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ABRAHAM AND THE LAND OF HIS NATIVITY.
By Hormuzd Rassam.
Reid, ist June, 1897.
There have been from time to time conflicting o’pinions and theories, both ancient and modern, regarding the historical site of “Ur of the Chaldees,” the supposed birth-place of Abraham, especially since the discovery of some cuneiform inscriptions in the ruins of Moggayir, at the extreme end of Southern Mesopotamia, wherein, it is alleged, the name of Ur occurs, and which a number of Assyrian scholars construed into that celebrated ancient site, mentioned in the eleventh chapter of Genesis, that I have taken upon myself the task of contesting its existence anywhere in that region. The world knows nothing of Abraham except what can be gathered of his history from the Bible, and it is therefore necessary to go to that Book for any authentic information about him and his fatherland.
In ([noting different passages from Holy Writ in support of my argument, I beg to point out, in the first place, that 1 do not do so on religious ground, as my purpose is simply to show the historical aspect of the question jn dispute, and not to prove my contention from a theological standpoint. Secondly, as I am not an Assyrian scholar, and incompetent, therefore, to decide how certain signs and figures in the arrow-headed writing ought to be road and pronounced, 1 must not touch upon their interpretation, as I might fall into a woeful dilemma, and incur the odium of being too inquisitive. But I want to touch briefly upon the danger of trusting to theories regarding the meaning of Semitic words in use even at the present day among the Arabs, Chaldeans, and Syrians.
There are perhaps more than five hundred millions of Christians, Moslems, and Jews, who only know of the existence of Abraham from the Bible, and we ought therefore to be guided by what is lecorded therein of him and the land of his nativity, and let that history speak for itself.
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In Genesis (xi, 31), where we first learn of Abraham’s country, it is said : “ And Terah took. Abram his son, and Lot the son of Haran his son’s son, and Sarai his daughter-in-law, his son I Abram’s wife ; and they went forth with them from Ur of the
Chaldees, to go into the land of Canaan; and they came unto Haran, and dwelt there.” In the first verse of the following chapter it is related: “ Now the Lord had said unto Abram, Get thee out of thy country, and from thy kindred, and from thy father’s house, unto a land that J will shew thee.” We must assume, therefore, that , Haran was the country of Abraham, the same as any Englishman,
being destined to change his abode to France from London and moves in the first place to Dover, could safely assert that the latter place was part and parcel of his country. In the fifth verse it is recorded that: “Abram took Sarai his wife, and Lot his brother’s son, and all their substance that they had gathered, and the souls that they had gotten in Haran ; and they went forth to go into the land of Canaan; and into the land of Canaan they came.” Then
1 in the ninth verse of the same chapter it is said: “And Abram
journeyed, going on still toward the south.” Now no one can doubt that Haran is situated in Northern Mesopotamia, about 450 miles p above Babylon, and not less than 600 from Moggayir. How is it
then when Abraham was commanded to go to Canaan, which is about 550 miles to the west, that Terah, with all his great retinue, should go nearly 400 miles out of his way for Abraham to reach the promised land, which was to the south-west ? It has been urged by different writers upon the subject of Abraham’s emigration that the route was chosen for convenience; but those who advocate this theory are not aware that to take that course from the situation
1 of Moggayir is anything but the right one, if they had examined the
country properly between the latter place and the Holy Land. Abraham could have easily marched straight to Palestine from ■ Moggayir through a country which has neither hills nor rivers to
impede his passage, the same as the nomad Arabs move from place to place at the present day with all their substance: 1 have no doubt that the four confederate kings who invaded Sodom and carried Lot captive, whom Abraham afterwards rescued, had followed the same track, from Southern Mesopotamia. Those who dispute the position of Padan-aram as being the native country of Abraham, ought, 1 think, to show in the first instance a good reason for the object of Terah going such a distance out of his way to
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sojourn at Haran, if it had not been a city with which he had a previous acquaintance from its proximity to Ur of the Chaldees. Moreover, I do not know why Terah should choose Haran as his future home from such a distance as Moggayir, where he would be1 looked ujjon as a stranger. But as I believe that Terah went from a place which must have been somewhere at or near the present city of Orfa, in Northern Mesopotamia, known to the Hebrews as Aram-Naharaim, it was not extraordinary that Abraham should call Haran his country when he sent his servant Eliezer thither to fetch a wife for his son Isaac. All references made in the Bible about Abraham point to his country as being in Aram-Naharaim, and this name must not be confounded with the Greek appellation of Mesopotamia, as the former applies only, according to the Hebrew geographical positions, to that part of Northern Mesopotamia which embraces the province of Orfa, the ancient Eddesa; whereas the latter is a Greek word which takes in the whole valley of the Euphrates and Tigris from Diarbekir to the junction of the two rivers, two hundred miles below' Babylon. The mistake began by the authors of the Septuagint, as the first mention of Aram-Naharaim was in the 24th chapter of Genesis, when, as 1 said before, Abraham sent Eliezer thither on an errand to his relatives at Haran, and said to him : “ But thou shalt go unto my country, and to my kindred, and take a wife unto my son Isaac.” Aram-Naharaim was also the country of Balaam ; * and we find that it had a king in those days named Chushanrishathaim, mentioned in Judges.! Surely no one can ever imagine that this Aram-Naharaim was in Southern Babylonia, near the Persian Gulf? Me find also that Joshua in speaking to the tribes ot Israel, J he told them that their forefathers “ dwelt on the other side of the flood in old time, even Terah, the father of Abraham, and the father of Nachor.” This allusion also points to that part of the Euphrates in the northern part of Mesopotamia, which is verified by what Moses said in Deuteronomy of Jacob’s nationality as an Aramee.§ This in my opinion proves more than anything else that Abraham’s family came from the neighbourhood of Haran, at the upper part of the Euphrates, and not the lower; and it is remarkable that both Balaam || and Hosea fl mention that part of Mesopotamia merely as
* Numbers xxiii, 7 ; see also Deut. xxiii, 4.
t Judges iii, 8. J Joshua xxiv, 2. § Chapter xxvi, 5.
|| Numbers xxiii, 7. U Hosea xii, 12.
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Aram, though in the authorized English version of the Old Testament the former is rendered Aram, and the latter Syria; but in the revised version both are called Aram. Why the Greeks corrupted the Semitic word Aram into Syria, and Aramaic into Syriac is a mystery.
There were formerly no less than five Arams existing on the east and west of the Euphrates, namely, Aram of Damascus (kingdom of the so-called Syria); Aram-Naharaim (Northern Mesopotamia, between the Euphrates and the Khaboor, or Chebar river); Aram-padan (which means arable land, where Terah and his family lived); Aram-Zobah (Province of Aleppo); and Aram-Rehob, the district of Hamath, bordering on the Mediterranean as far as Latakia. It may be that as the Greeks corrupted the word Assyrian into Syrian, thus confounding different nationalities with this misnomer, which has no connexion whatever with the original, either in sound or etymology. It is a pity the revisers of the Old Testament did not correct all the words into Aram which were erroneously translated formerly into Syria, as they did in some cases already alluded to above.
Orfa, where the dreadful massacres took place among the Armenians some time ago, is believed by all learned Jews, Mohammedans, and Christians of that country to have been the “Ur of the Chaldees” mentioned in Scripture. Being so near Haran, and commanding an important position in that part of Mesopotamia, it was most probably, in olden times, as it is now, the capital of Padan-Aram. It might have been called then Oor, as it is in the original Hebrew and Aramaic. It is very striking that in the ancient Padan-Aram we have at the present day three positions near each other in Aram-Naharaim that are called by three biblical names, which are Orfa, Haran, and Serug, styled in Arabic Serooj, the hard g having changed into y, as there is no letter as the former in Arabic. The difficulty has arisen from the supposed nonexistence of such a country as Chaldea in Northern Mesopotamia; as it had been taken for granted that such a realm was only in a small part in Southern Mesopotamia, between Babylon and the Persian Gulf! But if we refer to Grecian history we shall find that the Chaldeans were mentioned inhabiting different parts of the range of mountains between the Mediterranean and Persia. Moreover, Ur of the Chaldees does not necessarily mean Ur in Chaldea, but it may signify the Ur of the Chaldeans, like we may now style
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Algeria as of France, though it is in Africa and not in Europe, or Aden of the English though it is in Arabia and not in England. The words “ Ur of the Chaldees ” show, however, that there were otjier Urs existing at the time in Biblical lands, like Bethlehem of Judah, and Bethlehem of Zebalon; and Cush* (Ethopia) of Asia Minor, and Cush f of Africa. It is very interesting to note that in the Chaldee or Aramaic language Jerusalem is called TxSxioX
Oor-Shalem, that is to say. Oor of Selim, like
Oor, d’Chaldaye, or Oor of the Chaldees. We find also that that northern part of Mesopotamia called by the Hebrews Aram-Naharaitn, is styled by the Prophet Ezekiel as the land of the Chaldeans,J as the river Chebar (in Arabic Khaboor) is one of the rivers which surround Padan-Aram mentioned above. St. Stephen also mentions, in Acts vii, 4, that Abraham came out of the ‘‘land of the Chaldeans ” when he was in Aram-Naharaim. There could have been no better word applied to that country as the Arable Aram, from the richness of its soil and extent of its cereal production. Its annual export of corn to Europe, even now, when a small part of the land is cultivated, is very great. As for the position of the town of Orfa, it is one of the most picturesque in Mesopotamia; and had it a better and more energetic Government, its province might have vied in beauty and importance with the most flourishing regions in the world. The town is situated on an eminence, with a large number of rivulets running in all directions, and commanding extensive fertile plains stretching far and wide. Its produce of fruit and cereals might prove a source of incalculable riches, especially if railway communication could be established between the Mediterranean and the Persian Gulf, through the Euphrates and Tigris Valley. A large extent of land in front of the town is studded with private and public gardens; and within the city itself there are a large number of well to do families, who have their houses surrounded with arbours and orchards.
I think it will not be uninteresting to quote some passages from different writers, both ancient and modern, regarding the Ur of the Chaldees mentioned in Scripture, and leave it to painstaking critics to draw their conclusion therefrom. I must begin first with the ancient historians, who are supposed to claim a better authority
* Genesis ii, 13. t 2 Kings xix, 9. t Ezekiel i, 3.
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than modern scholars and travellers, they having lived nearer the time of Biblical sages.
Eupolemus says, that in the “tenth generation [after the Flood], in the city of Babylonia, called Camarina (which, by some, is called the city Urie, and which signifies a city of the Chaldeans), there lived, the thirteenth in descent (a man named), Abraham, a man of a noble race and superior to all others in wisdom. Of him they relate that he was the inventor of astrology and the Chaldean magic, and that on account of his eminent piety he was esteemed by God. It is further said that, under the directions of God, he removed and lived in Phoenicia, and there taught the Phoenicians the motions of the sun and moon, and all other things ; for which reason he was held in great reverence by their king.”*
Nicolas of Damascus says thus of Abraham : “Abram was king of Damascus, and came thither as a stranger, with an army, from that part of the country which is situated above' Babylon of the Chaldeans. But after a short time he again emigrated from this region with his people, and transferred his dwelling to the nd which was at that time called Canaaea, but is now called Judea; together with all the multitude which had increased with him, of whose history I shall give an account in another book. The name of Abram is well known even to this day in Damascus, and a village is pointed out which is still called the House of Abraham.” f
This writer makes the emigration of Abraham to have been from above Babylon, and not from below it, where Moggayir is situated ; but Justin, on the authority of Trogus Pompeius, makes a more startling statement in regard to the Jews’ origin by fixing it at Damascus in Syria, and he goes so far as to allege that even the Assyrian kings and Semiramis had sprung from that Syrian region ! t
Jacob Bryant in his “Ancient Mythology ” advocates Southern Babylonia as the land of Abraham’s nativity; and as he gives an interesting account of the different historical theories regarding the whereabouts of the Ur of the Chaldees, I cannot do better than quote what he adduces for and against his contention. He says : “ Before I proceed, it may not be improper to obviate an objection, which may be made to the place, and region, where I have supposed Abraham to have been first conversant; as there are writers who
* Abimelech, king of Gerar. Cory’s Ancient Fragments, p. 77.
f Cory’s Ancient Fragments, p. 78.
: ibid., p. 78.
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have imagined Ur of Chaldea to have been in another part of the world. The region in question is by Strabo plainly defined as a province of Babylonia: and Arrian, Ptolemy, Dionysius, Pliny, and Marcellinus all determine its situation so clearly, thought no doubt could have arisen. It appears, however, that Bochart, Grotius, I.e Clerc, Cellarius, with some others, are dissatisfied with the common opinion, and cannot be persuaded that Abraham came from this country. Bochart accordingly tells us that the Ur of the Scriptures was near Nisibis, in the upper regions of Assyria, and bordered upon Armenia................. This is surely too lightly
determined. All that we learn from Marcellinus is, that they passed by a castle called Ur. Not a word is there mentioned about a region called Chaldea, nor of a people styled Chaldeans, which was 1 ccessary to be found. Vet the learned writer says, res patet, ?oe may be assured that here was the birth of the Patriarch : and the original place of his residence was near Nisibis. In another part of his work he mentions a place called Ur, near Syria, upon the Euphrates, of which notice is taken by Pliny, and he seems to think it not improbable that here might have been the first abode of Abraham. From hence we may perceive that he was not very determinate in his opinion Edessa is said to have been called Ur and Urhoe, on which account some have been induced to place the birth and residence of the Patriarch here. But who ever heard of Chaldeans in these parts, or of a region named Chaldea ?
“If there be anything certain in geography, we may be assured, from a number of the best writers, that the country of which we are treating was in a different part of the world. Chaldea lay to the south of Babylonia, and was originally bounded to the east and west by the T igris and Euphrates, so that it was an interamnian region. Hence Joshua tells the children of Israel, in speaking of the first residence of their ancestors, that their fathers dwell on the other side of the flood, or river, in old time, even Terah, the father of Abraham. And St. Stephen, speaking of the call of this Patriarch, says : The God of glory appeared unto our father Abraham, when he was in Mesopotamia, before he dwelt tn Char ran. 1 he land of
Chaldea was in those times a portion of the great region called Mesopotamia, and, as I before said, it was bounded to the west by the Euphrates, which in its latter course ran nearly parallel with the Tigris, and emptied itself into the sea below........... In this
province was the Ur of the Scriptures, called Ur of the Chaldeans, 76
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which was so styled in order to distinguish it from every other place of the same name. It was also expressed Our, Ourhoe, Ourchoe, and the people were called Ourchani. It was sometimes compounded Camour, and rendered Camurine, and it is thus mentioned by Eupolemus. The description of Chaldea given by Strabo is very precise. He speaks much in favour of the natives, and says that they inhabited a portion of Babylonia which bordered upon Arabia and the Persic Sea. He describes them as being devoted to philosophy, especially the Borsippeni and the Orcheni. '1 hese last we may suppose to have been particularly the inhabitants of the city concerning which we are treating. For here, in tire true land of Chaldea, we must look for Ur of the Chaldees. We accordingly find that there was such a place called Urchoe by Ptolemy, by Josephus, Ura, or Ure. • By Eusebius it is rendered Ur, and it was undoubtedly the capital city of the province. Add to this the account given by Eupolemus, who points out plainly the place of the Patriarch’s birth and abode.*
“As the history is so plain, why do we go so wide of the mark as to suppose this city to have been upon the confines of Syria ? or, what is more extraordinary, to make it, as some do, an Assyrian city, and to place it high in the north, at the foot of Mount Taurus, upon the borders of Media and Armenia, where the name of Chaldeans is not to be found? Yet to these parts does Grotius, as well as Bochart, refer it, and mentioning Ur of the Chaldees, he adds, the name remained to the time of Marcellinus. But this learned man is surely wrong in determining so hastily and with such a latitude, for there was no Ur of the Chaldees, nor any Chaldea in these parts. Lucian was born at Samosata, and Marcellinus was thoroughly acquainted with this country, yet neither from them nor from Pliny, Ptolemy, Mela, Solinus, nor from any writer, is there the least hint of any Chaldeans being here.......... The place-
mentioned above was an obscure castle of little consequence, as we may infer, from its never having been taken notice of by any other writer. Grotius says mansit loco nomen, from whence one might ne led to imagine that it had existed in the days of Abraham. But there is not the least reason to suppose any such thing.........
“There is another question to be asked. As the rout {sic) supposed to be taken from Babylonia and the south towards Haran is objected to, I should be glad to know which way the Patriarch
* See page 6.
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Feb. i] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCII.EOLOGY. [1S98. should have directed his steps. It is answered, that he ought to have pone to Canaan directly westward, through Arabia, which would have been nearly in a strait (sic) line if he had gone from the lower regions of Babylonia, but as he proceeded in a circuit, that could not be the place of his departure. Now, from the best accounts, we may be assured that the rout (sic), which we suppose him to have taken was the true and only way—there was no other by which people could procce I............ The very best accounts prove that this
was the rout (.r/<) ever taken by people who went from Babylonia and its provinces to Pakestina and Egypt, for the direct way’, as Grolius terms it, and whit h Bochart recommends, could not be pursued. From Babylonia and Chaldea westward was a desert of great extent, whic h reached to Canaan, and still further to the Nile. Nor is there, I believe, upon record above one instance of its having ever been traversed.* All armies and all caravans of merchants were obliged to go to the north of the Euphrates when they came from Babylonia to Egypt, or the reverse when they went from Egypt to Babylonia. Herodotus, when he is speaking of the march of Cambyses to Egypt, says that the only way into that country was downward horn the Euphrates, by Syro-Phenicia and Pakestine. t There is no other apparent passage into Egypt but this. And the reason is plain, for the Arabian desert rendered it impracticable to proceed in a strait (57?) line. People were obliged to go round by Carchemish upon the Euphrates, and the kings of Babylonia and Egypt fortified that place alternately to secure the passage of the river. When Pharaoh Net ho and the king of Baby lon wanted t > meet in battle, they were obliged to come this way to the encounter. The army of Cambyses, and all the armies of the ( reeks and Romans, those who served under Cyrus the younger, the army of Alexander, Antiochus, Antonius, Trajan, Gordian, J ulian, went to the north by the Euphrates. Some of these princes set out from Egypt, yet were obliged to take this circuit. It is remarkable that Crassus, in his rout (sic) towards Babylonia, went by Charrae, or Harran, which was the very spot where Abraham, in his way from Chaldea to -Canaan, resided. At this place the Roman general was met by Surena and slain. Alexander the great went nearly in the same track ; for though this was round about,
* It is said by Berosus that Nebuchadnezzar, hearing of his father’s death, made his way in great haste over this desert.
f Herodotus, L. iii, c. 5.
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yet it was by many esteemed the best road to Babylonia. The Emperor Julian also took his rout (sic) by Haran, but from thence went the lower way by Cercusium and the Euphrates. For there were two roads through Mesopotamia to Babylon and Persia, and they both commenced at Charrae, or Haran. All these circumstances afford great light to the Mosaic history, and abundantly witness its truth and precision, even in the most minute particulars. It is therefore a great pity that men of learning are not sufficiently considerate in their determinations. We, from this instance, see that they would set aside a plain and accepted interpretation, on account of a seeming difficulty, to the prejudice of Scripture, which interpretation, upon inquiry, affords a wonderful evidence in its favour, for it appears, upon the strictest examination, that things must have happened as they are represented.”*
It is not difficult to infer that Bryant was fully convinced that the homestead of the family of Terah was in Southern Babylonia, and he tries to prove his argument by quotations from different historians, as if their information were infallible, quite forgetting the main point of Abraham’s connexion with Aram-Naharaim i 1 Northern Mesopotamia, which he never alludes to. Most of his arguments are flimsy, especially, as he asserts that there were no Chaldeans beyond Southern Mesopotamia, though he has a note in vol. iii, p. 287, on the word “ Casdim ” or “ Chaldazi,” in whit h he admits that “ there was a Chaldea upon the Pontus Euxinus to the east of Sinope, in the country of the Chaly bes but he adds, “ nobody will suppose that Abraham came from hence." Had the writer examined a proper map of Asia Minor, the ancient Cappadocia, he would have found that Aram-Naharaim bordered on that country, and its south eastern limit is within a few miles of the district of Serooj, (the ancient Serug, named after the great grandfather of Abraham), or Padan-Aram. Then with regard to his references to the routes followed in times past by armies and travellers, he makes a woeful mistake by say ing that there was no other way from Mesopotamia to Syria and the Holy Land except by Haran, and he goes so far as to ask, “which way the Patriarch should have directed his steps? ” He could not have known that there were, and are, two ways to go from Irack or Babylonia to Palestine: one by Aana, and the other by Dair, both being important towns on the western side of the
* Jacob Bryaxt, Ancient Mythology, Vol. Ill, p. 277.
