that of the return of Judah and Ifrael from thole quarters. For Judah was carried captive at lalt into the eaft, and Ifrael by the AHyrian into the north, (namely in refped of the holy land) and in thofe parts the greatelt number of each are difperfed at this day. Of the redu6tion of Ifrael from the north, fee the prophecies Jer. xvi. 14, 15. and chap, xxiii. 8. alio chap. xxxi. 8. Or if this tidings from the north may be fome other thing, yet that from the eaft I may have fome warrant to apply to the Jews return, from that of thejixth vial in the Apocalyps xvi. 12. where the waters of the great river Euphrates are dried up, to prepare the way of the kings of the eajlIf this application be not admitted, yet.it is univerfally known, that the Perfians are feated to the ealt of the Othman dominions, arid the Ruffians to the north. Perfia hath indeed of late years been milerably torn and diftra&ed by inteltine divifions; but when it lhall unite again in a fettled government under one lbvereign, it may become again, as it hath frequently been, a dangerous rival and enemy to the Othman emperor. The power of Rufiia is growing daily; and it is a current tradition among the common people in Turky, that their empire lhall
* ‘ Between two feas, namely the fea on the eaft which is now the dead fea (the Cafpian) and the great fea, (the Mediterranean.) See Jerome, Col. 1134.
f Aphedno, and he fhall ftretch his pavilion, over them.
$ See Mede’s Works, Book IV. page 816.
THE PROPHECIES*
&n
one time or other be deftroyed by the Ruffians. Sir Paul Rycaut in his account of the * Prefent State of the Greek Church, fpeaking of the relpefit and reverence which the Mufcovites have for the fee of Conftantinople, lays alfo that “ the GYeeks on the other fide have an elteem and affe&ion for the Mufcovites, as for thofe whom ancient prophecies mention to be defigned by God, for their avengers, and deliverers in after ages.” Which, if it proveth nothing more, yet proveth that the Greek church interpreted this prophecy much in the fame fenfe as we explain it. However this may be, the Porte is at all times jealous of the junftion of the two powers of Perfia and Ruffia, and exerts all its policy to prevent it. They are certainly two very formidable neighbours to the Turks; and who can fay what tidings may or may not come from thence to trouble the Porte ? who can fay, how unlikely foever it be at prefent, that they may not hereafter be made, inftruments of providence in the reftora-tion of the Jews? Whatever be the motive and occafion, the Turk * fhall go forth with great fury to deftroy, and utterly to make away many.* The original word, which we tranflate * utterly to make away,’ f fignifies to anathe-matize, to confecrate, to devote to utter perdition, fo that it ftrongly implies, that this war fhoukl be made upon a religious account. ‘ And he fhall plant the tabernacles of his camp between the feas in the glorious holy mountain.* It is a notion advanced by + fome commentators, that here both the Turk and the Pope are fignified, the former of whom hath fixed his (eat between the Mediterranean and Euxine feas at Conftantinople, and the latter between the Mediterranean and Adriatic at Rome; both Antichrilt, the one without, the other within the temple of God. But fuch notions are more ingenious than lolid, and have rather the refemblance of worth than the fubllance. ‘ Between the fbas in the glorious holy mountain’ mud denote, as we have fhown, lome part of the holy land. There the Turk fhall incamp with all his power, ‘ yet he lhall come to his end, and none fhall helphim,* fhall help him effe&ually, or deliver him. The fame times and the fame events leem to be pre? fignified in this prophecy, as in that of Ezekiel concerning ‘ Gog of the land of Magog.* He likewife iB a northern
* See Mede’s Works, Chap. III. page 83.
f Ulebahhartm, he anathematized, or devoted to acurfe, to death* to perdition, he confecrated. See Buxtorf.
£ See Pool and his additional commentators.