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Euphrates; and in the time of Palmyra’s prosperous days there was a flourishing trade between the East and the West through the kingdom of Zenobia to Syria. If I were asked by anyone which way to choose to go to Damascus from Mesopotamia, I should say it all depended upon where I was, as that interamnian region is more than one thousand miles in length. In going from Mossul or any part of Northern Mesopotamia I should proceed either by Orfa or Dair; but if I were at Baghdad, or in any locality in Southern Babylonia, the route taken would be on the western side of the Euphrates, and enter Syria either vid Aana or Dair; but I should certainly never think of going three hundred miles out of my way to reach Damascus or Aleppo by way of Haran. The very fact of his quoting Herodotus (L. iii, c. 5) about the passage of Cambyses through the Syrian desert, shows that there was a way through that country which Phanes the Halicarnassian recommended. Moreover, modern travellers have frequented that route vid Palmyra, though since the destruction of that kingdom the country has been deserted.
In 1837 the well known General Francis Rawdon Chesney, the commandant of the “ Euphrates Expedition,” took the direct desert route from the Persian Gulf to Damascus, without even following the valley of the Euphrates; and now I hear that Colonel Edward Mockler, lately Political Resident at Baghdad, has taken the Palmyra route vid Damascus and Beyroot on his way home.
With reference to the allusion Bryant makes about Joshua’s words to the children of Israel regarding the origin of their forefathers having dwelt “ on the other side of the flood in old time,” for the purpose of proving that he had meant the lowest part of the Euphrates, is contrary to reason, because all allusions made in the Old Testament to a “flood,” or “great river,” are directed to that part which borders on Aram-Naharaim and Padan-Aram, and with the history of Eliezer’s mission to Northern Mesopotamia, and Jacob’s matrimonial visit to Haran.
I think I cannot do better than quote the shprt notices made by three distinguished and experienced travellers and savans, who visited in person the lands I have .been referring to,—I mean General F. R. Chesney, Mr. Wiljiam Ainsworth the famous geologist, and Mr. J. S. Buckingham, as will be seen from their writings, that they considered Orfa (Eddesa) to have been the identical position of the “Ur of the Chaldees.” General Chesney says thus: “To this place I had looked forward with much interest. Its history as 80
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a royal city, its much earlier connection with Job and Abraham, and its present as well as future importance with regard to trade (of which its position has at all times made it an emporium), naturally gave it great consequence in my eyes. Its appearance, as the traveller approaches, is most picturesque. It occupies the intervening valley, as well as the slopes of two hills, which jut out from the range of neighbouring mountains. On their southern side is the castle, which, as well as the town itself, is defended by high walls flanked by square towers. The city contains 900 Turkish, 800 Armenian, and 200 Syrian houses, all well built: also numerous baths, and about twenty mosques, one of which is a remarkably handsome building, with two large ponds attached to it full of sacred fish.
“The extensive excavations in the vicinity of the town are supposed to be the remains of ancient Riha or Edessa, and on the adjoining hill are the scattered ruins of a building attributed to Nimrud.”*
Under the head of Ur of the Chaldees, Mr. Ainsworth writes: “ The city of Ur, which was in Ur of the Chaldees, and the seat of the nativity of Abraham and of the death of Haran, is, to the present day, denominated by the Syrians Urhoi, by the Arabs corrupted into ’Urfah, or ’Orfah. It is at the foot of the mountains of Osroene, and at the head of the same great and fertile plain, which contains the seats of the patriarchs of the family of Shem ; Haran, and Seruj. Tradition has consecrated ’Urfah as the birthplace of the father of Isaac, and the Birket el Ibrahim el Khalil is still supposed to contain the descendants of the fish loved by the Prophet. ’Urfah is also celebrated as the residence of Akbar, commonly called Agbarus, by Herodotus Ar/o/m, who is said to have written a letter to our Saviour.
“Ur was not only ‘ Ur of the Chaldees’ (Gen. xi, 28, Aben Ezra in Gen., Bochart, lib. i, Phaleg, x, and Hugo Grotius in Gen.), but is more particularly described as in the land of the Chaldaeans (Josephus, lib. i; Antiq., vii), and by Eusebius as ‘Ur oppidum regni Chaldaeorum,’ that is, of the kingdom founded by Chesed ; the same author also says, ‘ In urbe Camarina, seu Urie, quae Graecis dicta Chaldaeopolis.’ Oriental historians conduct the patriarch Abraham, in his migration to the land of Canaan, from Haran to
* Chesney’s Narrative of the Euphrates Expedition, p. 139.
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Berza, or Beroe, the modern Aleppo ; and ’Ahm£d Ibn Yusuf, and Abu Mohammed Mustafah, identify Ur with Roha, the modern Uriah. From the records of the Holy Writ we gather (Gen. xi, 31)’ that Terah and Abraham, with others of the family, went out of Ur to go into the land of Canaan, and they came into Haran, and dwelt there. It is evident, that, had the Ur of the Chaldees been identical with the Ur of Babylonian Chaldaea, the Orchoe of Ptolemy and Pliny, that the way of the patriarchs did not lie through Haran in Mesopotamia ; but even the direction of the journey is preserved in the amplitude of the sacred text, for we are expressly informed (Gen. xii, 9), that the Patriarch ‘journeyed, going on still towards the south.’
“Ur, in the progress of corruption, became Urhoi, Roha, Orfah or ’Uriah, and, with change of masters, Chaldaeopolis, Antiochea, Callirhoe, and Edessa. Mr. Buckingham has apparently mistaken what Benjamin of Tudela says of Dakia, or Rakkah, as belonging to 'Uriah, and hence he makes Haran two days’journey from that city, from which it is in reality visible at almost all times, and a ride of only eight hours, or about twenty miles in direct distance.”*
The geographer Buckingham, alludes to Orfa, or Ur of the Chaldees, as follows :—
“Orfah is conceived, by all the learned Jews and Mohammedans, as well as by the most eminent scholars among the Christians, to have been Ur of the Chaldees, ftom whence Abraham went forth to dwell in Haran, previous to his being called from thence, by God, to go into Canaan, the land promised to himself and to his seed for ever. The Jews say that this place is called in Scripture Ourcasdin, that is, the Fire of Chaldea, out of which, say they, God brought Abraham ; and on this account the Talmudists affirm that Abraham was here cast into the fire and was miraculously delivered.
“This capital of the country between the Euphrates and the Tigris, the Padan-Aram and Aram-Naharaim of the Hebrews, the Mesopotamia of the Greeks, and the Paradise of the poets, received from its Macedonian conquerors the name of Edessa; and an abundant fountain which the city enclosed, and called, in Greek, Callirhoe, communicated this name to the city itself. In later times it was called Roha, or, with the article of the Arabs, Or-rhoa, and by abbreviation, Orha.
* Ainsworth’s .4-tsyria, Babylonia, and Chaldea, p. 152.
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“ D’Anvilie thinks that this last name may be derived from the Greek term signifying a fountain ; or, according to another opinion, it may refer to the founder of this city, whose name is said to have been Orrhoi, now' retained, with some little corruption, in Orfah or Uriah.”*
There is no doubt that both Job and Balaam were natives of Aram-Naharaim, and were of the same stock as the Hebrews in the Aramean sense of the word ; and so also a large majority of the Arabs. In the Book of Job it is related that bands of Chaldeans and Sabeans had plundered that Patriarch’s camels and cattle ; it is therefore not unreasonable to suppose that both those nationalities inhabited the northern part of Mesopotamia, as we know that Haran was at one lime a Sabean settlement, and the Chaldeans occupied one part of Cappodocia to the north. Diodorus Siculous mentions (Tom. i; T ii, p. 142-145) the temple of the moon at Haran, whereto the Sabeans went for pilgrimages; but now that sect, which is commonly called Christians of St. John, are only found in Southern Babylonia and in Khuzistan in Southern Persia. It is very remarkable that those interesting people, of whom there are now no more than, at the most, about one hundred thousand souls existing, speak almost the same language as that ot the Chaldeans in Assyria and Mesopotamia, called by them “Chaldee or Chaldean, erroneously styled in Europe as Syriac; but as 1 intend to touch briefly hereafter upon the nationality and language of the latter, I will confine myself, for the present, to the subject under consideration.
The origin of the Chaldeans and their ruling power have been from time immemorial a puzzle, and I suppose the controversy will continue as it has been to the end of the chapter, especially as up to the present time scholars have not agreed as to the etymology of the word "lu.*2dN, Arphaxad, from which all tire Semitic nations believe this nationality of the Chaldeans and Hebrews sprang.f Why the authors of the Septuagint translated the word brTC'2, Chasdia, into Chaldean is not easily to be understood, unless, indeed, they adopted the word from the Chaldeans themselves, as we know from Josephus, alluded to above, that they were called by that name in his time. We learn, however, from the history of I )iexarchus, a disciple of Aristotle, and a philosopher of great
* Buckingham’s Travels in Mesopotamia, Vol. I, p. 121. t Josephus, I, vi, 4.
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repute, the Chaldeans were first called Cephenes from Cepheus, and afterwards Chaldeans from Chaldaus, an Assyrian king, fourteenth in succession from Ninus. This Chaldaeus built Babylon near the Euphrates, and placed the Chaldaens in it.* This confirms in a remarkable manner the passage in Isaiah, which has given rise to the question as to the origin of the Chaldaens :—“ Behold the land of the Chaldeans ; this people was not till the Assyrian founded it for them that dwelt in the wilderness : they set up the towers thereof, they raised up the palaces thereof.”!
The use of the word Chaldean, like that of Assyrian, was very vague. It appears to have been applied sometimes to the entire country bordering on the Tigris and Euphrates south of the mountainous regions of Asia Minor and Armenia, to only a part of it, to a race, and ultimately to a class of the priesthood. There is a remarkable passage in Judith (chap, v, 6, 7), in which the Jews are spoken of as descendants of the Chaldeans, a belief which is prevalent amongst all the Hebrews in Biblical lands at the present day.
As to the extent of the Chaldean kingdom after the destruction of the Assyrian monarchy, there is no doubt that it must have included, in the time of the Medo-Persian Monarchy, all the provinces which were subject to Nebuchadnezzar, and called the realm of the Chaldeans in Daniel (ix, 1). It is thus related there: “In the first year of Darius the son of Ahasuerus, of the seed of the Medes, which was made king over the realm of the Chaldeans.”
Now, I must say a few words concerning the expression of Ur, which is said to have been found amongst the arrow-headed inscriptions in the Mound of Moggayir in Southern Babylonia. As I said before, it is not my business to enter into a minute detail about the etymology of the cuneiform inscriptions, inasmuch as I do not claim to be an Assyrian scholar, but I wish to try and give a commonsense view of the reading of Semitic languages. In the first place the word Ur which is said to have been found in the cuneiform inscriptions is not written with regular letters of the alphabet ; and if it were, it does not prove that that was Ur of the Chaldees mentioned in the nth chapter of Genesis, as the very fact of its being called Ur of the Chaldees shows that there were other Urs in Biblical lands in those days, as the Or of Salem (or Jerusalem).
* Stephanus, Diet. Hist. Geog. j Isaiah, xxiii, 13.
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Moreover, the w’ord Ur is not pronounced thus in the original Semitic languages, and even if it were, how is it to be assumed that that was really pronounced as Ur, when we know that Or of Salem in Aramaic is spelt and pronounced differently, as "|V Yeroo in Hebrew. It is very difficult for any person not quite conversant even with modern Semitic languages to understand not only the pronunciation but the real meaning of certain words, unless he has lived in the country since childhood and become acquainted with the idioms and phraseology understood by the natives. Very often a traveller finds that what he learnt in one country where Arabic is spoken is not to be comprehended in another. I think one example will suffice, and that is the word . min (which means from), consisting of two letters, 4 meein M, and ., noon N. W hen it is pronounced differently it is turned into who? defective, being benevolent, conferring a benefit, manna, and a measure of two pounds. The most wonderful of all the changes that take place in an Arabic word is Ajooz, which means an old woman. There are no less than one hundred meanings to that word when it is pronounced according to its application and context. The oddest of all the combinations in the list of words under the head of Ajooz are, a young woman of delicate constitution; an old man; a king;.a kettle; a pot; butter; wine; a lion; a horse; a bull; a cow; a dog ; and a she-camel ! If these variable meanings of four Arabic letters constituting an old woman are not enough to puzzle even an Assyrian scholar, I do not know what would be.
In writing to my friend, Mr. Theophilus Pinches, the learned Assyrian scholar, for his opinion about the word Ur found at Moggayir, he was good enough to send me the following answer, which will explain his idea upon the subject whether that Ur was really the Ur of the Chaldees mentioned in Genesis as being the birthplace of Abraham. He says :—
“ The bilingual texts give the name of Mugeyyer thus :
r Hri~ (D.S.) - mu, in Assyrian characters, the pro-
nunciation in Assyrian being Uru, genitive Uri, as in bil Uri, “lord of Uru,” a title of Nannar or Sin, the moon-god, who was patron-god of the city.
“You will notice that after the D.S,. (‘determinative suffix, showing that what precedes is the name of a place), there is the character ma (or wa), indicating that the full form of the word in Akkadian was Urima, or Uriwa. There is no trace of this extra 85
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syllable in the Assyrian form, but it certainly ought to 1 e in the Hebrew, if Mugeyyer be Ur of the Chaldees. In my opinion, the extra letter or syllable at the end would have been represented by 1, or or NTTIN)- That the Assyrian has u (Uru)
and not 0 (Oru) is no argument against the identification, as the same vowel had to do duty for both it and 0 in that language. Except the likeness of the name, I do not know why scholars have identified Ur-Kasdim with Uru (Mugeyyer). They regard the latter as being in the land of the Chaldees.”
Through the blundering of the Greeks there has been no end of confusion in like manner as regards the word D“^ Aram in Hebrew, which was corrupted into Syria, and Aramee into Syriac; and so it happened in regard to the ancient name of Assyrians, as Herodotus mentions in his Polymnia (Hook VII. chap. 63), that the Greeks called them Syrians. Professor George Rawlinson, the present Canon of Canterbarv, however, has tried to contradict in his learned work,* entitled “ Rawlinson's Herodotus, the father of history, by alleging that “Syrian” is nothing but a variant of Tyrian,” and that Syrian and Assyrian are two entirely different words. That the Greeks when they first became acquainted with the country between Asia Minor and Egvpt, found the people of Tyre (Tzur) predominant there, and from them called the country in which they dwelt Syria (for Tsyria, which was beyond their powers of articulation). Afterwards, when they heard of the Assyrians, they supposed the name to be the same, though it had really a very different sound and origin Then he goes on to say : “ The difference between the two words will be seen most plainly by reference to the original languages. The root of ‘ Syrian ’ is in Hebrew (Tzur), the root of ‘ Assyrian ’ is (Assnur). A still greater distinction is found in the Assyrian inscriptions, where Assyria is called Assur, but the Tyrians are styled Tsur-ra-ya, the characters used being entirely different. With respect to original meaning, Tzur seems to be rightly explained, as so called from the rock (TiS) on which the town was built ; Asshur is perhaps to be connected with ‘ happiness,’ at any rate it can have no con nection with tzur.”
It is difficult to understand how Professor Rawlinson manages to prove his argument by asserting that the word Syrian was a
* Vol. IV, p. 52. (Note.)
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corruption of the Greek Tyrian, or the Hebrew Tzur! In the Semitic languages Tyre is rendered "^2 Ssoor with the hard J, or ssadee), and in the Greek and other European languages it has been called Tyre, or Tyrus. In the Septuagint version of the Old Testament there is a great distinction between the words T\ re and Syrian. The former is written Topov, Tyrian, or Trp/or, but the latter is mentioned as 'S.opiav, Syrian, which is a corrupt rendering of Aram. Moreover there is no such word as Syria in Hebrew or Aramaic, but the proper word is DIN Aram. This proves that when the Old Testament was translated into Greek, the term Tyre was understood to have no connexion with the foreign appellation Syria, they being two distinct nomenclatures. Even the late Sir Henry Rawlinson, the brother of the Professor, considered that the word Syria was a corruption of Assyria, as it will be seen from his remark upon his brother's note in “ Herodotus,” Book I, chap. 6, in which he says, “[the only true word is Assyria, from Asshur. Syria is a Greek corruption of the genuine term.—11. C. R.].’’
Even in the present day people are puzzling their heads whether the Chaldeans of Assyria and Mesopotamia, of which nationality I am, are entitled to that ancient name, as if those people had no origin, but had fallen from the sky! Indeed, the members of the Archbishop’s Mission to the Assyrian Christians have taken the liberty of giving them a new name by calling them “East Syrians,” an appellation which is quite foreign to them, as they never had any connexion with Syria, and their country lies on the eastern side of the Tigris, known as Assyria, and not to the west of the Euphrates ! Being ignorant of the habits and customs, and historical changes in Biblical lands, they have drawn their conclusions from the word “ Sooraye,” by which, as they allege, the Nestorians, who inhabit the highlands of Assyria, call themselves. This is a mere religious term which means Christian, like the sect of the Nazarem..." “ Sooraye ” is a corruption of the word athoorayc (Assyrian), the same as Othman is corrupted by the Turks into Osman, and turned into English as Ottoman. The th as in three is turned into v, as it is now pronounced by different Biblical nationalities, such as the Yezeedees, Coords, and Persians.
The Chaldeans, both as a nation and a sect, have been mentioned by different writers from time to time, namely—Herodotus,
* Acts xxiv, 5.
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Xenephon, Josephus, Bar Hebraeus, Assemani, and the modern geographers ; and the Arab historians, in particular, allude to Assyria as Athoor, on the eastern side of the Tigris, where Nineveh is situated. The Chaldeans of the present day, therefore, are considered also Assyrians from the country they inhabit; and with regard to their language they have always retained the Aramaic dialect, which is called in the Targum, Daniel, and Ezra, Chaldee, but is known in Europe as Syriac. The word Syriac, or Siryanee, is applied by them to the characters used by the so-called Syrians or Jacobites. It is true there is very little difference between the Chaldean and the Syriac, but the dissemblance is marked in the formation of the letters, and tin* pronunciation of a number of words like Yegar-sahadutha* (heap of witness), Maran-atha f (our Lord’s coming), Abba J (father), Talitha (damsel), Maria (Lord), Allaha (Cod), which the Syrians pronounce Yogor Sohodotho, Morenotho, Obbo, Tolitho, Morio, and Olloho.
Formerly the Syrians of Mesopotamia, who were of the same descent as the Chaldeans, spoke their language and wrote like them ; but in the thirteenth century Bar-Hebrzeus, a promoter of the Jacobites, wishing to make a thorough distinction between the writing of the Monophysites and that of the so-called Nestorians, on a< count of the bitter doctrinal antagonism which existed between those two sects, changed the characters and vowel points. The Chaldean I’ and A were changed into F and O respectively; and if we refer to Holy Writ, whether Hebrew or Creek, including the Septuagint, it will be found that the present Chaldeans keep to the old pronunciation.
There is no doubt that the Nestorians of the highland and the lowland of Assyria were of the same origin as the Chaldeans of Mossul; Baghdad, and Diarbekir; but socially speaking they do not stand on the same footing, because, while the former, with few exceptions, are rural and of the peasant class, the latter are cultured and stand in a higher status of society.
There can be no better proof of a people’s nationality than the language, homestead, and history ; and certainly no nation in the world has a better claim to Assyrian and Chaldean descent than the Chaldeans of Assyria and Mesopotamia. Their language has always been Chaldee, though Arabic is now the common language
* Genesis xx.vi, 47. + Mark xiv, 36.
t 1 Cor. xvi, 22. § Mark v, 41.
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of the country7, which was adopted in the time of the Arab conquest. Their country was known formerly as Assyria, and history has always pointed to that country as being the fatherland of the Chaldeans and Assyrians. Xenephon mentions in his Cyclopaedia that when he passed through the mountainous regions of Assyria and Media he met with three nationalities, namely,—the Carduchi (Coords), Armenians, and Chaldeans ; and at the present time these three distinct peoples are found in the same country. No one doubts that the two former are remnants of those mentioned by Xenephon, yet the third, who are now styled vulgarly, in a religious sense, “Nestorians,” must have no nationality of their own, because, forsooth, some foreign travellers took it into their heads to attach to them a strange term as Nestorians, which is merely a nickname like Lutheran or Wesleyan. In the greater part of Assyria Chaldee is spoken ; but in Mesopotamia the common language is Arabic; and each of the different Christian communities retains its mother tongue in its church services and ecclesiastical correspondence. So also in Syria, the Holy Land, and Egypt, like the Greeks, Armenians and Copts ; but all official communications are carried on in Turkish. It is very remarkable that the present Chaldeans are called both Chaldeans and Assyrians, and their ancient national language is Aramean or Chaldee, derived, as that of the Hebrews, from Aram, one of the sons of Shem. There is no doubt their origin came from Arpachshad, Asshur, and Aram, mentioned in the 22nd verse of the tenth chapter of Genesis. When and how the affinity and amalgamation came into existence in ancient time must be left to conjecture, but there is one thing certain, that in accordance with Semitic custom, when people intermarried with a different nationality, they adopted the name on the mother side; and it may be that the Arpachshadites at one time or other intermarried with the Arameans, from whom they obtained their present language.
The habits, customs, and dress in biblical lands have undergone a great change, except amongst the Arabs, during the last fifty years. The higher class of Christians have adopted the European costume, and the French and English languages are being cultivated, especially the former, on account of the number of schools opened by the Vatican Missions. Formerly in most places, particularly in Syria, degrading restrictions were imposed upon the Jews and Christians in their attire; and at one time, in a large number of cities, no Christian or Jew was allowed to ride a horse, and if they 89 . G
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rode donkeys, as their lot, they were compelled to dismount when they passed a Moslem of rank or the precincts of a religious place. The ladies, too, have changed, in a great measure, their primitive costumes, and taken to European apparel. They even go so far as to wear gloves, laced boots, and complete their attire by carrying sunshades ! The nomad Arabs and Coords, on the contrary, keep to their old costumes, which I think have not seen much change from primitive time. The food of the Coords and Arabs, and the 'lower classes of the inhabitants of biblical lands, has not changed much, as the “savoury meat ” which Isaac desired Esau, his son, to prepare for him, is still a standing dish amongst the primitive inhabitants of the land.
The Arabs, especially the women, still go about without wearing drawers, as the custom used to be amongst the ancients like Noah* and the Israelites.! Amongst both Christians, Hebrews, and Moslems, it is a sin to enter any place,of worship with their shoes on, as they adhere to God’s command to Moses at the burning bush,! though the former and the Jews are now following the European habit of performing their religious rites with their dirty shoes and boots on. It is a notable fact that up to the present day all Moslems, whether Turks, Arabs, Persians, or Indians, conform to the same divine command by taking their boots and shoes off when they perform their worship, though they are quite ignorant of the origin of the ceremony.
The ancient custom of washing the stranger’s feet is not practised now in biblical lands, but it is in vogue in Abyssinia. Generally speaking those who perform this duty are females, but I was one of those few who preferred to do the necessary ablution for myself.
I'he ancient biblical habits still exist in Mespotamia, amongst both Christians and Moslems, of rending their garment § at a calamity, or grief or anger; smiting upon the breast|| at prayer or supplication; bowing their heads to the ground in the act of worship^ or homage**; throwing dust on their heads, and covering
* Genesis, ix, 21. t Exodus xx, 26. * Exodus, iii, 5.
§ 2 Sam. xiii, 19. II Luke, xviii, 13 T Genesis, xvii, 3.
** Ruth, ii, 10. This kind of homage can also be noticed on the black obelisk found by Sir Henry Layard at Nimroud, where the ambassador of King Ahab is seen falling on his face before Shalmaneser. It is also remarkable that all Mohammedan worshippers, when praying, have to go down on their knees and touch the ground with their foreheads.
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it with their hands in great affliction * and such like misfortune.
It was prophesied by Nahum (ii, 7) respecting the destruction of Ninevah thus: “And Huzzab shall be led away captive, she shall be brought up, and her maids shall lead her as with the voice of doves, tabering upon their breasts.” This kind of lamentation is most scrupulously practised in the Irack (Babylonia) by the Sheea sect of the Moslems, when the anniversary of the murder of their patron saint Hosain is commemorated. I have seen blood gushing out from the wounds caused by the severe tabering on the breasts of young men when they were bewailing the historical tragedy.
The most remarkable observance which still exists amongst the Arabs is the “covenant of salt,” as it prevailed with biblical nationalities in primitive time. We find it was a divine ordinance amongst the Israelites to celebrate their heave offerings with salt.! In writing to Artaxerxes, King of Persia, of their fidelity to him, the governors beyond the Euphrates tell him thus : “ Because we eat the salt of the palace it was not meet for us to see the king’s dishonour, therefore have we sent and certified the king."!
I must end by relating a quaint story which happened to a friend at Aden, the Arabian British settlement, when I was acting as first assistant political resident there. He was looked upon with great veneration by all Arabs of Arabia Felix, not only on account of his sainted ancestors, but for his piety and influence in the country, which reminded me of the trick played upon Jacob by Laban. His name was Seyyid Alowi Alaidroos, the chiefest amongst the Aden Arabs, and he having heard that the Sultan of Lahaj had two handsome sisters, contracted to marry the youngest, who was reported to him to be the best looking of the two. Of course, according to the custom of the notable Arab families of that country he was not privileged to see his betrothed, but trusted to the praises and commendations of his female friends who, I have no doubt, related to him everything about her, even to her graceful walk and sweet sounding voice. Her brother consented to the marriage, and when the happy day came and the wedlock ceremony was performed, he found that instead of the damsel he chose, the elder one was given to him. Il can well be imagined in what a state my friend
* 2 Samuel xiii, 19. + Lev. ii, 13,and Numbers, xviii, 19.
J Ezra, iv, 14.
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got into when he found the unexpected change. When he remonstrated with his brother-in-law for the trick he had played him, he was told that it was contrary to Arab rule to marry the younger before the elder, but he promised him, after he would fulfil her month, to let him have her sister, which he did. I am glad to say that my friend was quite satisfied and lived a happy life with the two sisters afterwards, and the two damsels were in like manner elated at having a distinguished descendant of the prophet Mohammed as their lord and master.
There also occurred another biblical incident in my time in Abyssinia, illustrating king Saul’s capricious behaviour with regard to the re-marriage of his daughter Michal, the wife of David, when the latter had to flee from the fury of the former (1 Sam. xxv, 44). When Menelik, the present Emperor of Abyssina, was a semi-captive with King Theodore, the latter gave him his daughter in marriage; but, on finding that his father-in-law was getting more cruel every day, and his best friends were not safe from his inhuman deeds, he deemed it prudent to decamp. When Theodore learnt of his son-in-law’s escape, he at once re-married his daughter to another favourite courtier.
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remonstrated with his broth him, he was told that it wz -
younger before the elder, but her month, to let him have h say that my friend was quite the two sisters afterwards, an< elated at having a distingui hammed as their lord and m;
There also occurred an< Abyssinia, illustrating king S; to the re-marriage of his dat the latter had to flee from tl When Menelik, the present F with King Theodore, the latt but, on finding that his fatht day, and his best friends we deemed it prudent to decam
qwp ................. 1 1 '* 11" :
i
Military Inftitutions
. ■ ° F • «
V E G E T I U S,
ICO'
IN FIVE BOOKS,
Tranflated from the Original
LATIN.
With a Preface and Notes.
By Lieutenant John Ci arke.
LONDON:
Printed for the Author, And Sold by W. Griffin, io Catharine-Street.
M DCC LXVIL
/ ? ^ 7.
P R E F A C E.
have been thofe who made the Ancients their Study, and formed themfelves on their Model. The Works of Turenne, Montecubulli, Folard, &c. evince the Efteem and Value thofe great Men entertained for the military Writings of the Ancients: and it is well known, that the Prince of Orange, the Prince of Parma, and the Marquis of Spinola, formed all their Sieges, wherein they diftinguiffied themfelves fo much, after i Csefar’s Siege of Alefia. Many other fimilar Inftances will occur on the leaft Reflexion. There are many ufeful Maxims in our Author’s fourth Book relative to Sieges, the Branch in
i which the Invention of Fire-Arms feems to have occafioned thegreaieft Alterations. The Long-Bow, the Sling, and the various Kinds of miffive Weapons, were perhaps not at all inferior to our Small-Arms; and the Baliftae, Catapult®, Onagri, and Scorpions, were as terrible and: deftruftive as our Cannon.
That my Intentions may not be miftaken, I think it proper to mention, that what I have laid is in Order to fhew that Claffical Learning is as neceflary in the Profeffion of Arms, as in any other whatfoever; and that the Study of the ancient military Writers is effentially requifite. The Affinity, to fay nothing more, of ancient and modern Difcipline confirms this Obfervation:
» and as our prefent Syftem is fo nearly copied from Antiquity ,
PREFACE.
xi
Antiquity, there is all the Reafon imaginable to believe that many other important and fer-viceable Inftihitions might ftill be introduced into the Service by a careful and judicious Examination of its valuable Remains. Xenophon, » Polybius, Caefar, and Vegetius, will always afford fufficient Employmentfor a military Man, I know not whether the military Science has not fuffered more by the Lofs of the greateft Part of the Works of Polybius, than it ever can retrieve by the other Authors now extant. His Differ-tations on the Roman Caftrametation, and on the Macedonian Phalanx, make us but too fen-fible of the Lofs we have fuftained. His Abilities as an Hiftorian and a Statefman, are great; but when he fpeaks of military Affairs, he exceeds himfelf: nor can it be wondered at, as by his Precepts and Inftrudions, he formed the greateft General of the Age, Scipio Africanus. Vegetius excepted, the ancient Writers, whofc Works are extant, have handled only particular Branches. TEneas treats only of the Defence of Places; Hyginus of Caftrametation -, Frontinus and Poly re n us of Stratagems; Arrian and TElian of the Grecian Tadics. Thefe are all very valuable Works: there are fome others of later Ages, as theTreatifesof the Emperors Leo and i Mauritius. We find the Names of Stratocles, Hermias, Cineas the Theffalian, Pyrrhus King of Epirus, Alexander his Son, Clearchus, Pau-b 2 fanias
§4 MILITARY INSTITUTIONS
The larger thefe Engines are, the greater Dif-tance they carry, and with the greater Force. They are ufed not only to defend the Intrench-ments of Camps, but are alfo placed in the Field in the Rear of the heavy-armed Infantry; and fuch is the Violence with which they throw the « Darts, that neither the Cuirafles of the Horfe nor Shields of the Foot can refift them. The Number of thefe Engines in a Legion is fifty five. Befides thefe, are ten Onagri, one for each Cohort; they are drawn ready-armed on Carriages by Oxen: in Cafe of an Attack they defend the Works of the Camp, by throwing Stones, as the Balifhe do Darts. The Legion carries with it a Number of fmall Boats, each hollowed out of a fingle Piece of Timber, with long Cables and fometimes Iron Chains, to faften them together: thefe Boats, * joined and covered with Planks, ferve as Bridges over unfordable Rivers, on which both Cavalry and Infantry pafs without Danger. It is provided with Iron Hooks called Wolves, and Iron Scithes fixed to
what Vegetius exprefsly fays in the thirteenth Section of th:s Book, that each Mefs confifted of ten Men, and the Alteiation fo flight, that I have admitted it without Scruple. Befides, it is moft likely that a complete File, commonly fuppofed to have confifted of ten Men, who lay in the fame Tent, was allotted for the Service of the Engine.
* Thefe Boats.] Orig. Monoxyli; a Greek Word figni-fying the fame Thing.
the
B. II.] OFVEGETIUS. '
the Ends of long Poles ; and with Forks, Spades, Shovels, Pickaxes, Wheelbarrows, andBafkets, for digging and tranfporting Earth; together with Hatchets, Axes, and Saws, for cutting and fawing Palifades, and all Kinds of Wood. Be-fides which, a Train of Workmen attend on it furnifhed with all Inftruments neceflary for the Conftruftion of Tortoifes, Mufculi, Rams, Vines, moving Towers, and other Machines for the Attack of Places. As the Enumeration of all the Particulars of this Sort would be too tedious, I (hall only obferve that the Legion fhould carry with it, wherever it moves, whatever is neceflary for every Kind of Service, that the Encampments may have all the Strength and Conveniences of a fortified City.
END OF BOOK II.
no MILITARY INSTITUTIONS
the Bottom and floored with Planks: or on a fudden Emergency, by faftening together a Number of empty Calks, and covering them with Boards. The Cavalry, throwing off their Accoutrements, makefmall Floats of dry Reeds or Ruffes, on which they lay their Arms and Cui-, i rafles to preferve them from being wet: they themfclves fwim their Horfes crofs the River, and draw the Floats after them by a leathern Thong. But the moft commodious Invention is that of the finall Boats, hollowed out of one Piece of Timber, and very light both by their Make and the Quality of the Wood: the Army always has a Number of thefe Boats, upon Carriages, together with a fufficient Quantity of Planks andiron Nails; and thus, with the Help of Cables to lafli the Boats together, a Bridge is inftantly conftrucled, which for the Time has the Solidity of a Bridge of Stone. As the Enemy generally endeavor to fall upon an Army at the Paffage of a River either by Surprife or Ambufcade, it is neceffary to fecure both Sides thereof by ffrong Detachments, that the Troops may not be attacked and defeated while fepara-ted by the Channel of the River: but it is ilill fafer to palifade both the polls, which will enable you to fuftain any Attempt without much Lofs. If the Bridge is wanted, not only for the prefent Tranfportation of the Troops, but alfo fortheir Return, and for Convoys, it will be proper to throw
B.IIL] OF VEGETl U.S, in
throw up Works with large Ditches to cover each Head of the Bridge, with a fufficient Number of Men to defend them as long as the Cir-cumftances of Affairs require.
* Having thus explained the Order of Marches, vin. Rules we now come to the Defcription of the Camp. ing an At-An Army on a Route cannot exped always to my‘ find walled Cities for Quarters, and it is very imprudent and dangerous to encamp in a ftrag-ling Manner without fome Sort of Intrenchment: it being an eafy Matter to furprife Troops while refrefhing themfelves, or difperfed in the different Occupations of the Service. The Darknefs of Night, the Neceffity of Sleep, and the Dif-perfion of the Horfes at Failure, afford Opportunities of Surprife. A good Situation for a Camp is not fufficient, we muft chufe the very beft that can be found, left, having omitted to occupy a more advantageous Poll, the Enemy fhould get Pofleffion of it to our great Detriment. An Army fhould not encamp in Summer near bad Waters, or far from good ones: nor in Winter in a Situation without Plenty of Forage and Wood : the Camp fhould not be liable to fudden Inundations ; nor the Avenues too fteep or too narrow, left, if invefted, the Troops
* This Section in the Original begins, Confequens vi-detur, Itineris Obfervatione defcripta, ad Caftrorum (in quibus manendum eft) venire Rationem. Non enim, &c.
fhould
u6 MILITARY INSTITUTIONS
left for the worfted Army. Every Plan, therefore, is to be confidered, every Expedient tried, and every Method taken, before Matters are brought to this laft Extremity. Good Officers decline general Engagements, where the Danger is common, and prefer the Employment of Stratagem and Fineffe, to deftroy the Enemy as much as poffible in Detail, and intimidate them without expofing their own Forces. I (hall in-fert fome neceffary Inftruftions on this Head collected from the ancients. It is the Duty and Intereft of a General frequently to affemble the moft prudent and experienced Officers of the different Corps in the Army, and confult with them on the State both of his own and the Enemy’s Forces: all Adulation, as moft pernicious in its Confequences, muft be baniffi-ed from the Deliberations: he muft examine which has the Superiority in Number; whether his or the Adverfary’s Troops are beft armed ; which are in beft Condition, beft difei-plined, and moft refolute in Emergencies. The State of the Cavalry of both Armies muft be enquired into, and more efpecially that of the Infantry, wherein confifts the main Strength of an Army. With refpe
summa semidiame-trum, umbrae 47 43 et lunae 16 12.
C D Integra duratio hor. 3 24 20.
E B media mora 51 12.
B F idem.
integra mora hor. 1 42 24.
III. Primus usus huius deliquii lunaris est certa indicatio anni, quo memoratus cupite praecedenti cometa comparuit ait Pachymeres eodem anno quo post acquinoctium autumnale visus
796
OBSERVAT. PACHYJIEli.
cometes fuerat, mense lanuario conspectam eclipsim lunae. sen-bit et numerat more Graecorum. hi enim mundi annos, qua aera vulgo utebantur, a Septembri mense inchoabant. unde non est dubium quin per autumnum anni Christi 1301 nova ilia crinita stella conspecta in coelo fuerit; quin a vernis mensibus eiusdeiri anni ad flnem Septembris prodigiosa ilia, quam describit histori-cus extremo c. 14, exarserit coeli ariditas, prata et segetes plan-tasque omnis generis adurens, puteos quoque perennes et vivas uberrimorum fontium scaturigines ex sicca us. denique quod inter hate, hoc est circa hoc tempus, contractual historicus memorat p. 304 v. 3, Michaelis despotae cum Terteris fill a a crale Serbiac repudiate connubium, ad hunc quoque ipsurn 1301 Christi annum baud dubie pertinere putandpm est. et confirmatur idem characters chronologico, quo anterius narrata superion anno Christi trecentesimo supra millesimum vindicantur, refert siquidem Pachymeres p, 302 v. 8 patriarcham loannem Cosmam se contulisse ad Andronicum imperatoreni, et cum eo simul ad Palaeologorum mo-nasterium ivisse die 25 Octobris, quae tunc numerata fuerit feria hebdomadis tertia. nempe anno Christi 1300 bissextili cyclusso-P 577 lis 21 literas dominicalcs habet duas, C et B, quaruin posterior cum insigniens 23 Octobris diem ostendat earn illo anno domini-cam fuisse, demonstrat pariter 25 eiusdem mensis fuisse feriani tertiam. ac quia caelera eventa turn ante turn post istam eclipsim ea fere qua gesta suut serie in hac historia refcruntur, eorum ferine omnium verum tempus ex hac coelesti nota designari posset ; quod facili experimento demonstrarem, si tanti esset in iis immorari diutius. sufliciat quod in eo genere ad lectoris solatium conati sunius capite ultimo huius Observationum libri tertii, ubi plera-que libris septem Pachymerianae de rebus Andronici historiae de-scripta sub unum velut aspectuni in annos digesta coniecimus. est tamen ex istis eventis unum paulo intricatius implicatione casuum et ambiguis affirmationibus auctoris, quam ut reliuqui a nobis, evolvere perplexitates chronologicas hoc loco professis, in tactuni debeat, esto igitur id argumentum capitis sequeutis.
CAPUT VI.
lutricatae rationes tempprum circa Hont-crii ac Caltlauvi um res et acta explicantur.
I. Quae tribus ultimis libris huius historiae de Rontzerio, Pharenda Tzime, Mpyrigerio Tentza et quibusdam aliis Latinis du-cibus, turn de militibus quibus praeerant, Catelanis et Amogaba-ris, primum auxiliaribus infidis, deiude feris hostibus Andronici et Romanorum, refcruntur, haud satis dilucide ordinata sunt ab historic©, vel sub fiuern longi et laboriosi operis ftsso, vel ob in-
LIB. HI. CHRONOLOGICUS. 7fi7
dignationem in Catelanos et duces eoruin^ propter atrodsnma* in suam gentem iniurias, numquam fere sine indicio perturbation!* ex vehement! odio eorum record ante, ideoque imperfecte defungen te distinctione et explicatione necessaria. huic ut pro virili medeamur incommodo, in gratiam lectori* studiosi confusam istam congeriem hie evolvere, et chronologica methodo suis acta eiu*-modi et events singula alligarc epochis aggredimur, initio a prima Rontzerii et Catelanorum e Sicilia in terras Orientaiis imperii evo-catione ducto.