3 A 2
III^ERTATIONS OK
$n
power, He is reprelfenied as of * Scythian extra&ion. xxxviii. 2.	* He cometh from his place out of the north
parts/ ver. Jo. His army too is defcribed as confiding chiefly of ‘ horfes and horfemen,’ ver. 4. He likewife hath f Ethiopia and Lybia with him.’ ver. 5.	4 He (hall come
up agamft the people of Iirael in the latter days/ ver. 16. alter this return from captivity, ver. 8. He too fhall incamp 4|upon the mountains of Ifrael,* xxxix. 2. He lhall alio 4 fall upon the mountains of lfiael, and all the people that is with him/ ver, 4. There the divine judgments (hall over-•fokehim, xxxviii. 29, 23. and God lhall be 4 magnified ami fan$ified in the eyes of many nations.*
At that time there (hall be great tribulation, xii. 1. * fuch as never was fiuce there was a nation, even to that fame time And after that (hall be the general refurrection, ver. 2. 4 and many of them that fleep in the duft of the earth lhall awake, fonie to everlaliing life, and fome to (hameand everlaliing contempt.’ They certainly are guilty of manifeft violence and injury to the facred text, and rack and torture the words to confels a meaning which they never meant, who contend that nothing more was meant in thispallage, than the perfection of the Jews by Antiochus, and the Maccabees after lome time coming out of the holes and caves pf the earth, wherein they had concealed themfelves from the fury and cruelty of their enemies. Thefe critics ufually pretend to be ftrong advocates for the literal and obvious meaning of the prophecies: but here they pervert the plain-* pft expreflions into figures, and prefer the moft forced to the moft natural interpretation. The troubles under Antiochus were neither in degree nor in duration to be compared to what the nation had fuffered under Nebuchadnezzar; fo that the time of Antiochus could not be reckoned ‘a time of trouble, fuch as never was fince there was a nation.* rl he Maccabees too came out of their lurking holes and caves, and recovered their city, and cleanfed the fan&uary, even before the death of Arttiochus himlelf: but the refurre&fon in this place is defcribed as fomethiug fuhfequent to the definition of the king of the north. Befides how could the Maccabees, who were a fet of hrave virtuous^men, zeiloufly . devoted to their religion; liberty and country, by coming forth from the rocks and caves to oppofe the enemy in the open field, be faid to 4 awajce, fome to everlafting life, and feme to fharfte and everlafting contempt r* Such exprelhous
* See Bocliart’s Phaleg, Book III.-Chap. xiii. Col. I17>
THE PROPHECIES#'
373
Can with truth and propriety bo applied only to the general refurre&ion of the juft and unjuft: and though it be faid
*	many of them that deep in the duftof the earth (hall awake,’ yet that i$ no obje&ion to the truth here delivered ; for a»
*	Theodoret obferved long ago, the prophet hath faid many for ally in the fame manner as St Paul hath put many for a/// when he faid, 4 If through the offence of one many be dead, much more the grace of God, and the gift by grace which is by one man, Jefus Chrift, hath abounded untomaiv/r Rom,
v.	15. and again, ver. 19. * As by one man’s diiobedience many were made firiners, fo by the obedience of one (hall many be made righteous/ The proper conciufion of all is the general refurreftionj and the confequeut happinels of the w-ife and good ; ver. 3, 4 And they that be wile, (hall (hine as the brightnefs of the firmament, and tlvey that turn many to righteoufnefs as the ftars for ever and ever/
The angel having thus fmifhed h1s prophecy of the things
*	noted in the feripture of truth/ an inquiry is made relating
to the time of thefe events. It was faid before, xi. 40. 4 At the time of the end lhall the king of the foutb pulh at him/ and here the queltion is aiked, ver. 6.	4 Hoto long lhall be
the end of thele wonders?’ The anfwer is returned in the moft lolemn manner, ver. 7./ that it lhall be for a time, times, and a half. A time, times, and a half,* as there hath been occafion to (how in a former diflertation, are three pro-
Ehetic years and a half; and three prophetic years and a alf are 196'0 prophetic days; and 1900 prophetic days are 1960 years. The lame time therefore is prefixed for the defection and Opprefiion of the eaftern church, as for the tyranny of the little horn, vii. 25. in the weftern church : And it is wonderfully remarkable, that the doctrine of Mohammed was firft forged at Mecca, and the fupremacy of the Pope was eftablilhed by virtue of a grant from the wicked tyrant Phocas, in the very lame year of Chrift 606.	44 It is to be
obferved, lays, f Dean Prideaux, that Mahomet began this impofture about the lame time that the Bilhop of Rome, by
* * But he hath laid many inftead of all. For the blefled Paid lath put many for all/ Rora. v. 15, See Theodorion on the pafTage.
f Gnad-mathai letz haplaoth; How far the end of wonderful things/ See Paguin. 4 How far the end of thefe wonderful things,' See Vulgate. ‘ How far the end of the wonders which thou halt feen/ Se.e the Septuagint;
* Life of Mahomet, page 13, eighth edition. See alfo Bilhop Jewel's reply to Harding, pnge 181.
374	MSSERTATIONS OW
virtue of a grant from the wicked tyrant Phocas, firftaffumed the title of Univerlal Pallor, and thereon claimed to himfelf that fupremacy which he hath been ever fince endeavouring to ufurp over the chriftian church. [Phocas made this grant A. D. 606. which was the very year that Mahomet retired to his cave to forge that impolture there, which two years after A. D. 60S. he began to propagate at Mecca.] And flom this time both having confpired to found themleives an empire in impolture, their followers have been ever fince endeavouring by the fame methods, that is, thofe of fire and fword, to proj)agate it among mankind ; So that Antichrift ieems at this time to have let both his feet upon Christendom together, the one in the ealt, and the other in the welt; and how much each hath trampled upon the church of Chrift, the ages ever fince fucceeding have abundantly experienced/V There is a farther notation of the time in the foliowing words, 4 And when he lhall hav£ accomplilhed to Icatter the power of the holy people, all thefe things lhall be finilhcd : when the Jews lhall be recalled from their difperfion, then all thefe things lhall receive their full and final completion. The prophet, not iufficiently underltanding this anfwer inquired, ver. 8. ‘ What or how long lhall be thele latter times or latter wonders?’ And it is anlwered again, ver. 11. that 4 from the time of taking away the daily iacrifice, and letting up the abomination that maketh delblate, there lhall be a thdufand two hundred and ninety days/ The days ltill are prophetic days or years: but even if they were natural days, they could by no manner of computation be accommodated to the times of Antiochus Epiphanes. The ‘ letting up of the abomination of defolation’ appears to be a general phrafe, and comprehenfive of various events. It is applied by the writer of the firft book of Maccabees 1. 54. to the profanation of the temple by Antiochus, and his fetting up the image of Jupiter Olympius upon the altar of God.. It is applied by our Saviour Matt. xxiv. 15. to the deftru6tion of the city and temple by the Romans, under the conduct of Titus, in the reign of Vefpafian. It may for the fame reafon be applied to the Roman emperor Adrian’s building a temple to Jupi-terCapitolinus, in the fame place where the temple of God had flood ; and to the miiery of the Jews, and the defolation of Judea that followed. It may with equal juftice be applied to the Mahommedans invading and defolating Chrilten* dom, aud.converting the churches into mofques: and this
f Mat ahharith eltch, what lhall be thefe latter times.
THE PROPHECIES*
37*
latter event feemeth to have been particularly intended in this palfage. If this interpretation be true, the religion of Mahommed will prevail in the eaft the fpace of I960 years, and then a great and glorious revolution will follow; perhaps th$ reftoration of the Jews, perhaps the deftru&ion of Anti-clirift; but another ftill greater and more glorious will file* ceed : and what can this be fo probably as the full conver-fion of the Gentiles to the church of Chrift and the beginning of the millennium or reign of the faints upon earth ? for ver. 19. * Bleffed is he that waiteth, and coineth to the thouland three hundred and five and thirty days. Here are then three different periods afligned, 1960 years, ISfiOyears, and 1335 years : and what is the precife time of their begin-ningand confequeutly of their ending, as Bellas what are the great and fignal events, which will take place at the end of each period, we can only conje&ure, time alone can with certainty dilcover. If we are miltaken in our conjectures, it is no more than * Mr Mede and other much more learned' men have been, who have gone before us in this argument. It is indeed no wonder that we cannot fully underftand and explain thefe things : for as the angel faid to Daniel, hinv felf ver. 4 and 0. though 4 many (hould run to and fro/ (hould inquire and examine into thele things, and thereby 4 knowledge (hould be increased,’yet the full understanding of them is referved for the time of the end, 4 the words are clofed up, and fealed till the time of the end/ But however the great uncertainty of thefe events, which remain yet to be fulfilled, cannot (hake the credit and certainty of thole particulars, which have already been accomplifhed. As f Prideaux judicioufiv obferves, it is the nature of fuch prophecies not to be thoroughly underftood, till they are thoroughly fulfilled. Not that fuch prophecies are therefore like the pagan oracles, of an ambiguous, equivocal, and de-lufive nature. Obfcure they may be, but there is a wide difference between oblcurity, and equivocation. The pagan oracles were purpofely worded in fuch a manner, that if they failed in one feule, they might hold good in another, though J direCtly the contrary: the fcripture-prophecies have a de-
* See Mede’s Works, Book III. page 717> concerning DanielV numbers.
f See Prideaux’ Connections, Part II. Book III. in the con-clufion.
J As in thefe inftances. ‘ Crefus in pafiing the river Halys may deilroy a great empire.* It is not here faid what empire, whether
ar&
DISSERTATIONS Olf
terminetF meaning, and though fometimes they may com-* prebend more events than one, yet are they never applicable to contrary events. The pagan oracles were delivered for the immediate direction of thole who confulted them ; and therefore a miftake at firft was of more fatal confequence; the fcripture-prophecies were intended more for the inltruc-tion and-illumination of future ages, and therefore it is fuifi-cient if time lhall illuftrate the particulars. The pagan ora* cles are no fooner underftood, tnan they are defpifed, whereas the reverie is true of the fcripture*prophecies, and the better you underhand, tile more you will admire them. The completion of the former demonftrates their fraud and futility, the completion of the latter their truth and dignity.