If. Narrat 1. 5 c. 12 Pachymeres : imperatorem parum praesidii adversus Peis arum irruptioncs in Orientales imperii re-giones in Romana militia repcrientem, ideoque respicere coactum externa auxilia, primuni Pharendam Tzimem cum manu mi li turn, quos e sibi subditis armaverat, suppetias nitro venientem grate excepisse; ac practere: oflerentem se ad idem per literas Rontzerium amplis conditionibus invitasse, quibus ille permotus postea cum magno navali exCrcitu venerit Constantinopolim. istius An-dronicum inter et Rontzerium per literas invicem scriptas initae stipulataeque conventionis tempus non diseite notatum a nostro historico, ex causa, qua inductum ad earn tractationem Rontzerium ait, divinandum est, scribit autern ille Rontzerium ex mi-lite templi post captam ab Aethiopibus (hoc est Saracenis duce Sul la ne Aegypti Melee Seraf dicto) Ptolcmaidem, ditissimam et munitissimam urbem Phoeniciae (quod anno Christi 12^1 die 18 vel, ut alii, 19 Maii contigisse accurate Spondanus illo anno do-cct ex scriptoribus illorum temporum) manu coliecta sibi obno-xiorum, quae»tuosam aliquandiu per ilia maria piraticam fecisse, partisque rnagnis opibus ducem iam classis validae Friderico Sicilian! obtinenti (Theuderichum hunc perperam vocat Pachymeres) militarem longo tempore certi pactione stipendii operam navasse, p 578 hello quod ille adversus ecclesiam rebellis contra Carolum gerebat Apuliae regem. caeterum hoc tandem hello nuptialibus conditionibus dirempto, quibus Ecaterina regis Caroli filia reg is Siculi fratri collocata sit, Rontzerium liaerere amplius in Sicilia non valen-tem, quod eum Romanns pontifex dedi sibi puniendum a rege Si-culo poscebat, pactum de quo diximus iniisse cum Andronico.
III. Ita ibi Pachymeres, in rebus quae de alienis terris aut gentibus obiter memorat, suo more balbulicns. voluit enim sine dubio illic indicare paccm lactam anno Christi 1302 inter Carolum regem Neapolis et Fridericum in Sicilia dominantem, qua nor. Ecaterina sed Eleonora regis Caroli filia, non fratri regis Siculi sed ipsi Friderico desponsa coniux est, prout Fridericus ipse atle-statur in instrumento conventionis istius publice per ipsuin edilo ad Castrum Novum die 19 mensis Augusli anno Christi 1302, in-dictione 15, quod totum iccitat Odoricus Rainaldus eo Annali, unde manifestum est ab illo iam tempore institui coeptum esse
798
OBSERVAT. PACHYMER.
tracts turn inter absentes, bine Rontzerium inde Andronicum im-peratorem, de auxiliari classe ab illo ad banc adducenda. sane praesens status rerum impellere vehementer Andronicum ad ad-mittendum oblatum auxilium debuit: eo quippe anno Michael Augustus junior eius iilius omnes secutn imperii copias ductans tergum inhoneste Persia verterat, fugaque praecipiti se incluserat Magnesiae, ubi et deserebatur a militibus et omnium rerum extrema laborabat inopia, cui subvenire Andronicus pater cummaxime cuperet, obstaculis ineluctabilibus prohibebatur, prout prius narra-verat ipse Pachymeres 1. 4 c. 18, consequenter inde referens mi-serrimam desolalionem omnium imperii regionum per illos Orientates tractus ex his secutam, praesertim post novam et luculen-tam eladem Romanorum duce Muzalone hetacriarcha, die 27 lulii circa Bapheum prope Nicomediam a Persis duce Atmane illatam, quae I. 4 c. 25 describitur. extremis ergo mensibus an. 1302 et primis anni sequentis 1308 fuit conventio ista commeantibus nitro citroque nuntiis conclusa; rursusque aliquot inde mensibus in classis apparatu impensis, tandem ea mense Septembri Constan-tinopolim appulit.
IV. Mense inquam Septembri anni Christi 1803, diserte si-quidem attestatur Pachymeres p. 393 v. 6, insecuto mox Septembri, post mensem Augustum cuius die octavo terrae motus incepit quo subversa est Rhodus, appulisse Rontzerium Constantinopolim cum classe auxiliari, indictionc secunda. verba eius sunt: xetta tov ini tovtg) rafiqkiava Sivripag in ivt pi] Gt log tlStv if Xcovtfrav-tivov net}, tov Aarlvov 'PovTtegiov. Gamelion, hoc est usu perpe-tuo Pachymeris September, indictionis secundae, est sine ullo du-bio September a quo incepit more Graecorum numerari Indictio secunda. indictiones autem, quas Latini a kalendis lanuariis nu-merare incipimus, Graeci semper a quarto retro mense inchoanl, unde et initium ducunt annorum aerae suae a mundi principio juxta calculos ipsorum. unde cum viderimus superius n. 3 Fridericum literas publicas, quibus pacem a se cumCarolo rege Neapolis initam promulgavit, consignasse anno Christi 1302, die 19Augusti, indi-ctione 15, intelligere debemus fuisse ilium annum ultimum cycli indictionis compleclentis nnnos quindecim, ita ut Septembri post ilium Augustum mox secuto Graeci numerarc primam indictio-nem coeperint, Latini vero id facere distulerint usque ad primum diem lanuarii sequentis, quo Christi annus 1303 calculo ipsoruin est initus. rursus huius anni Christi 1303 mense Septembri Graeci secundam indictionem numerarunt, dum Latinis indictio adhuc prima per spatium quadiimestre curreret. nec aims ab hoc September indictione secunda Graecis insignia reperiri hoc tractu temporuin potest, nisi quis retrocedat annis quindecim ad annum P 579 Christi 1288, aut progredialur pari spatio consequentis temporis usque ad annum aerae Christianae 1318, quorum item annorum
LIB. III. CHRONOLOGICUS.
799
duorum mense Septembri spud Graecos devr/pct btivipTjdif secun-da indictio numerari coepta est. quam vero est manifestum ad neutrum illorum annorum pertinere potuissc appulsum Rontzeria-nac classis Constan tinopolim, tarn certum haberi debet ilium ease assignandum mensi Septembri anni Christi 1303.
V. At ecce hoc assertum tam diserta Pachymeris affirma-tione cons ti Lu Lum contrario eiusdem testimonio evertitur. scribit ille in bunc modum p. 561 v. 13. ambobus iam iinperatoribus, seniori quidem terlium et vicesimum, iuniori autem duodccimum annum imperii evolvi contigit, quando etc. eventa varia me-inorat, quae in ilium inciderunt arliculnm temporis, quo Andronici annus imperii 23, Michaelis autem eius filii 12 evoluti erant, hoc est, expleti numerabantur, sequenlibus iam inchoatis. inter alia vero istius generis eventa paulo post rcccnset inclusionem Michaelis Augusti iunioris intra Didymotichum, munitam arcem, in qua se necessario continebat, quod milites Romani, quibus praeerat, frac Li animis ob acceptas clades, inde progredi et os hostibus ob-vertere non auderent. liostes hie non alios intelligere historicus quam Catelanos potest, cl ipse slatim dare de iis se loqui demonstr at, dum continue subiungit Andronicum experimentis evidetiti-bus persuasum, vinci non posse Marte aperto suorum arm is Catelanos, alias eorum debilitandorum aut alliciendorum ad conven-iiones pacis rationes iniisse. dadcs igitur, quarum Pachymeres hie meminit Romanis mililibus exercitus, cui Michael iuriior Augustus in Occiduo traclu praeerat, a Catelanis illatarum, non aliae fuerint quam quas idem retulit 1. 6 c. 30 et libri eiusdem c. 32, quorum in priori narrat progressum contra Catelanos aliquanto post necem Ronlzerii Caesaris, Adrianopoli Painphylum usque, Michaelem Augustum iuniorem, cum toto Romano exercitu, partem huius sub tribus ducibus, Duca Umpertopuio et Bossila, contra Calliopolim misisse, ubi Calelani et Amogabari suas copias ha-bebant: sed hi obiecla Romanis armentorum praeda, cum sic eorum ordines solvissent, immisso in discursantes inordinate equi-tatu fudcrunl eos fugaruntque, ducentis intcrfectis, vulneratis ipsis ducibus. posteriori autem loco, nempe 1. 6 c. 32, idem historicus fuse describit commissum postea a Michaelc Augusto, digestis in aciem universis Romanis copiis, adversus Catelanos praelium, co successu ut Romanus quidem exercitus fug at us, ipse vero Michael fortiler pugnans pericliLatus de vita fuerit, el vix de-nique fuga ipse quoque scrvalus Pamphylum primum se receperit; paulo vero post, iuxta ea quae deinde c. 1 1. 7 noster idem auclor tradit, Didymotichum sc transtulerit, ubi exanimalas metu ex cla-dibus acceptis Romanas copias intra muros munitac arcis conti-nertf cogebalur. id porro si contigit quando evolvebatur aut po-tius evolutus iam erat annus imperii Andronici xiccsimus tertius Michaelis duodecimus, oportuit sine dubio conlingere anno Christi
800
OBSERVAT. PACHYMER.
1806: tunc enim Andronicus, cui primus a patris morte imperii annus fuit 1283, vicesimum tertium principatus annum absolverat et vicesimum quartum inchoaverat, Michael vero, cuius primus aiuius imperii cum patris undecimo Christi 1293 concurrit, principatus duodecimum annum evolverat, decimum tertium iniverat.
VI. Atqui cum hoc quidem constare ncquit quod Pachymeres ex publicae memoriae conscicntia, tarnquam certissimum et a se visum, asseverat, Rontzerium mense Septembri secundae indi-ctionis appulisse Conslantinopolim. hoc nunc demonstratur ex serie ac nexu rerum intervallisque temporum diserte memoratis a Pachymere. Rontzerius Septembri/secundae indictionis, hoc est an.Chr. 1303, in urbem appulsus.ab Andronico magnifice excipi-tur, magnus dux creatur, uxorem ducit imperatoris neptem, Cyzi-cum in hiberna missus in digressu ab urbe a Genuensibus oppu-P 580 gnatur. haec narrata 1. 5 c. 14 facile reliquum anni 1303 exple-verint. igitur circa initium anni Christi 1304 excepti a Cyzicenis Catelani uberi et copioso hospitio, nihil minus cogitarunt quam cuius causa missi erant, Persas ulterioribus imperii provinciis in-festos oppugnalum ire. itaque perstiterunt a \>ere illic ad Arctic— rum, ut scribit Pachymeres, hoc est ab Aprile ad Septembrem^ quo mense oritur Arcturus stella undecim diebus ante aequino-ctium autumni. verba sunt Plinii 1. 2 c. 47. iis verbis signiiicat historicus uni versa in eos tempestatem aptam expeditionibus in sta-tivis consunipsisse, non tarn desidendo, quod ipsum esset flagitio-sum, quam depraedationibus ebrietatibus extorsionibus stupris et nullo non iniuriarum maxime intolerabilium genere miserrimos ho-spites vexando. quae scelera non ferens Pharenda Tzimes unus e Latinis du ci bus, pars militiae istius, sed non subiectus Rontzerio, at sibi proprie auctoratos milites ductans, una cum iis recessit pa-triam repetens, ut tradit Pachymeres 1.5 c. 14. ea aestate per totam passim Orientalein imperii ditionem licentissime Pcrsae bar-bari agebant ferebantque cuncta; quod fuse describitur a nostro 1. 5 c. 21. quare solicitati Rontzeriani, ut suppetias oppressis ac-currerent, cum ab aliis turn a Marule imperatorio duce, qui cum aliquibus Romanis copiis admixtus Catelanis Cyzici degebat, variis semper praetextibus profectionem diflerebant. et cum ipse Marnies cum suis, frustra invitato Rontzerio, adversus provectos in viciniam hostes movens prospere pugnasset, praeda quam de Persia ipse et eius milites tulerant, redeunti a Catelanis est extorta. cum propter haec et multa talia in aula nuntiata gravi Rontzeriani infamia apud imperatorem laborarent, pro feet us in urbem sub anni finem, ut videtur, Rontzerius facile omnia credulo ct sibi addicto Andronico purgavit; grandemque ab eo pecuniam accepit in stipendia, ut aiebat, Alanorum, quos etiam admixlos suis Cyzici habebat, expendendam; et promissa ingcnlis alterius summae ex collalione tributorum intra quadragesimum hide diem nume-
LIB. m. CHRONOLOGICUS.
801
randae, prout ex fide factum est. sicque onustus thesauris Ron-tzerius ad suos rediit circa initium veris an. 1305, ut apparet, mox videlicet, uti sperabat imperator, eos contra Persas ducturns, ver uni interim non pauci e Catelanis, convasata in naves praeda quam Cyzici et locis circumvicinis Romanos diripiendo corrase-rant, domos proprias iniussu repetierunt inde secuta stipendio-rum per Rontzerium iniqua divisio est, Italis large donatis, Alanis maligne aspersis imperatoria pecunia. liinc inter Iios et ilios ortae simultates diu suspicionibus odiisque rixisque inter ipsos mutuis exercitae sunt, per haec detrectata variis elusionibus in huius quoque anni aestatem expeditio in Persas est, Catelanis sta-tiva commoda relinquere nolentibus, quantumvis urgente ijnpera-tore; quern maxime premebat obsideri coepta, Alisyrae Persae sa-trapae validis copiis, Philadelphia; quod sub autumnum an. 1305 evenisse crediderim.
VII. Iniit annus Christi 1306, quando solicitus imperator pro Philadelphia iam acri fame laborante, frustra per missos et li-teras expertus duobus primis mensibus emoliri Cyzico Rontzerium, mense terlio socrum eius Irenen, Asanis viduam, sororem suam, ad eum allegavit nave celeri, quod factum ait Pachymeres p. 421 v. 21 coepta iam hebdomada maiore sub finem Martii zrjg (itydkijt ipSopabos xatakaPovoqG, Kqovlov prjvdg lijyovrog, haec chara-cterem certum habent huius anni Christi 1306, quo Pascha inci-dit in diem 3 Aprilis; nec convenire superior! possunt, qui Pascha habuit die Aprilis decima quarta, unde finis Martii hebdomadam maiorem nequivit attingere. nihil omisit artis et industriae Irene ad persuadendum Rontzerio ut contra Persas tenderet. sed Cate-lani praetextus quaerebant haerendi loco sibi grato; interimque superbissime insultantes Alanis, in ipsos periurgia minatos, gras-satione nocturna irruunt; unde atroci commissa pugna vincuntur Alani, filio du cis ipsorum Georgi occiso. sed postridie, quae fuit dies Aprilis nona, vicissim insurgentes Alani circiter trecentos e Catelanis peremerunt. placatis utcumque Alanis, mens? tandem p 581 Maio procedere coepit Rontzerianus exercitus e Romanis Catelanis Alanis constans. haec ex Pachymere constant 1. 4 c. 21. c. vero 23 idem memorat solutam Rontzerii adventu Philadelphiae obsi-dionem, commisso ad Aulacem praelio, ex quo vulneratus dux Persarum et Carmanorum Alisyras matura sibi fuga consuluit, Amurii suarum partium ducis castris se admovens. ex hoc suc-cessu late inclytus Rontzerius avarissime pecunias a Romanis ex-torquet, 1. 5 c. 26, partem praedae deponens apud fidam sibi, ut putabat, Magnesiam, cuius oecupatorem Attaleotam imperator! reconciliaverat. sed hoc ipso auctore Magnesienses in Rontzerium rebellant, et ab eo totis viribus nequidquam oppugnantur. Alani ex eius castris fugiunt, 1. 5 c. 31. Andronicus multis missis et literis frustra diu conatus Rontzerium a Magnesiae oppu-
Gcorgius Pachi/mcrcs II. 51
802
OBSERVAT. PACHY5IER.
gnatione avellere, tandem ei persuadet traiectum in Occiduum tra-ctum, ut ibi copias cum prius eo profecto Michaele Augusto iu-niore coniungeret. ergo ille cunctis Romanis regionibus qua-qua transiit vastatis, copias denique traducit partim Mitylene partim Lampsaco Madytum et in alia continents Occiduae loca, ubi Romanos hostiliter Catelani depracdati sunt, narrat haec Pachymeres 1. 6 c. 3. quae sine dubio pertinent ad Octobrem aut Novembrem anni Chr. 1306, quando nondum An-dronicus 24, Mickael 13 imperii annum expleverant. unde ulti-mum id tempus est quo verum esse potuit illud quod scribit noster in fronte libri septimi: ambobus iam imperatoribus, seniori quidem tertium et vicesimum, iuniori autem duodecimum annum imperii evoh'i contigit. progress! enim uterque multum erant in anno ille 24, Inc 13, sed neuter ilium absolverat: desi-nunt enim anni acque amborum cxtrcmo Decembri. usus ergo repetilione quadam est dum ista scripsit Pachymeres, et retro ex ea quam turn tractabat memoria resiliit, insignire, ut opinor, vo-lens verum initium belli Catelanici, quod si quis recte considcret, ex hoc tempore processit. etsi enim adhuc Rontzerius et eius mi-lites se stipendiaries imperii ferebant, tamen non dubie apertam defcctionem machinabantur, cuius certa indicia Gcnuenses degen-tes Galalae Andronico detulerunt, ut noster refert 1. 6 c. 6 et 9. et sane resid ipsae loquebantur: nam ex hoc praesertim tempore relictae oppugnationis Magnesiae nihil minus contumaciae in imperatorem, saevitiae in Romanos oinnes Catelani monstrarunt quam ipsi hostes Pcrsae barbari. ac quamquam cos Andronicus tractare adhuc ut socios pergebat, ignavo constriclus metu, tamen alter iniperator Michael pro veris cos, qualcs erant, palain habuit hostibus, adiungere illos sibi renuens iubente licet patre, et irruere in ipsos se paratum ferens, ut docet noster 1. 6 c. 3 et 13.
VIII. Verum quidem est geri coeptum a Catelanis in Romanos multo apertius et immanius belluni post necem Rontzerii, quae anno sequenti contigit. sed inde aliud non conlicitur nisi duo quasi fuisse initia Catelanici belli, quorum alterum ad autumnum anni Christi 1306, alterum ad ver anni 1307 pertinet. unde cre-dimUs Pachymcrem cum secundo referendo se accingeret, in ipso limine libri 7 prioris epocham ex retro actis retraxisse, eique men-tione coniunxisse eventa multa, quorum quaedam posterioris erant memoriae, et non ad annum Andronici 23 expletum, 24 curren-tem, Michaelis 12 expletum, 13 currentem, qui fuit Christi 1306, pertinebant, sed ad sequentem Chr. 1307, quo Andronicus 25, Michael 14 iniverant. liaec igitur solutio est obiectionis supcrius n. 5 propOsitae. concedo secuturum, quod opponitur, incommo-dum submotionis adventus in urbem Rontzerii retro in indictio-nem primam, si Michaelis Augusti duplex a Catelanis clades et inde sccnta eius intra Didymotichum inclusio in annum Andronici
LIB. m. CHRONOLOGICUS.
803
23 expletum, 24 inchoatum, Michaelis 12 evolutum, 13 inilum conveniret. nego autem id ita esse, et aio commemorari tempus illud ex transacts in emori a per anacephalaeosim; et ex multis p 582 eventis, quae simul ibi conglobantur, pleraque non illius esse anni, qui fuit, ut saepe dictum est, Christi 1306, sed sequentis 1307. nunc caetera quae ad Rontzerium pertinent reddamus.
IX. Satis diligens noster fuit in huius et promotione in Cac-sarcam dignitatem et caede non multo post secuta referendis, ad-iunctis etiam nolis temporis, sed quarum aliqua subobscura est. tradit Pachymeres p. 522 V. 4 Rontzerium ad se missa ab Andro-nico Caesareae dignitatis insignia induisse ac rile acclamatum Caesarem fuisse die qua Lazari resurrectio celebrabatur. hie dies in kalendario Graecorum est sabbatum contigue praecedens dominicam palmarum, porrn cum illo anno Chr. 1307 cyclum solis 28, lunae 15 numerante, dominica resurrectionis septiduo serior dominica palmarum incident in 26 Martii, sabbatum Lazari pri-dianum dominicac palmarum omnino fuerit 18 Martii dies, ad-iungit his noster historicus c. sequenti, hoc est p. 524 v. 12, novum Caesarem Rontzerium adeundum sibi putasse Michaelem Au-gustuni iuniorem, qui apud Adrianopolim castra habebat; prac-misisseque ideo ad ilium Asanem uxoris suae fratrem, a quo ait primum indicium venturi Rontzerii perlatum ad Michaelem die octava supra vicesimam Bo'edromionis. BoijSgopicovog toiyaqovv oyior] kijyovrog i]v. Boedromion alibi semper aPachymere dicitur Aprilis mensis. sed ne hie ita intelligatur, prohibet quod p. 525 v. 2 addit, quarta feria post hebdomadam Thomae admissum fuisse ab Augusto Caesarem. hebdomas Thomae est apud Graecos sine ullo dubio ea quae sequitur octavam Paschae, a nobis dictam in albis aut quasi modo • in qua dominica post Pascha prima Graeci item ut Latini, inter sacra i eci taut comma evangelii ex c. 20 Ioannis, quo narratur dubitatio Thomae apostoli de resurrectione Christi convicta curataque tactu sacrorum eius vulnerum, unde nomen hebdomadis Thomae contiguis isti dominicae diebus usu Graecorum adhaesit. manifestum porro est hebdomadam Thomae illo anno, qui, ut ostendimus, Pascha 26 Martii habuit, se-qui non potuisse diem 28 Aprilis. sed neque sequenti anno Christi 1308: nam hoc Pascha in Aprilis 14 incidit. igitur aliud quam Aprilem nomine Boedromionis hoc loco expressit Pachymeres, nec est novum ilium variare in appellationibus mensium, utpotc quern certo deprehenderimus lanuarium, quern solet vocare Hecatom-baeonem, aliquando Lenaeonem, appellasse, et Augustum, cui con-suevit Posideunis nomenclationem adaptare, semel designassc vo-cabulo Maemacterionis, quo alibi est solitus lunium exprimere. itaque necessario intelligendum Boedromionem nunc Pachymeri Martium dici. cuius die 28, tertia post Pascha feria, monitus de Rontzerii adventu Michael, ubi eum se beuevole excepturum de-
804
OBSERVAT. PACHYMER.
clarasset, dcdit se hie in viam, et nono ab hoc die , feria quarta hebdomadae Thomae, primae post Paschalem, admiasua eat. fait ea diea Aprilis quinta, sexta insequenti Caesar Rontzerius una cutn Augusto Michaele in urbein Adrianopolim solemni oc-cUrsu invehuntur. sed paulo post idem Caesar in limine cubiculi Augustae, quam salutatum ibat, ab Alanis necem filii Georgi Cyzici a Catelanis patratam ulciscentibus interfectus est, prout 1. 6 c. 24 distinctius narratur.
p 583 CAPUT Vil.
Quae Pachymeres in utraque parte huius historiae sparsim tradit de rebus et principibus Muguliorum , ex monument is Arabicis illustrata, ordine temporum digeruntur.
I. Muguliorum imperii late per Asiam ab anno Christi cir-citer ducentesimo supra millesimuin ad millesimum trecentesi-muin quadragesimum clari, sed quod iure nonnulli questi sunt, Graecis Latinisque scriptoribus nimis perfunctorie memorati, non facile quisquam alius horum temporum nola per Europam lingua USU8 historicus crebriorem distinctioremque suis scriptis mentionem inseruit quam Pachymeres hie noster. cui propterea illustrando addictam dudum habens operam, fugere salvo officio non potui, quin illigare certa ratione chronologies conarer quae varie illc ac confuse indicans passim de Muguliis plurima congeri t ; ad quod parum ulique subsidii in Graecis Latinisque histori-cis reperiens consulere sum Arabas coactus. ex his Gregorius Abulpharagius, Christianos auctor accurati Clironici, nuperex Arabico Latinitate donati atque utroque coniunctim idiomale Londini editi ab Eduardo Pocockio, in hoc de re literaria optime merito, me, quod grate faleor, iuvit insigniler. vixit et scripsit is chronographus, prout colligitur e variis eius operis loris, incipiente dominari Constantinopoli domo Palaeologa, sub primis eius nominis imperatoribus Michaele et Andronico seniore, quorum acta duorum Pachymerianae huius historiae voluminum argumentum sunt: scripsit autem et ad reruin vere geslarum exa-ctam indicationein et ad temporum ordinationem, quantum ex collatione cum oplimis quibusque explorare potui, tidelissime. quare accuratione quam praestat in iis quae possunt aiieno test i-monio coargui, diguus videtur cui tides secure habeatur in his quae aftirmat solus.
II. Hie igitur sui Clironici in Arabico quidem contextu p. 427, in Latina vero interpretatione p. 280, ait anno Hegirae 599, cuius initium fuit dies 20 Septembers in anno aerae nostrae Christi vulgaris 1202, coepisse imperium Mogulensium, desiisse autem imperium Praestciannis sive Presbyteri Ioannis. Joannes erat commune nomen principuni latissime quondam dominan-
LIB. UI. CHR0N0L0G1CUS.
805
tium super Scythas Asiaticos, ad nionlem Imaum , adeu ut qui— dam scribant duos et septuaginta regts ipsis aliquando fuisse ve-ctigales. Cbristianam autem religionem, sed iuxta Nestorii bae-resim, colebaut, crucemque in bellis prae se duplicem ferebant, alteram auream alteram gemmeam. huic imperio qui ultimus praefuit, ut docel Abulpbaragius, practer commune Ioannis nomen proprie Ung Chan vocatus, cum quendam Tamuiinum nomine, quo fuerat uses diu, in bellis praesertim, slrenuo et feli-cissimo ministro, calumniis aemulorum invisum sibi factum coin-prebend ere aggrederetur, ab eo fortissimo repugnante victus ipse occisusque est. quo tempore quidam inter Mogulenscs magnae auctqriiatis, apparuisse sibi deum afbrmans, et declarasse ele-ctum a se Tamuiinum in quern orbis terrarum imperium atque in eius posteros transfnrre decrcvisset, uni versa tn illi conciliavit Muguliorum gentem; cuius consensu creatus imperator, adeu ipso, ut ille quern dixi fanaticus aiebat, impositum ipsi acce-I pit Gingizchanis nomen, bactenus Abulpbaragius, cui satis conscntanee noster Pachymeres priore tomo c. 4 1. 5 legislatorem Tocbarorum, qui se ipsi Mugulios nominant, nomen habuisse Tzinciscanis asserit, addens eum ex fabro ferrario ad imperium evectum. turn eorum instituta mores et acta fuse memorat, se-dem eliam novi huius imperii indicans, Portas Caspias, qui locus in Mediae ac Partbiae confiniis situs est.
III. Pergit Abulpbaragius, referens anno Ilegirae 600 captain a Latinis Constantinopolim. est annus Hegirae 600 in aera Christi 1203, sed a die dumtaxat decima mensis Septembris luliani, quam in diem neomenia Muharram primi Arabum mensis incidit. cum autem nos demonstraverimus tomo superiore occupatam a Latinis Constantinopolim fuisse die 12 Aprilis apni » Christi 1203, earn epocham retro trahere aliquot mensibus cogi-mur, et ad quadrimestre ultimuin anni Hegirae 599 conferre, ut magnae il'ae conversiones duae, imperii a Praesteiannensibus ad Mugulios translati et redactae in Latinorum potestalem metropolis imperii Graecorum, in unum eundemque aerae Arabicae, quam Hegirae vocant, annum undesexcentesimum convenerint. anno inde 606 Hegirae, qui iniit 6 lulii anni Chr. 1209, Gingiz-cbanes imperio suo subiunxit regiones Caracathaiae, quae viden— tur Tartarorum Sinensi regno conlinium. anno Heg. 610, '’-uius est initium a Maii 23 anni Christi 1213, Gingizchanes bello in -diclo Sultani Mohamedi, in ultionem iniustae necis quorumdam mcrcatorum, urbein maximam Olraram post quinque mensiuui obsidionem vi cepit cum infinita hoininum cacde, ut et anno 617, cuius kalendae in 8 Martii incidunl, Bocbaram et Samarkau-dam urbes longe amplissimas, quarum huic pracsidio fuisse im-posita a Sultane Mohamede centum viginli equitum millia Iradit Abulpbaragius. sed his praelio cruenlissimo prulligalis dedita
584
806
OBSERVAT. PACHYMER.
et direpta Samarkanda est, triginta hominum millibus occisis, totidem in servitutem abductis.
IV. Anuo Heg. 618, ineunte a Februarii 25 anni Christi 1221, Balkam Talakanum et Albamiyanum, reliquas e Chorazani ditione civitates opulentissimas et munitissimas, expugnavit Gin-gizchanes, et ad Sendiam amnem acie lalalodinum vicit, huius tamen admirans praedicansque fortitudinem, quod cum ilium vi-vum ad se perdu ci iussisset, is e strage circa se suorum intelli-gens quare sibi hostes parcerent, eques fluvium tranavit, et ex eo medio natans conversus sagittam est eiaculatus in Mogulenses. contigisse hoc ait Abulpharagius mense Raiebo, qui in anno Ara-bico mensis septimus est, ex hoc miro successu fortitudinis lala-lodini natum asserens proverbium Arabicum, quo dici solet vi-ve ad Raiebum, et videbis mira. ex occasione hie ponam ex-perimentum consensionis Abulpharagii cum nostris chronographis a me cum voluptate observatum. ait hoc eodein anno Heg. 618 Sultanem Aegypti Damiatam de Francis recuperasse die Mercurii, Raiebi 19, postquam in ea substitissent Fran ci annum integrum et undecim menses, vix alius eventus est cuius plures el certio-res e nostris spectatae fidei scriptoribus habeamus auctores. Joannes de Vitriaco, Sanutus, S. Antoninus, Nauclerus, Blon-dus, Aemilius et alii summa concordia mernorant anno Christi 1219, nonis Novembris, post menses octodecim obsidionis captain fuisse Damiatam ab exercitu cruce signatorum; eandem autem Sultaui redditam anno 1221, die natali B. virginis Mariae octavo Septembris. vides quam exacte tempus detentae a Latinis Damiatae definiat Abulpharagius anno uno et undecim mensibus. nunc inquirendum an pari fide feriam quartam et 19 mensis Raiebi diem isti restitutioni assignet. hie 618 Hegirae annus Mubarra-mi primi sui mensis kalendas , ut dixi, habuit eodem die anni luliani aerae Christi 1221 qui vicesimus quintus Februarii nume-ratus est. hinc patet kalendas Raiebi, septimi, ut monuimus, P 585 Arabum mensis, in diem Augusti vicesimum primum illo anno incidisse. ex die Aug. 21 si novemdecim dies numeres, perve-nies ad octavum Septembris. de quo si velis scire quota feria fuerit, quaere quotus isto anno numeratus fuerit cyclus solis. fuit annus Christi 1221 periodi lulianae 5934* divisus hie numeral per 28 reliquos facit 26, qui fuit cyclus solis huius anni. cyclo autem solis 26 competit liters dominicalis C. quae cum in luliano kalendario respondeat diei quintae Septembris, ostendit illam eo anno fuisse primam feriam, ac consequenter diem octa-vam eiusdem mensis diem Mercurii, ut Abulpharagius notat, sive feriam quartam, necessario esse debuisse.
V. Anno Hegirae 624, cuius Muharram incepit a die 22 Decembris anni Christi 1226,mortuus est Gingizchanes primus imperator Mogulensium die 4 mensis Ramadaui, noni ordine in
LIB. HL CHRONOLOGIES.
807
anno Arabico. incidit ea mors in autumuum anni Christi 1227. addit Abulpharagius imperasse ilium circiter viginti quinque an-nis; quod verum est, cum, ut vidimus, imperare coeperit anno Christi 1202, Hegirae 599- anno inde Hegirae 626, cuius Muharram incepit a die 30 Novembris anni Christi 1228, congrega-tis comitiis universae gcntis Mugulicae ex testaniento Gingizcha-nis creatus est imperator Oglai terlius eius filius, qui prae mo-destia per dies quadraginta recusans, quod suos patruos aut fra-tres nalu maiores praeferendos sibi diceret, tandem consensu victus, ab Utacino patruo et logtuii fratre maiore collocari se in tlirono passus cognomen ab iisdem impositum Kaan accepit. anno Hegirae 627, cuius kalendaeMuharrami occupant diem vicesimuin Novcmbris luliani anno aerae Christi 1229, expeditionem susce-pit novus imperator Mogulensium Kaan in regem Cathaiae. Ca-tbaia porro quid fuerit, qui ex hoc discere auctore idoneo malet quam e nugacibus fabellis institorum illudentium credulitati vul-gi, non dubitabit amplius quin Sinense regnum, hodie in Europa notissimum navigationibus Lusitanorum , id ipsum re vera sit cum eo quod Aiton Armenus, Paulus Venetus, et si qui alii scriptores rerum interioris et maxime Oriental!* Asiae, nomine Chatai significarunt. docet enim hie Abulpharagius Allan Chau ea tempestate Cathaiae regem in urbe sua primaria Nam Cine, sive ut vulgo alii scribunt, Namquint expectasse successum irruptionis huius Tartaricae, mi&so ad arcendos finibus Mogulen-ses centum millium fortissimorum mililum exercitu. sed has co-pias a Kaane, numerosissimas per se ductante Mogulensium le-giones, cruentissimo fuisse praelio deletas, alia longe speraus., inopinatissime Altun Chan audivit, inde adeo consternatus ut filios et uxores in suo secum palatio incenderit, ne vivus in Mogulensium manus veniret; qui paulo post venieutes et Namqui-num et caeteras maximas Cathaiae urbes sibi subiecerunt. notis-simum porro est Namquinum nomen esse alterius urbis regiae impelii Sinarum, quam turn fuisse captain a Tartaris vid,eri in-credibile non debet, cum hac nostra aetate similem irruplionem Tartaricam in Sinense regnum contigisse certissimis nuntiis co-gnoverimus; qua etiam haec eadem Namquinensis civilas capta et vastala fuisse disertissime tradilur , ilemque altera Pcquinuin, ubi deprchensiis Sinensium rex non minus tragico quam tunc Altun Chan exitu desperatiouem ostendit. naw ne victoribus ludibrio csset, nubili prius filia obtruncata, sese ipse ex ar bort suspendit, anno Christi 1644, ut legilur in historia Martini Mar-tinii nostri testis paene oculati liac de re edila, quae el eadem ex eius ore et P. Michaelis Boymi item nostri, hie Komae dum visa referrent audivimus. sed et Culhaiam non aliud esse quam Sinam, missus Goa an. Christi 1603 16 lanuarii Benedictus Goez noster ad hoc ipsum exploraudum, trienni peregrinatione cla-
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OBSERVAT. PACHYMER.
rissime deprehendit, in urbem Sinensis regni Suceum sub finem anni Christi 1605 perveniens. denique id ipsuin diserte Abulpharagius alibi testatur, nempe p. 351 huius ipsi us sui Chronici.
VI. Hie caetera breviter secundi Mogulensium imperatoris P 586 acta reddemus, eo libentius quod quae horum proxime occur-runt, illustrandae huic nostrae Pachymerianae historiae non pa-rum accoromodata d^prehenduntur. reversum e Sinensi expedi-tione Kaanem Abulpharagius memorat Batu sive Batuo, Tusbi fratris sui natu maximi nuper mortui filio , numerosas et validas dedisse copias, cum mandato expeditionem suscipiendi in tractus septentrionales et subiugandi Sclavoniam, Alaniam, Russian), Bulgariam. hisce obtemperans mandatis Batuus ingentes morta-lium strages edidit: nam, ut ibi ait Abulpharagius, cum Kaan proficiscentibus ad hoc bellum militibus edixisset ut hominum quos quisque occideret aurem dexteram, ad indicium numeri, recisam e cadavere secum auferret, qui ferali huic censui ha— bendo praefecti erant, ducenta septuaginta hominum millia toti-dem exhibitarum dextrarum auricularum argumento compererunt neci tradita fuisse. addit Arabs chronologus, re bene in Sclavo-nia gesta, decrevisse Batuum adoriri Constantinopolim, et eo animo in Bulgariam movisse. sed illic habuisse obvios Franco-rum reges, hoc est duces Latinorum qui tunc Constantinopolim tenebant, qui frequentibus praeliis victos Mogulenses terga dart eo'egerunt (verba sunt Abulpharagii) adeo ut ab his incursionibus reverse Mogulenses haud iterum ad hunc usque diem Graecorum Francorumve regiones aggressi fuerint. tali narratione multorum annorum bella et incursiones in varias imperii Romani Orientalis partes, diverso successu a Mogulensibus tentatas, in-nui satis apparet; unde non vana coniectura sit hunc circummi-nantem Romanis provinces Tocharicum tumultum, ab anno cir-citer Hegirae 628 ad 638, hoc est ab anno Christi 1230 ad 1240, inquictasse, partim Nicaeae dominantes Graecis Lascarim, aut Batatzam, partim imperantem Constantinopoli Balduinum eius nominis secundum, fortius porro ac felicius restitisse Tocharis Latinos quam Graecos eo bello, quod forte parum candide Pachymeres dissimulavit, diserte hie aflirmat Abulpharagius. ex quo etiam discimus debuisse Graecos fortitudini Latinorum, vi-ctoriis in Bulgaria de Mogulensibus relatis probatae, recessum Tocharorum ab ipsorum finibus; a quibus bello tentandis nisi terrore Latinorum cohibiti temperassent, quantum profecturi to-rent, consternatio Graecorum ad solam mentionem belli Tocha— rici saepe ac fuse a Pachymere memorata satis augurandum prae-bet. hue enim sine dubio pertinent quae ille vol. Ip. 133 v. 10 narrat de terrore imperatorum Nicaeensium, quoties rumor Tocharorum increbuerat; turn quae p. 149 v. 6 refert de conster-natione Panica Nicaeae urbis ad ortum ex vano murmur irruptio-
LIB. III. CHRONOLOGICUS.
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nis horum. videntur autem repulsi metu a Romanis tunc pro-vinciis Mogulenses incubuisse in Persidem; ubi navasse ipsos ope-ram, Calypha illic dominante victo et oppresso, narrat ibidem fuse Pachymeres p. 133, adiungens bos in Perside belligerantea Tocbaros vulgo yltarios vocatos. quod nomen forte baud temere suspicetur quispiain e nomine ducis ipsorum detortum, ut qui se ipsi Batuarios a Batuo dicerent, quod huius auspiciis milita-bant, popular! corruptione vexatarum ab ipsis linguae diversae gentium ^4tarii nominarentur.