Upon the \vh6le, what an amazing prophecy is this, comprehending lb many various events, and extending through to many fucceflive ages, from the firft ellablilhment of the Perfian empire, above 530 years before Chrift, to the general refurreftion 1 And the farther it extends, and the more it comprehends, the more amazing furely, and the more divine it mult appear, if not to an infidel like Porphyry , yet to all who like Orotius have any belief of revelation. How much nobler and more exalted the lenlb, more important and more worthy to be known by men and to be revealed by God, when taken in this extended view, and applied to this long and yet regularities of affairs, by the moll eafy and natural contlrii&ion; than when confined and limited to the times arid aftions of Antioclms, to which yet it cannot be reconciled by the molt drained and unnatural interpretation 1 What stronger and more convincing proofs can be given or required of a divine providence, and a divine revelation, that there is a God who directs and orders the tranla&ions of the world, and that Daniel was a prophet infpired by him, ‘ a man greatly beloved/ as he is often add relied by the angel! Our blelfed Saviour, Matt. xxiv. 15. hath bellowed upon him the appellation of ‘ Daniel the prophetand that is authority futficient for any Chriftian: but in this work have been produced fuch infumces and attellations of his being a prophet, as an infidel cannot deny, or if he denies, cannot di£» prove. The character that is given of him by Jolephus is nothing more than llrictly his due. It exprefieth- the fenle
the enemies or his own. « And I tell thee, that the descendant of ^Lacus, the Romans can conquer.* It is impoflible to fay whether according to this refponfe, the defeendant of jEacus, or the Romani were to conquer.
THE PROPHECIES*	377
of the Jewifh church; and the fame mull be the fentimenls of every man, who will confider and compare the prophecies and events together. This hiftorian is commending the fu-perior excellence of Daniel’s predictions; “for he was wont, * fays he, not only to foretel future things, as other prophets alfo did; but he like wife determined the time, wherein they fhould happen.” After wards having mentioned fome of Daniel’s prophecies he f proceeds thus: “ Ail thele things, God having fhown them to him, he left them in writing that they who read them, and behold the events, might admire Daniel for the honour vouchfafed unto him by God ; and by thefe things might be convinced how much the Epicureans are miltaken, who deny a providence, and allow not that God regards human aCtions, nor that all tilings are governed by a blelfed and immortal Being for the prel'ervation of the whole, but alfert that the world is carried on at random without a guide or ruler : which if it was without a governor as they pretend, would have been deilroyed by the blind impulse, and have periflied and come to nought, as we fee fliips, which are deftitute of pilots, overwhelmed by the dorms, and chariots overturned and broken to pieces, which have no drivers. For by thefe things predi6ted by Daniel, they appear to me widely to err from the truth, who declare, that
* « For he was wont not only to foretel future events, like the o-ther prophets, but to fix the time when thefe things fhould have their aecompli^hment., See Jofephus* Antiquities, Book X. Chap. xi» Sect. 7. page 465, in Hudfon’s edition.
f ‘ God having fhown all thefe things to him, he hath left them committed to writing ; fo that they who read them, or who view the correfponding events, may admire the great honour conferred upon Daniel. From thefe things alfo, the Epicureans may find themfelves miftaken, who deny a forefight of human life, and who deem it unworthy of God to concern himfelf in the affairs of mortals.' They think alfo, that all things are not governed by a bleffed and incorruptible being, for the continuance of the whole, but affirm that the world is felf-moved, without any to guide or to take care of it. But if it be true as they imagine, that the world is without a governor, driven about by a blind impulfe, it Would quickly go to decay and ruin, and this in the fame manner as we fee a fhip toffed by the winds, without a pilot, finking under the waves, and chariots, without a driver, broken in pieces. For by thefe things which Daniel hath foretold, they appear to me to wander much from the glory of truth, who affirm that God hath no foreknowledge of, nor cares about human affairs. For If all things were governed by chance, we could never fee events anfvvering to predictions.*
Vol. I. No. 10.	3 B
378
DISSERTATIONS Olf
God hath no care of human affairs: for we Ihould not lee all things fucceed according to his prophecies, if it happened that the world was governed by chance/’
In Ihort we fee how well Daniel deferves the character which his contemporary Ezekiel hath given him, xiv. and
xxviii.	for his piety and wifdom: and thefe ufually go together, for as the angel faith, ver. 10. ‘ none of the wicked fhafl underhand, but the wife lhall underhand.’ Happy are they, who both know the will of God, and do it 1
END OF THE FIRST VOLUMK*