VIL Interim quae alii Mogulensium duces alibi agerent exe-quens Abulpharagius, tradit anno Hegirae 633, cuius est initinm a die 16 Septemb. anni Christi 1235, captam fuisse a Mogulensi-bus Carmalisam urbem maximam in regione Arbelae, et anno sequent! ipsam Arbelam post quadraginta dierum obsidionem, magna pecunia taxatam. anno Hegirae 635, Christi 1237, ab Augusti mensis die 24, Mogulenses in Bagdadi fines procurrentes primum acie victi sunt, sed postea cum novis copiis redeuntes, ad locum Canekinium vocatum, Bagdadensium exercitum cruento praelio profligarunt. anno 639 Hegirae, Christi 1241, a die 12 lulii, Mogulenses duce larmaguno urbem Arzen Rumam vi cepe-runt. anno Heg. 640, Christi 1242, a kalendis lulii, Mogulenses Sultanem Giattodinum acie vicerunt, eius urbes Sivasam et Cae-saream et Azenganum ceperunt, et his malis fracto Sultani tri- P 587 butum iinposuerunt. anno Hegirae 643, Christi 1245 a Maii 29, Kaan secundus imperator Mogulensium vivere desiil, designato prius successore et accersito ad hoc, dum adhuc viveret, Cayuco suo filio; qui in itinere nuntium accepit de patris niorte. mater Cayuci, dicta Turacina, quae C/iatun, hoc est domina sive uxor primaria, Kaanis fuerat, imperium administravit, donee comitia gentis universae convenirent. anno Heg. 644, Christi 1246 a Maii 19, celebratus est maguus conventus principuui et ducum Mogulensium tempore verno, ait Abulpharagius, hocest, ut opi-nor, mense Aprili anni Christi 1247, adhuc currenle 644 Hegirae. his comitiis Cayucus filiorum Kaanis natu maximus, non sola aetatis praerogativa aut patris iudicio sed et praestantium virtutum ac dotium merilo praelatus Cubano et Siraniuno niinori-bus fratribus, imperator declarator; titulusque ipsi additus est Cayuc- Chanis. hie duos praccipuos ministros Christianos ha-buit, quorum alteri KadaLo, alteri GinJcai nomen fuit; quorum favore episcopi et monachi a Cayuc -Chane niatre ipsius uni-versaque regia familia imper.se honorabantur. unde contigit adeo illic crescere Christianam religionem , quantum his verbis Abulpharagius oslcndit, factunique est inquicns imperium Christia-num, et magni habitue sunt grilles quae huic religions nomen dederunt, e Francis, Bussis, Syria et airmenis, ac eo redacli sunt tarn me Horis notae quam e plebe Mogulenses aliique iis
810
OBSERVAT. PACHYNER.
permisti, ut inter salutandum dicerent barechmor, quod verbum est compositum Syriacum, sonans benedic domine. ad huius ego Mogulensis imperatoris Cayuc-Chanis tempora referendum puto quod Pachymeres narrat, tomo prime c. 3 et 4 1. 5, de Noga uno e ducibus excrcitus quern a Kaane secundo impera-tore Mogulensium missum diximus in septentrionales tract us ad eos subiugandos, praeposito cunctis Batuo fratris sui filio, a quibus Sclavoniam et Russian) fuisse occupatas superius n. 6 hu-ius c. ex Abulpharagio indicavimus. sed improspere a Mogulen-sibus tentato Constantinopolitano imperio propter acres in ipsos impetus victoriasque Latinorum Byzantii dominantium, Batuus non ab iis solum sed et a Graecis lacessendis abstinens, cum praecipua parte copiarum videtur in Persidem primum, deinde ad Suos in Orientis interiora recessisse, proxime ad Cayuc—Cha-nis sui propinqui comitatum, relicto in Sclavonia et Russia, qui parta illic tuerctur, Noga. hie autem, ut refert Pachymeres, cum auctis ex indigenarum iuventute in siios mores traducta copiis satis se instruclum putaret ad defendendas suis auspiciis uberes eas fertilesque regiones, ex praefecto sc principcm supremum declaravit, obedienlia deinceps Mogulensibus imperatoribus negata. quam contumaciam diu impune tulil, aut negligenlibus earn rem illis, aut non sufficientes rebelli domando copias contra Nogam mittentibus; unde ilium in principatu pel fidia quaesito corroborari contigerit florereque potentia; qua motus Michael Palaeologus recuperata Constantinopoli toturn Orientale imperium obtinens, eius amiciliam et affinitatem ullro ambierit, data No-gae in uxorem propria Glia Eupbrosyne, prout fuse narrat noster c. 4 1. 5 partis prioris, ubi possessione diuturna et crebra pro-speritate successuum, partim in eludendis arte ac dolo, parlim in vi repellendis conatibus dominorum veterum fugitivum repeten— tium, sensim fuisse confirmatam Nogae dynastiam Pachymeres insinuat. unde non incongrue suspicari licet, ab anno maxime Christi 1250, quo Batuus, ut mox dicemus, negotiis ma iori bus reipublicae Mogulicae a cura septentrionalis limilis avocatus in longum tempus est, coepissc Nogam res illic suas agerej perse-verasseque crescendo semper, quousque duodecim post annis, anno scilicet Christi c’rciter 1262, cum lalem imperalor Michael iudicaverit cuius afhnilas intima, qua tunc eum sibi generum fa-ciens admovit, et honori et praesidio rebus suis futura viderelur. P 588 VIII. Anno Hegirae 647, cuius primus dies fuit sextusdeci-mus Aprilis luliani anno Christi 1249, mortua primum Turacina matre dilectissima Cayuc-Chanis, ipse prae dolore locum mu-tans in itinere versus partes Orientales fato functus est, nono die Rabiae prioris, tertii mensis in anno Arabico, hoc est die quinquagesimo septimo a kalendis M u liar rami, quae nola numeri diem lunii undecimum designat. turbatis eo iuopinato casu Mo-
UB.DI. CHRONOLOGICUS.
811
gulensium rebus, tota cura imperii ad Batuum e stirpe Gingiz-chanis natu maximum devoluta est. is per interregnum regimine in manus sumpto dabat op eram congregandis de more gentis coin it iis ; quae res ob distantiani locorum, principumque ac ducum occupationes in provinciis, longiores nunc solito moras habuit. in hunc eumdem annum recte ac consentanee nostratibus chrono-logis confert Abulpbaragius priorem in Syriam et Aegyptum ex-peditionem Sancti Ludovici, quern sono vocis fama iactata in li-teras Arabicas coniecto Redefrans appellat. ab hoc refert captam Damiatam; turn caetera de illo eadem plane parique ordine ac nostri exequitur historic]'. quae obiter , ad specimen veracitatis huius Chronici, tanti fuit indicasse. anno dehinc Hegirae 648, cuius kalendae Muharrami a die Aprilis quinta procedunt in anno aerae vulgaris Chrislianae 1250, evoluto iam biennio a morte Cayuc - Cham’s, cernens Batuus frustra se hactenus laborasse in accersendis e longinquo cogendisque in legitima comitia Mogulen-• sium principibus, de consilio praesentium, et assensu absenlium per missos et literas declarato, Munkakaum e Gingizcbanis slirpe magnis dotibus insignein rile impcratorem declaravit, adiuncto ei Kaanis titulo. neque hie tamcn prius quam verno tempore anni sequentis, Hegirae 649, in solio solemnibus ceremoniis collocatus est. incepit is annus Arabicus a die 26 Marlii Juliani in anno Christi 1251. unde intelligimus auspicia imperii Munkakai Kaanis, diei nono Rabiae prioris, ut diserte asserit Abulpbaragius, affixa, exacte procedere a kalendis lunii luliani anno Christi me-in ora to 1251* videtur hie Munkakaus Kaan aliquid, quod ob-servare nostra interest, primus innovasse in regimine imperii, adscivit enim sibi veluti coliegas e suis fratribus septem duos natu maximos Kobla et Hulacu; quorum priorem in ullimos Orientis fines, Cathaiarn videlicet et Sinenses provincias misit tuendo illic Mogulensis imperii limiti, alterum Hulacu moderandis Occiduis tractibus imperii eiusdem, hoc est regionibus Persid is Babyloniae et aliis Romano imperio confinibus, praefecit suprema potestate, quammultis annis illic exercuit; unde a Pachymere vol. I p. 174 v. 5 -Xicdaov Chalau (nam ila Hulacu vocabulum deformat) aftfav Toiaowv priuceps Tocharorum absolute dicitur; el apud Abulpharagium p. 337 consiliarii Caliphae Bagdadi, de modo resistendi copiis inoentibus quas Hulacu ductabat deliberantes, eum regem praepotentem vocant. videtur ad id consilium par— tiendi cum fratribus imperii Munkakaus Kaan descendisse, do-clu8 experientia quam esset difficile tot tarn late patentee provincias unum regere. anno quippe secundo sui imperii, Hegirae 650, cuius kalendae Muharrami processerunt a die 14 Marlii luliani in anno Christi 1252, is vix salvus eflugerat coniurationem adversum se validam principum suae gentis, post quam oppres-sam statim refert Abulpbaragius dcstinatos ab co Koblam fralrum
812
OBSERVAT. PACHYMER.
maximum in partes Cathaiae et Hulacu secundum ab hoc, in Occiduum Mogulensis imperii limitem.
IX. Anno Hegirae 651, cuius primus dies in anno luliano aerae Christi 1253 est terlius mensis Martii, capessivit Hulacu sive Chalatl commissam sibi anno superiore praefecluram pro-vinciarum Occiduarum Mogulensis imperii, ad quas profectus est ducens exercitum numerosissimum atque lectissimum: nam e singulis decadibus militum duos elegit, suppeditavit etiam ei Munkakaus Kaan ingentem apparatum armorum et machinarum cum fabris earum, duxit quoque secum Hulacu filiuin suum P 589 natu maximum (Abaham, inquit Abulpbaragius: eat is siue du-bio quern Pachymeres Mpagam vocat) ctprimariam uxorem Chri-stianam Duhusam nomine, quae cuncta iuvat in cm ora re, quon— iam iis quae de Chalaii Pachymeres tradit fidcm adslruunl. annis Reg. 653 et 654 recenset Abulpbaragius quaedam acta Hu~ 'lacu satis conspicua , sed parum ad nos pertinentia. unde ad annum Heg. 655 promovemus gradum: in eo quippe nimis etiam multa ad nos spectantia Abulpbaragius memorat. incepit is annus Arabicus a die 19 lanuarii anui Chr. 1257, unde totus fere cum hoc commensuratur. co scribit Abulpbaragius p. 334 et deinceps aegrotasse Theodorum imperatorem Graecorum in urbe Nicia ; interimque rexasse patricium quendam e suo comilatu Michaelem cognomenlo Palaeologum , quod e quibusdam vati-cmiis quae ferebantur suspectaret regnaturum • iussisse ilium in territorii Thessalonicensis castro quod am comprehend!, ducique in carcerem a quo dam Gadino, qui tamen ti praedixerit imperium, exequendo nihilominus iussum imperaloris Theudori. hunc addit adducti ad se Michaelis misericordia motum turn liberasse, et tutoremparvo, quern relinquebat, ft I io Calo-loanni rocato praefecisse. ac paulo post mortuum in monasterio Magnesias j'uisse sepultum. addit Muzalonis caedem, Michaelis Falaeologi promotioncm ad imperium, circumscriptionem pueri Calo-Ioannis, eiectioncm Arsenii patriarcbae in cxilium iussu Michaelis, quod is ipsum de pupilli oppressione reprchendissel; denique accumulat super omnia recuperationem urbis Constanti-nopoiitanae et eiectionem ex ea Latinoruin, inodum rei gestae referens , in quo, ut et superius memoratis, quaedam non adeo magni momenti discrepanliae a Pacbymeriana narratione facile cum deprehendi turn corrigi polerunt ex collatione cum 1. 1 partis prioris huius nostrae bistoriae. unum necessario hie emen-damus, quod ait spatium temporis, quo urbs Constanlinopolis tunc Graccis reddita permansit in polestate Latinorum, iuisse annorum circiter quinquaginta trium. verius quippe Georgius Acropolita, quern descripsimus et recte numerasse demonslravi-mus priorum Observationuin L 3 c. 4 n. 3, delentam a Latinis Conslantinopolim per annos octo supra quinquaginta afiirmavit,
LIB. IH. CHRONOLOGICUS.
813
cum ab iis expugnata fuerit anno Christi 1203 die 12 Aprilia, et Graecis reddita anno Christi 1261 die 25 mentis lulii. fraudi nimirum Abulpbaragio fuit, quod haec cuncla , prout simul au-dierat, uno fasce in annum sui Chronici uuicum congessit; quae si distinxisset, perducturus fuerat ad annum Hegirae 659, cuius kalendac Muharrami cum iuierint a die sexta Decembris anni Chrisli 1260, maiori sui parte annus ille Arabicus cum luliano in aera nostra vulgari 1261 concurrit,
X. Ignoscanius autem, censeo, Abulpharagio culpam istam qualemcumque confusorum in vnum annorum qualuor, quam excusat in homine Arabe peregre degente vix evitabilis ignoran-tia re rum Graccarum baud per sc magnopere insignium et locis a commcrcio abruptis transaclaruin, cum praesertim eodem tempore mentes ad se omnium per inleriorem Asiam raperent pro-digiosi Mogulensis imperii sub auspiciis Hulacu sive Chalaii progresses, nec iis spatium alia longe minora distinctius obser-vandi relinquerent. nam statim post annum ilium Hegirae 655, quo aegrotasse Theodorum Graecorum imperatorem tradit Abul-pharagius, non male ad nostram chronologiam tomo priori c. ultimo 1. 3 Observationum expansam. elsi enim illic nos anno Christi 1258, respondente anno, Hegirae 656, primam morbi Tbeodori menlionem posuerimus, quod tunc ingravescere inagis coepcrit, superius tamen inolevisse non negamus: immo id hi-storiae series indicat. statim, inquam, post, nempe anno Hegirae 656, cuius fuit initium dies lanuarii octavus in anno Chrisli modo memorato 1258, Hulacu mcnse ipso anni primo Muharramo oppugnavit expugnavitque vi sumnia urbein longe maximam Bagdadum, olim Babylonem dictam, metropolim regni Caliphae. quoin ordinem redacto, dilioneque eius in imperii Mogulici pro-vinciam con versa, finitimum dynastam iMauselae dominum mi- p 5SO nis terri I um sibi tributariumfec.it; et Astraphum dynastam, arris munitissimae fiducia iugum subire detrectantem, in ipsa ilia sua urbe Mihapbarekino, licet inexpugnabili, fame domandum obsideri iussit a suis. duravit obsidio plus biennio. tandem anno Hegirae 658 Astrapbus plerisque suorum fame absumptis dedens sese ad Hulacu perducitur, et iussu eius interficitur. eodem autem anno Hegirae 658, qui cum inceperit a 18 Decembris anni Chrisli 1259 usque in Decembrein anni Christi 1260 excurrit, Hulacu ponte Euphrati imposito traiecit in Syriam, ducers secum formidabiles copias millium quadringentorum, quibus b«-mascum obiter cepit, Halebum post dierum paucorum oppugna-tionem cum caede innumerabilium illic repertoruin expugnavit. Al Naser Halebi dominus cum uxoribus et liberis iam ante profu-gus, captus deinde et occisus est. sub haec a recedente e Syria Hulacu relictus ab eo illic qui provinciae praeesset Cetbuga cum decern millibus equitum, praelio viclus et interfectus est a Kutuzo
814
OBSERVAT. PACHYMER.
Turcomanno praefecto Aegypti. eodem anno Munkakaus Kaan aupremus impcrator Mogulensium praelio adversum regem Sina-rum rebellantern commisso sagitta ictus occubuit. de huius succession inter duos eius fratres per annos inde octodecim ccrta-turn est, succumbentc denique et cedere coacto Arigbuga nalu mi-nore , el Kublai' praeter aetatis praerogativam praestantibus quo-que commendato doiibus, arniis etiarn praevalente. quo civili tarn longi temporis discidio tanlo videlicet cerlius confirmatus est Hulacu in absoluto tracluum Occiduorum, quibus praeerat, imperio.
XI. Ergo is ut amissarn clade Cetbugae Syriam recuperaret, anno Hegirae659, qui coepit a die 6 Decembris anni Christi 1260, et consequenter excessit in partem maximam anni Christi 1261, ingentem suorum exercitum eo inisit duce quodam Gugalcio, qui cuncla primo adventu facile subegit Halcbum usque, pluri-mis passim ohsistentium occisis. sed cum praepropere ad suos revertisset, supervenientes Aegyptiorum magnae copiae Mogulen-sibus denuo Syriam eripuerunt. interest nostra hie observare cuius auspiciis haec tarn felix Aegyptiorum expeditio sit suscepta: de hoc enim non perfunctorie agit poster Pachymeres 1. 3 c. 3 4 et 5 tomi prioris, res exequens a Micbaele Palaeologo gestas statim a solernni sua coronation, quam accepit ministerio pa-triarcbae Arsenii, prout narratur ibidem c. 2. demonstramus autem, J. 3 Observationum nostrarnm ad cum tomum c. 4 et 10, earn coronationem cel ebrat am fuisse anno Christi 1261, hoc est illo ipso in quo nunc versatur Abulpharagius, eum numerans Hegirae 659. scribit igitur loco modo indicate Pachymeres soli-citurn Micbaclem de sibi stabiliendo recens parto imperio, quos inaxime polenles circa se principes videbat, sibi conciliat e stu-duisse. ac facile videntern e min ere tunc opibus inter finitimos dynastas Chalaii principem Tocharorum, hoc est Hulacu., cuius crebro meminit Abulpharagius, et Sultanem Aethiopum, utrius-que gratiam anibire officiis legationibusque aflectasse. ea occa-sione de Sultane Aethiopum inemorat, fuisse ilium genere Co-nianum , quae regio est prope Pontum Euxinum; bine olim ven-diturn in servitutem Aegyptio domino, sua illic industria serviles catenas in regiuni diadeina commutasse. eundem addit in primis prudentem habitum; et quod in Aegypto nalos parum habiles bellicis laboribus videret, emisse pueros magno numero e Scythia et aliis regionibus trans Pontum, quibus apud se nutritis fortibus deinde militibus utebatur, permiltenle id commercium, magno rei Christianae detrimento, imperatore Micbaele: bine enim auctum opibus Aegypti Sultanem Latinos Paluestinam occupant es illinc expulisse. haec Pachymeres; quae multum illu— stranlur comparatione cum iis quae Abulpharagius hoc loco scribit. ait enim , postquam Kutuzus Turcomannus Aegypti domi-
LIB. HL CHRONOLOGICUS. 815
nus Cetbugam Mogulensium in Syria praefectum acie victum oc-cidisset, quod ait contigisse die 27 mensis Bamadani anno Hegi- P 591 rae 658, hoc est die 3 Septembris anni Christi 1260, satis gnarum ilium haud quieturos Mogulenses ab ullione cladis is Li us repo-scenda, properasse in Aegyptum, ut copias illic par a ret, quibus ipsis obsisterel: sed eo itinerc prope Gazam progressum a quodam Baibars vocato fuisse in ter fee turn, addit hunc Baibars, con-ciliatis et adiunclis sibi copiis quae Kutuzo militaverant , cum iis ingressum Aegyptum earn occupasse. tradit ibidem istum Baibars servum antea fuisse magni cuiusdam in Aegypto ducis, cui Bundokdar nomen fueratj unde initio Bundokdar minor em no-minatum. al postquam Sultan Aegypti factus est, cognominatum a suis fuisse Bucnodinum Al Malec Al Dhaher. eum tamen pergit in sequentibus Abulpharagius vocare Bundokdarem, suc-cessus eius maximos recensens contra Christianos Latinos Antio-chiain et Syriae maritime oblinentes, quos illinc expulit, ut etiam deplorat Pachymeres tumo 1 1. 3 c. 5, culpam earum cla-dium ex parte imputans imprudenti avaritiae Michaelis Palaeo.* logi, qui propter quaestum modicum permittebat e Ponto exportari in Aegyptum Scylhica mancipia tenerae aetatis, quae deinde illic in robustos et Christiania rebus exiliales be! la tores adolesce-rent. quem igilur Pachymeres fservo apud Comanos nato factum Aelhiopum Sultanem expulisse Syria Latinos Christianos ait, is sine dubio fuit quem patrio vocabulo Baibars dictum, do-mini cui servierat nomine Bundokdarem nuncupatum Abulpharagius docct.
XII. Beferamus nos iam ad res intermissas Hulacu sive Chalau et subiectorum ipsi Mogulensium cum deinceps narratis a Pachymere utililer comparandas. tradit Abulpharagius eodem hoc modo indicato anno Hegirae 659, cuius fuit initium dies sex-tus Decembris anni Christi 1260, missum in Syriam ab Hulacu Mogulensium exercitum , duce Samdagu Christianis favente, ob-sidione cinxisse Mauselam urbem incluso in ea Al Saleho Syriae principe, et copiis e Syria obscssis suppetias venientibus per longe illis occurrentes Mogulenses circumveutis et occidione de-letis Mauselam cepisse, plurimis in ea repertis occisis, aliis ser-vitum abductis, ipso principe Al Saleho ad Hulacu pertracto huiusque iussu interfectu. hae tanlae Chalau victoriae moverunt Michaclem Palaeologum Augustum ad omni ope satagendum in paranda sibi benevolentia tarn potentis et paene finilimi principis. igitur, quod narrat Pachymeres 1- 3 c. 3 partis prioris, legatos ad eum misit, qui ipsum a se saiutarent et eius amicitiam posce— rent, oblata in sponsam propria filia Maria, indicat Pachymeres venisse a Chalau ad Michaelem mutuam legationem, qua is signi. ficaret placere sibi conditionem oblatam. idem vero distinctius expressum in Abulpharagii Chronico legitur p. 355, ubi narrata
816 OBSERVAT. PACHYMER.
Hulacu morte, de qua mox dicetur, scribit eum iam antea mi-sisse legatos Constanlinopolim , qui filiam illic imperantis in uxorem sibi poscerent. has mutual Michaelis et Hulacu legation res obitas apparet ab anno 661 Heg. ad 663, quorum annorum prior incipit a die 15 Novembris anni Christi 1262, posterior a 24 aut 25 Octobris anni Christi 1264. perspecta porro Michael Hulacu voluntate, filiam suam Mariam apparalu magnifico dedu-cendam ad eum streaue curavit per archimandritain monasterii Pantocratoris nomine Principem, ex illustri familia Peloponne-siensium dynastarum, quern ait loco proxime laudato Pachymeres in eo itinere nuntium accepisse mortis Chalari. nec tainen re infecta rediisse, sed perduxisse sponsam illi destinatam ad filium eius et soccessorem Apagam, qui earn sibi iunxerit uxorem. haec eadem distinctius etiam exprimit Abulpharagius, memorans legatos iinperatoris Constantinopolitani, qui huius filiam Hulacu desponsam comitarentur, ubi Caesaream pervenissent, accepisse nuntios de Hulacu obitu, nec tamen ideo retrocedendi consilium inivisse, sed puellam perduxisse ad Abakam in patris Hulacu iam solio regio locatuin, qui earn sibi rite coniugem sociavit. hoc sine dubio pert i net ad annum Hegirae 664, cuius kalendae P 592 Muharrami diem insederunt tertium decimuni Octobris anni Christi 1265. et quia quae multa et molis magnae ab Abulpharagio in hunc annum congerunlur, ncmpe mors Hulacu et aliquo intervals secuta mors etiam Dukusae Chris tian ae coniugis ipsius, turn post hanc comilia Mogulensium principum, qui Abakam ob per-spectam ipsis, ut ait Abulpharagius, eius prudentiam sufficient tiam eruditionem etc. liberis suflragiis in supremum suae gentis imperatorem elegerunt et subinde ritu ipsorum coronarunt, non videntur posse in primum anni Arabici trimestre facile compingi, verisimilius dilTerimus auspicia imperii Abakae huiusque cum Mari* nuptias in annum Christi 1266. observanduin hie cst Abakam, sive ut Pachymeres vocat Apagam, tituluro supremi Mogulensium Kanis rite delatum accepisse, cum eius pater tale imperium exercere satis liabens vocabulo eius abstinuerit. hoc eo videri potest mirabilius, quod satis constabat vivere adhuc Kublai, qui Munkakao Kaani occumbenti successerat in imperio, anno ab bine retro quinto aut sexto, Hegirae 659, ut paulo su-perius n. 10 retulimus. verum quia , ut ibidem dictum est, Arigbuga fratre minore Kublai* successionem sibi imperii vindicate belluin inter eos civile conflatum est, quod annos ipsos octodecim tenuit ac consequenter ad duodecim aut tredecim ab-hinc annos propagatum est, totum instar imperii Mogulici ex Orientalibus fraterna dissensione turbatis tractibus in Occiduis et fundata dudum illic Hulacu (qui et ipse Muukakai Kaanis frater fuerat) domo et potentia constitit; successioque Mogulensium principum hinc deinceps a chronologis Arabibus est deducta,
LIB. IH. CHRONOLOGICUS. 817 neglecto Kublai, quem tandem praevaluisse Arigbugae Abulpha-ragiua tradit, et in quadam specie abaoluti imperii aliqiramdiu pa ci Gee indicat vixisae; et ai qui poat in extreme illo limits Mo. gulensium Kaanum titulum aumpserunt quoa ne mentions qua* dem dignandos putaverunt aut noster hie Abulpbaragiua, ant « quibus supplementuni concinnatur huius Chronici, Al lannabiua, Abulfeda et Ebn Yusephua, Arabes et ipsi chronologi. unde Munkakao Kaani dpeocs? continuare possumus Abakam , nume-rando eum quartum a Gingizchane et absolute quintum imperato-rem Mogulenaium.
XIII. Abekas- Chan (sic enim ilium nominat Abulpbaragiua ex quo est inauguratus imperator) misit ad recuperandam Syriam ex ere i turn, cui ducem praefecit fratrem suum natu minorem, vo-catum Kungortai, Bundokdaro Aegypti et Syriae Sultane paulo ante victo et mortuo. Mogulenses ductore Kungortai cuncta statim illic subegerunt, facile progress! Halebum usque, et ilia ipsa urbe subiugata: verum, ut alias fecerant, nimis cito reces-aerunt, ideo mox coacti eo redire duce Munga Timuro, corro-borato copiis regia Armeniae, prout consequenter illic exponitur distinctius. sed ego harum rerum, prout in Chronico digerun-tur, aeriem attentius explorans conturbataa paululum deprehen-do Abulpharagii rationes; quod equidem, propter in aliis proba-tam huius fidem ac diligentiam, errori librariorum in numerorum notas irrepenti libentius imputaverim. scriptum videlicet legitur p. 360 huius Chronici anno Hegirae 679 missum in Syriam Kungortai. kalendae Muharrami anni Arabici istius cadunt in diem tertiam Maii luliani in anno Christi 1280. statim post additur hunc exercitum duce Kungortai rem in Syria gessisse hieme anni Hegirae 680, quem ineboasse certum est ea die quae Aprilis vicesima secunda in anno Christi 1281 numerate est hie illud pri-mum inopinatissimum occurrit, quod mora aolidi fere biennii interiicitur inter initium expeditionis e propinquo susceptae et rem per earn gestam. addit Abulpbaragiua Kungortai cuncta peragrata Syria et usque ad Halebum facile subacta recessisse: verum rebellantibus denuo videlicet illic gentibus missum eodem ab Abaka alium exercitum quinquagiuta miltium anno Hegirae 681, praeposito illi ductore Munga Timuro fratre suo natu mini-mo ; cui comitem se adiunxit rex Armeniae cum propriis copiis. P 593 hi duo simul iuncti exercitus obvios inter Hamam et Heme&^m babuerunt Syros simul et Aegyptios praevalidis copiis instructoa, cum quibus statim acri et cruento praelio commisso, nec plane viclores Mogulenses et Armenii, nec lameu prursus victi fueruuL post ilium dubium evenlum Munga exercitu in Mesopotamiam reducto, in itinere versus Nisibin veneno extinctus est. his continue Abulpharagius attexit eodem anno, nempe Hegirae 681, Abakam, postquam Hamdani festum Paschae cum Christiania ce-
Georgius Pachymeres II. 52
818
OBSERVAT. PACHYMER.
lebrasset, postridie, die lunae, convivio exceptum a quodam Persa nomine Banham i mistum ab hoc cibis venenum hausisse, ex quo die Martis statim sequente graviter aegrotare coeperit, die Mercurii contiguo mortuus sit. bunc porro diem Mercurii ait fuisse vicesimum mensis Dhul-Haiae, hie est mensis ultimas in anno Arabum. habemus in his characteres duos, Paschae Chri-atianorum et feriae quartae concurrents in diem 20 Dhul-Haiae, quorum neuter anno Hegirae 681 competit, prout clarissime de-monstro. annus aerae Christianae vulgaris 1283, in cuius mensem saltern ultra tertium necessario excurrit annus Hegirae 681 Aprilis undecimo die anni praecedentis 1282 inchoatus, cum fue-rit pefiodi lulianae 5996, cyclum numeravit solis 4 cum litera doniinicali C, cyclum vero lunae 11. haec signa Pascha Chri-stianorum indigitant in die 18 mensis Aprilis, qui dies necessario extia Hegirae anni 681 fines excessit. hoc infitiari non potent qui sciet, quod cerium est, annum Arabum luliano esse minorem diebus saltern decern, unde manifestum est, si annus Arabicus 681 die 22 Aprilis anni Chr. 1282 iniit, desinere ilium debuisse ante 18 Aprilis anni Chr. 1283, quoniam a 22 Aprilis die ad diem eiusdem mensis 18 non intercedunt dies decern, enosten-sum evidenter Pascha Christianorum anni Hegirae 681 in mensem Dhul-Haiam ultimum anni Arabici non potuisse convenire. deinceps pari evidentia demonstro vicesimam Dhul - Haiae diem eodem illo anno Hegirae 681 feriam qnartam non fuisse. fuit ille annus Arabicus embolirnaeus ac consequenter 355 dierum, et Dhul-Haia mensis eius ultimus in annis ordinanis cavus, in eo plenus fuit, dies numerans triginta. tollantur 356, qui est nu-merus dierum anni Heg. 681, de 365 a die 22 Aprilis anni Christi 1282 incipientibus: ultimus residuorum cadet in undecimum Aprilis anni Christi 1283. hie est tricesimus Dhul-Haiae; a quo si retro decern diebus promoveas, invenies vicesimum eiusdem Dhul-Haiae primum Martii, qui dies lovis et quinta feria, eo anno literam dominicalem C habente, fuit, non autem, ut ait Abulpbaragius, dies Mercurii sive quarta feria.
XIV. His lector adactus ad fatendum characteres istos duos chronologicos, Paschae incidents in mensem Dhul-Haiam et feriae quartae insignientis vicesimum Dhul-Haiae diem, minime convenire in annum Hegirae 681, quaeret forte num in alium conveniant. non longe abibilur: aio aptissime ambos quadrare in annum apeacog praecedentem, videlicet Hegirae 680. hie annus initium duxit a die 22 Aprilis luliani anno Christi 1281, de-siit autem die decima eiusdem Aprilis anno Christi sequenti 1282. fuit annus Christi 1282 periodi lulianae 5995. cyclum solis ha-buit 3 cum litera dominicali I), cyclum vero lunae 10. ex hi> patet Pascha eius anni occupasse diem 29 mensis luliani Martii. haec dies decsse non potuit quin ambitu mensis Arabici Dhul-
LIB. HL CHRONOLOGICUS. 819
Haiae in anno Hegirae 680 clauderetur, quouiam ia annus a 22 Aprilis anni Chr. 1281 inchoatus usque ad 10 Aprilis anni Chr. 1282 protenditur: Dhul-Haia vero ultimus mensis anni Arabici viginti novem postremos eius anni dies continet, qui cum retro numerati a 10 Aprilis ad 13 Martii perveniant, ibi defigunt neomen iam Dbul-Haiae. prior igitur character manifesto competit anno Hegirae 680. nec minus evidenter posterior eidem adapta-tur. nam vicesimus nonus dies Martii, quem fuisse diem Paschae oslendimua in anno Christi 1282, fuit ne^essario decimus Septimus Dbul-Haiae mensis Arabici, siquidem is incepit, ut est dictum, P 594 a die 13 Martii. porro ad diem 29 Martii, quae Paschae domi-nica fuit, si tres ferias adiungas, secundam tertiam et quartam, hanc profecto ultimam residere deprehendes in kalendis Aprilis luliani, in quas incidit vicesimus dies Arabici Dhul-Haiae. ergo vicesimus Dhul - Haiae anno Hegirae 680 fuit dies Mercurii sive quarts feria; qui erat secundus chronologicus character annum, quo est Abaka mortuus, insigniens. quare hunc imperatorem Mogulensium non anno Hegirae 681, ut perperam in Abulpharagii Chronico scribitur, sed praecedenti Hegirae 680 vivere ac regnare desiisse tenendum pro certo est. unde quae proxime antecessisse illic dicuntur eius obitum expediliones Mogulensium in Syriam duae, sic verisimiliter ordinandae sunt, ut prior duce Kungortai coepta verno tempore anni Hegirae 679 hieme anni eiusdem terminelur. poatea vcre anni sequentis Hegirae 680, nun-tiata nova Syrorum defectione, eo Munga Timurus minimus Abakae frater cum exercitu Mogulensium quinquaginta millium moverit, habens praeterea secum sociales Armenorum copias, rege ipso Armeniae ductante. hi simul omnes cum Syria et Aegyptiis du-bio Marte inter Hamam et Hemesam conflixerunL inde Munga Timurus se ad Abakam recipiens cum in Mesopotamiam perve-nisset, ibi ex veneno per fraudem propinato in itinere versus Nisibin extinctus est, eorumdem videlicet insidiis qui non multo post Abakam ipsum pari scelere ac dolo peremerunt: nam effe-ctus tarn gemini recte uni et eidem imputentur causae, odio quorumdam coniuratorum in Abakae domum. at de his pro institute plus satis.
XV. Abakae mor'uo successit eius insidiator Ahmedes et ipse Clius Hulacu, sed alia matre natus, ex qua praeterquam novercalem in Abakam animum trahere potuit, etiam instinctus videtur ad eundem Abakam perdendum odio Christianae religions, cuius cullorem fuisse Abakam clare affirm at Abulpharagius, dum eum celebrasse festum Paschae una cum Christianis scribit. huius Abmedis acta principatus omnia rediguntur in unam pro-lixam epistolam in commendationem Alcorani et superstitionis Mahometicae ad Sultanem Aegypti scriptam, quam Abulpharagius recitat, continue referens indulgentem Ahmedem dudum
820
OBSERVAT. PACHYMER.
concepto in Abakae familiam furori, dum Argunem Abakae filium studet opprimere, ab eo et ei studentibus fuisse comprehensutn et custodiae mancipatum die Mercurii lomadi prioris undecimo, anni Hegirae 683, qui incepit a die 20 Martii anno Christi 1284. est lomadi prior quintus otdine mensis in anno Arabico; cuius kalendae a 20 Martii numeratae incidunt in decimum sextum lulii eius Christi anni 1284 bissextilis, cuius cyclus solis fuit 5 et litera dominicalis B A, unde patet undecimum lomadi prioris re vera fuisse diem Mercurii: tai is enim fuit feria 26 dies lulii, cum undecimo die lomadi prioris coincidens. iam turn a clauso in carcere Ahmede coepit Mogulensium consensu imperare Argun titulo Chanis assumpto: nam deinceps airgun - Chan est dictus. iheminit huius Pachymeres p. 327 v. 22 Arganen Kanin vocans. censuerunt autem principes Ahmedem, ut caedis Abakae*Chanis reum, iure posse interfici; idque auctores ipsi iubendi erant, verum ille reeusavit, satis habens Ahmedem matri Kungortai et huius filiis dedere, qui eum occiderunt in ullionem paternae caedis die 2 lomadi posterioris, quae dies in feriam item quartam incidit, ut ait Abulpharagius et verum cernitur, siquidem lomadi posterioris, sexti mensis Arabum, dies secundus in diem eo anno Christi 1284 credit sextum decimum mensis Augusti, cui diei ad margineni adiacet in Romano kalendario litera D, nota quartae feriae, quando, ut tunc, litera feriae primae sive domi-nicae index est A. hie desinit Chronicon Abulpharagii; cui La-tinus interpres perutiliter suppiementum attexuit ex Al lannabio, Abulfeda, Ebn Y use pho et aliis chronologis Arabibus expressum, unde hie Mogulensis imperii extrema tempora, quantum ad rem nostram conferel, reddemus.
P 595 XVI. Argun-Cban anno Heg. 690, qui a die 4 lanuarii anni Christi 1291 duxit inilium, finem imperandi et vivendi fe-cit, veneno, ut est creditum, sublatus a ludaeis, mense Rabia priori: hie tertius est in anno Arabico, et tunc maiori ex parte Martio luliano respondit. huic successit Caichtu vel, ut alii scribunt, Ganiatu, cui communis cum Argun - Cbane pater fuit Abaka. hunc morum improbitate suis exosum factum Mogulensium plcrique facta Coniuratione, cuius dux fuit Baidu filius Targihi fratris Abakae, fugientem assecuti trucidarunt, anno Hegirae 694, cuius kalendae Muharrami diem occuparunt 21 Novembris in anno Christi 1294; unde mensis Rabia posterior, quo Caichtu dicitur occisus, extrema.n luliani Februarii et prio-rem Martii partem insedit in anno Christi 1295. puto extremo Argun - Chanis principatu cogitatum ab eo derecuperandis septen-trionalibus Europae provinciis ultra Bulgarian! ; quas, ut est superius dictum n. 6. auspiciis Kaanis secundi Mogulensium im-peratoris a Batuo subiugatas Noga, eis tuendis a Batuo Persidem versus recedente praefectus, progressu temporis suas fecerat, ob-
LIB. UI. CHRONOLOGICUS.
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sequium imp era to ri Mogulio recusans; diuque prout multis locis Pachymeres significat, istam rebellionem impune tulit, in ea etiam Michaelis primi Palaeologi Augusti affinitate firmatus, ducta ipsius filia Euphrosyne. talis ab Argun-Chane auscepti consilii vestigium in fine Abulpharagiani Cbronici reperio, ubi scriptum legitur: Argun,- Chanem imperia sibi stabilitu unicuique filio-riun praefecturam alicuius regni sui exercituum commisisse. filii Argun-Chanis fuerunt Cazanes, Carmpantas, Tuctais. ex his Cazanes videtur exercilui et provinciae loco ubi degebat im-perator propinquae praepositus. nam occupato postmodum, ut mox dicetur, a Baidu imperio, primus qui obsisteret, viciniae, prout apparet, benelicio, extilit. alii duo Cazanis fratres ion— gius a patre leguntur amandati, siquidem Carmpantqnem Pachymeres p. 459 v. 5 partis posterioris ait exerpitum in India ductasae; Tuctainem idem referi partis eiusdem 1. 3 c. 26 et 27, longum difficile atque anceps cum Noga gessisse bellum, quoad eum iam senem acie postrema victum occidit funditusque profli-gavit factionem eius, restitutis imperio Mogulensium praetentis Euxino ex parte Europae regionibus, quas hide Nogae rebellio alienaverat, et iis ipse patris Argun -Chanis primum, deinde fratris Cazanis auctoritate regendis praesentem impendens ope-ram. cuius tarn potenlis vicini Andronicus imperator, patris Michaelis imitatione, gratiam sibi firmare affinitate sluduit, filiam ei Mariam volenti despondendo, quod parrat poster c. 27 I. 3* haec longa Tuctainis bella videntur tenuisse ab anno circiter Chy. 1290 ad 1296.
XVII. Sublato e medio Caichlu successore Argun-Chanis, Baidu, qui eum oppresserat, in eius se solium intrusit. sed ei obstitit Cazanes Argun-Chanis filiorum, ut videtur, natu maxi-mus, avitum paternumque imperium sibi armis vindicans. coni-misso itaque inter regni candidates praelio, Baidu proditiona suorum victus et occisus liberum aemuto Cazani reliquit imperium , postquam illud per octo circiter menses occupavit. con-tigit mors Baidu rnense Dhul-Haia eiusdem anni Heg. 694, hoc est circa finem Octobris aut initiuni Novembris anni Chr. 1296. hinc procedit imperium Cazanis, cuius dotes praeclaras, insti-tuta laudabilia , acta illustria effuse laudans memorat Pachymeres c. 1 1. 6. res gestae sic summatim perstringuntur in supplemento Chronici Abulpharagii. anno Heg. 697, qui coepit a die 19 Octobris anni Chr. 1297, occiso Niruzo, cuius proditione Baidu fuerat oppressus, Alabegi dignitatem (erat id nomen illustria in imperio Mogulensi magistrates) qua Niruzus functus fuerat, transtulit in Kotin SaJium; quern eundem esse suspicor cum Cbulluchaimo nominate a Pachymere sub finem mode laudati c. 1 1. 6, ubi p. 459 v. 12 vocat XovrXov^aip. xard tov Ev^avov aQiavta. prae-torem proviuciarmn imperii Mogulici ad Euxiuum sitarum. fuerat
822
OBSERVAT. PACHYMER.
P 596 ista, uti diximus, praefectura Tuctainis. quare hinc licet intel-ligere, circa quartum aut quintum principatus Cazanis annum Tuctainem ad fratris imperantis comitatum se transtulisse, for-sitan eo vocante, ut mores eius observaret, statueretque an di-gnus is foret quem imperii successorem designaret. quae proba-tio parum e Tuctainis voto succedens hunc exclusit imperio. scribit enim Pachymeres, saepe indicate c. 1 1. 6 Cazanem in dubia sua valetudine succession! regni consulentem, cum mores Tuctainis, quem in propinquo haberet, fratris suis dissimiles notasset, Carmpantanem alium fratrem ex India, ubi exercitui praeerat, evocasse, eumque ad id accurata institutione praepa-ratum imperii haeredem designasse. igitur decedenti ex partibus Euxino vicinis Tuctaini suffectum in istarum provinciarum regi-mine Chutluchaimum arbitror, quem illic tali officio fuisse fun-ctum quando est mortuus Cazanes, affirmat Pachymeres.
XVIII. Pergit continuator Abulpharagiani Chronici acta Cazanis exequi, scribens anno 699 moventem cum exercitu in Syriam Cazanem cum occurrente sibi Sultane Aegypti, qui voca-batur Al Malec Al Naser Mohammedes, conflixisse praelio, eumque fusum in fugam vertisse, dein Damasco potitum; quibus gestis, relicto in Syria praefecto Kapiak vocato, in regiones Orientales rediisse. habuit annus Hegirae 699 inilium a die 28 Septembris anni Christi 1299. quia vero dies, quo acie victus est Sultan Aegypti dicitur illic fuisse vicesimus septimus Rabiae prioris, indicat nota ilia diem vicesimum secundum mensis Decembris eiusdem Christi anni 1299. quod autem addit continuator Abulpharagii diem ilium fuisse Mercurii, baud usquequaque quadrat, siquidem illo Christi anno cyclus solis 20 literani attu-lit feriae primae indicem I), quae 22 Decembris diem feriam fuisse tertiam demonstrat. crediderim mendum irrepsisse in numeros, et pro 27 Rabiae prioris scribi oportere 28, qui dies fuit 23 Decembris feria 4. fundamentum mihi sic opinandi est testimonium oculatum scriptoris illorum temporum Aythoni. extat huius opus titulo Historiae Orientalis, cuius c. 41 affirmat se fuisse co-mitem expeditionis quam Cass anus (sic enim vocat) rex Tarta-rorum Christianus, una cum regibus Armeniae el Georgiae pari-ter Christianis, suscepit in Syriam contra Melecbnaserum Sulta-nem Aegypti Syriae dominantem, quem et habuit obvium prope Hamam, antiquis Emesam dictam. ducebat Sultan secum equi-lurn centum millia cum infinita peditum multitudine, ('assanus autem exercitum ducentorum millium, magnam partem equitum habebat. commissum fuisse praelium inter hos exercilus Aytho-nus, qui praesens interfuit, assent die Mercurii ante festurn na-tivitatis. cadit aptissimc nota haec in diem 23 Decembris, quae illo anno, ut est dictum, feria quarta fuit. addit Aythonus praelio victum et fugere compulsum fuisse Sultanem, turn die
LIB. III. CHRONOLOGICUS. 823
post victoriam 45 deditam Cassano fuisse urbem Damascum , in qua Cassanus praefectum pro se Syriac cum parte exercitus reli-quit quemdam ducem Saracenum ad se a Sultane transfugam, nomine Capcakum; cui dedit in mandatis ut si Christiani ab Occi-denle venirent, eis Syriam traderet. sed cum Europae princi-pes ire illuc aut exercitus mittere neglexissent, Capcakus rebus suis consulens, impetrata a Sultane transfugii venia , Syriam illi rursus ex pul a is Tart aria subiecit. haec Aythonus de hac expedi-tione; quae quam sint consentanea traditis a continuatore Abul-pharagii ex collalione patet. etenim apud hunc legitur Aegyptios audito Cazanis abitu re vers os in Syriam fuisse, et Capcako in partes eorum transeunte, Tarlaros qui erant in Syria ea relicts in Orientem contendisse, et Damascum iterum in Aegyptiorum potestatem rediisse.
XIX. Anno Hegirae 700, cuius initium fuit dies sextus de-cimus Septembris in anno aerae Christi vulgaris 1300, Cazanes secundam expeditionem duxit in Syrian), ait continuator Abul-pharagii: sed cum tribus circiter mensibus in Halebi dilionibus P 597 substitisset, re infecta iterum se subduxit. ita ille. ad hoc tern-pus equidem retulerim quod scribit Pachymeres loco saepe me-morato de Cazane his verbis: vastans quin etiarn Aegyptum cla-desque illic Arabibus nan leves inferens, longe pluribus et gra-vioribus sine dub io damnis illos ajfecturus, nisi ei, ne penelra-ret interlus, lucerum arenis inviis et aquae inopibus late squal-lentium insuperabilis difjicultas obstitisset. bactenus Pachymeres; unde licet suspicari vel ipsum Cazanem vel partem eius exercitus, ipso apud Halebum interim moranle, Aegyptum tentasse, at ob impedimentum memoratum coepto abstitisse. refero etiarn ad hanc secundam expeditionem ilia quae paulo superius idem Pachymeres dixerat, nempe Cazanem Hierosoly mis hostiliter ad-motum parum abfuisse ab urbe ilia tanta, cui Sultan Christia-nis ereplae duminabatur, expugnanda. ita ille, longe verisimi-lius quam quidam Latini scriptores citati ab Henrico Spondano in continuatione Annalium Baronii anni Christi 1300 n. 1, qui aiunt tunc a Cassano Ilierosolymam fuisse captam , et sacris lo-cis magna veneratione visitatis restauratis et du t at is, habitan-dam concessam Chrislianis .drmenis Georgianis caeterisque ex Cypro et latebris convolantibus. nam id, si vere contigisset, non videtur aut ignorare potuisse Aythonus tunc vivens, aut in historia de his scripta silere voluisse ; in qua tamen nihil tale re-peritur. anno dehinc Hegirae 702 (pergit supplementum Abul-pharagii) Cazanes copias in Syriam misit duce Kotlu Sabo, sive ut Pachymeres vocat, Chutluchaimu; primus dies istius anni Hegirae 702 fuit vicesimus sextus mensis Augusti in anno aerae nostrae vulgaris 1302. ex his quae refert de morbo Cazanisdiu-lurno Pachymeres, necesse est dicere iam Lum ilium aegrotasse,
824
OBSERVAT. PACHYMER.
atque adeo morbo impedituni a per se obeunda expeditione ne-cessaria hominem cui maxime fideret vice sua misisse Chutluchai-mum, sive ilium evocavit e partibus septentrionalibua circa Euxinum, quibuseum, in locum Tuctais sive Tuctainis, fuisse jam antea praefectum paulo superius suspicabamur, sive ilium adhuc in officio Atabegi circa se habuit, et tantum post ipsius reditum e Syria ad istum septentrionalem limitem deslinavit, ne occasione secuturaebrevi (quod praeseniiebat) mortis suae Tuctais, quern exclusum imperio volebat ex istis sibi dudum obnoxiis provinces opes ducere posset ad negotium Cannpantani, sibi in successione praelato, facessendum. utcumque sit, utrumque idoneis auctoribus discimus, et bellum in Syria pro Cazane ges-sisse illo iam aegrotante Chutluchaimum, et Cazane non multo post mortuo eundem regionibus circa Euxinum prius a Tuctai possessis praefuisse.
XX. De successu porro Syriacae huius expeditionis Chut** luchaimi sic breviter collector supplementi Abulpharagii trad it. primum equites decies mille exercitus Mogulici a ducibus copia-rum Aegyptiarum, inter quos fuit Abulfeda, prout ipse testatur in historia de his scripta, fuisse profligatos, deinde universum exercitum fractum fugatum et pessumdatum. unde credibile est Chutluchaimum cum reliquiis copiarum revertisse quamprimum ad Cazanem, a quo ingravescere languorem suum sentiente propter causam supra indicatam missus ad Arctoum limitem fuerit. eodem anno, Hegirae 702, die 13 mensis Shavalis, ut ait lanna-bius, Cazanes est mortuus. est Shaval decimus Arabum mensis, cuius diem tertium decimum incurrisse oportuit in diem 31 mensis Maii anno Chr. 1303, siquidem, ut est dictum, kalendae Muharrami sextum vicesimum Augusti mensis anni superioris insederant. hinc definire certo possumus controversiam, quae inter quosdam mox referendos auctores de numero annorum imperii Cazanis agitatur. si enim, quod superius n. 17 staluimus, coepit Cazanes imperare circa initium Novembris anno Christi 1296, moriens in fine Maii anni Christi 1303 utique sex in imperio annos explevit, et menses insuper septem. plus ergo iusto spatii Cazanis principatui tribuit Arabs chronologus lannabius, dum eum regnasse dicit annos octo et menses circiter decent. P 598 loannes Villanius 1. 8 c. 15, Sanutus 1. 3 p. 13 c. 8 et Aythonus Hist. Orientalis c. 45, etsi diserte spatium regni Cazanis non ex-primunt, quaedam tamen affirmant unde ultra praescriptos a nobis limites illud haud paulum excessisse sit consequens. nempe duo priores aiunt coepisse ilium imperare anno Christi 1294, et Aythonus obitum eiusdem confert in annum Christi 1304, ex qui-bus inferendum esset eum ultra novem plenos annos Mogulensc imperium rexisse; sed de vera sede epocharum initi a Cazane principatus et mortis obitae tutius, opinor, creditur Arabibus
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chronograph is quam aut Aythono Armeno aut Villanio et Sanuto Europaeis scriptonbus, praesertim cum ad Arabum cbronolo-giam se accommodet nostri Pachymeris assertio mortuum Cazane ui affirmantis cum ad sex annos irnperasset; quod, si de annis expletis agitur, exactissime scriptum est. eius qui Cazani suc-cessit nomen sic effect lannabius: Giyalhoddin Chodabandah Mohammed, filius Argunis filii Abagae. Abulfeda et Ahmed EbnYuseph, propius ad Pachymeris Carmpantan, Chorbandam hunc principem appellant, is post fratris decessoris fun us die 23 Dhul-Haiae solemnibus ceremoniis inauguratus, pro Chanis titulo maioribus usitato Atiaitu se dici voluit, quae vox teste lannabio magnum imperatorem significat. vereor ne mendum sit apud lannabium, ubi coronationem Carmpantanis die 23 Dhul-Haiae celebratam confert in annum Hegirae 703, hoc est in mensem fere quintum decimum a decessoris obitu, quod parum est veri-simile, praesertim cum, ut Pachymeres videtur significare, non solum designatus a Cazane adhuc vivente fuerit unicus haeres imperii, sed et iam turn in possessionem regni missus, id me invi-tat ad credendum eodem quo est Cazanes mortuus anno, sed alter o fere post mense, nempe die 23 Dbul-Haiae, coronatum Carmpantanem. cum autem dies 13 Shavalis, ultimus vitae Ca— zanis, fuerit in anno luliano 31 Maii, oportuit diem 23 Dhul-Haiae anni eiusdem concurrere cum 29 lulii anni Christi 1303« vitam et principatum produxit Carmpantan usque ad annum Hegirae 716, quo vivere simul et imperare desiit mensis Rama, danis die 27* coepit annus Hegirae 716 a die 26 Martii anni Christi 1216. unde Ramadanis mensis Arabum noni dies 27 coincide cum die 13 Decembris eiusdem anni Chiisti 1316- Carm-pantani suffectus est Bahadur- Chan, puer undecim annorum; quo imperante quisque praefectorum provinciis eas sibi iure supremo coeperunt usurpare. unde hoc moriente (quod contigit anno Hegirae 736, qui coepit ab Augusti 21 anni Christi 1335) Bahadur-Chane, inquam, dccedente nullus deinceps est creatus imperator Mogulensium, tanta ilia dyuastia in partes minutas fracta et penitus dissipata.
Hactenus brevem synopsim dedimus imperii Mogulici, quod ab anno Christi 1202 ad annum Christi 1335, per annos 133, sub imperatoribus undecim, Gingizchane, Kaane, Cayuc-Chane, Munkakao, Abaka, Ahmede, Argun-Chane, Caichtu, Cazane, Carmpantane, Bahadur-Chane, magnis per Asiam rebus gcstis iuclaruit.
826
OBSERVAT. PACHYNER.
CAPUT VIII.
Origines imperii Oltomanici a Pachymere indicatae distinctius explicanlur.
I. Ut regum quibus in interiore Asia commune nomen pre-abyteri Ioannis fuit, vastum et diu Horens imperium Mogulici ex-ortu deletum est, ita ips urn Mogulicum magna ex parte in Otto-manicum defecit, rebellione primi huius fundatoris Ottomani, P 599 quern noster Pachymeres Atinanem nominal, contra Cazanem et Carmpantanem p ri mum impunita remanente, inde sensim invale-scente in iustum instar regni proprii, auctibus postea stupendis usque ad extinctionem imperii Romani Orientalis et regni Mama-lucorum in Aegypto profecturi in terrorem Europae, cui mina-tur, hodieque universae. huius novae dynastiae quasi cunabula, obiter a Pachymere perstricta, nesciente scilicet in quantam ex his ilia molem foret immaniter crescendo surrectura, operae pre-tium duxi considerate hie paulo attentius, el epochas originum istarum in principiis parurn notabiles, ex inopiualo deinde suc-cessu momentum et aestimatiouis meritum nactas, suis exacle lo-cis ligere.
II. Othmanis sive Ottomani genus historic! Arabes dedu-cunt e quodam Soliman Shaho, quern aiunt circa annum Hegirae 611, cuius fuit initium Mail dies 13 in Christi anno 1214, prae-fuisse provinciae Persia subieclae, quae vocabatur Mahan, hie cum a Mogulensium potentia, tunc sub primo illorum imperatore Gingizchane irruptionibus in oinnem partem vehemenlibus fines dilatante, tueri suam praefecturam desperaret posse, convasatis quae potuit auferre, assuinptisque secum qua e principibus qua e populo, qui novas alibi quaerere sedes mallent quam in patria servire, in Asiam minorem iter intend it. sed dum incerto vado Euphratem traiicit, aquis hausto Soliman Shaho , e tribus qui eius fugam comitabanlur filiis duo priores, Sankur Zengi et Cun Tugdi, redierunt in Persidem, tertius Orlogrules ibidem ad ripas Euphratis domicilium fixit, illicque diu moratus Ues educavit filios, Condozum Sarubanum et Olhmanem. verurn cum anguste incommodeque habitarent, Sarubano filio ad Aladinum Iconii sa-trapam legato misso supplex petiit ab eo assignari sibi locum ubi cum liberis degeret in terris ipsius ditionis. annuit satrapa, et Ortogruli permisit ut cum suis migraret in regionem sitam inter inontes Tumalagii et Armeniae. Karaiaptag ei loco nomen fuit, quern insedit Orlogrules tanto numero suorurn ut quadringenta tentoria illic fixa explerent. rem ibi strenue multis annis, limi-lem tutans et auspiciis Aladini principis Iconiensis ieliciler mili-tans, Ortogrules gessit, magui ob hoc ab illo habitus et deside-
LIB. UI. CHRONOLOGICUS.
827
ratus cam fato functus est, quod contigit anno Hegirae 687, qui coepit a die 6 Februarii anno Christi 1288* haeres Ortogrulis Othman fuit, cui ut in Karaiaptagi principatu patri succederet prono favore Aladinus indulsit, et eum, quoad ipse perstitit in potentia, beneficiis fovit verum Aladino et annis iam fracto et opibus diminuto, ut iam amplius arrnis Mogulensium sub Chalaii et Apaga in istis partibus praevalentium ac cuncta subiuganlium par sustinendis haud foret, res sibi suas agere Othmanes coepit, et propriis auspiciis in Romani imperii provincias irrumpere, non praedis solum inde abigendis intentus, sed et arcibus atque urbibus ibidem occupandis. quod coeptum cum ei ex voto suc-cessisset, expugnatis et praesidio suorum insessis validis quibus-dam munitionibus, unde regionum illis adiacentium facile dominium sibi perpetuum assereret, Sultanis turn demum Othman, hoc est supremi principis, tilulum palam usurpavit, anno Hegirae 699, cuius kalendae Muharrami inciderunt in diem 28 Se-ptembris anni Christi 1299.
III. Hactenus relata de Othmanis primordiis tradunt Ara-bes scriptores; cum quibus comparare sparsirn de his asserta a Pachymere, ac quam haec iis apte congruant ostendere, labor deinceps mens sit. principio repeto quae in ipso sui opens limine noster historicus partis 1 1.1 a c. 3 ad 6 fuse disserit de arcibus limitis Orientalis Romanae ditionis contra Persidem deque illarum momento ad tutelam imperii; turn de cura, qua eas am-plexi dominantes Nicaeae post amissam Constanlinopolim impe-ratores Graeci optime consuluerint reipublicae numerosis viro-rum fortiurn praesidiis in eo limite auctorandis, cum largorum stipendiorum Iida solutione ad diem, turn assignatione agrorum P 600 in ilia vicinia et concessione praedae omnis quam ex hostili agro infestis incursionibus possent corradere. innuitque ad id adbibi-tos a Byzantinis Augustis exteros probatae virtutis et experientiae bellicarum rerum ; quorum multos illic, qua spoliis ex hoste rapt is, qua pensionibus cum fide numeratis, qua fructibus dato-rum ipsis agrorum, magnas adeptos divitias ait, unde tanto ter-ribiliores hostibus fierent, ac fortius propugnarent Romanas provincias , barbaris procul intra ipsorum terras vel terrore conti-nendis, vel vi armisque, si erumpere conarentur, retrudendis. non videtur dubium quin par in contrarium cura fuerit infesto-rum Romano nomini et Christianae religioni Saracenorum princi-pum, aut Persidem aut vicinas ei limiti provincias sub sua di— tione babentium ; inter quos Aladinus fuit dynasta sedcm imperii habens Iconii, quae est urbs Lycaoniae primaria, quare cum apud Arabas historicos legimus evocatum ab hoc ex Transeuphra-lensi regione Ortogrulem cum familia et inter monies Tumulagii et Armeniae, in loco cuius ipsi toparchiam concesserit, colloca-tum, intelligere debemus illam Karaiaptagam, regionem attri-
828
OBSERVAT. PACHYMER.
butam Ortogruli ab Aladino, fuisse confinem Romanis illis mo Jo memoratis arcibus; et mililiae illic dudum constitutae lateque formidandae stipendiariorum exterorum Romanis Augustis mili-tantium, oppositam a Sultane Aladino istam cohortem sequen-tium fortunam Ortogrulis peregre appulsi Turcorum, quiqua-dringenta illic tabernacula complerent. quodsi tempus indage-mus quo migrasse Karaiaptagam e ripa Euphratis ulteriore Ortor grulis familiam Arabes indicant, reperiemus fere convenire in principaturn Ioannis Batatzae, qui Nicaeae Graecis imperavit ab anno 1228 ad 1255, quo moriens successorem habuit Theodo-rum filium. per ilia lempora et inde ad receptam e Latinis Con-stantinopolim vigentibus et nuinero atque alapritate praevalenti-bus praesidiariis limitanearum arcium imperii Romani contra Per-sidem, facile ab illis sustinebatur impetus barbarorum in quoti-dianis velitationibus plerumque inferiorum; quoad pessimo con-silio suggesto a Chadeno, Michael Palaeologus postquam in imperium invasit circumscripto pupillo loanne Theodori Lascaris filio, ubi se potitum Constantinopoli Latinis erepta vidit, isti praesidiarii Romani limitis vexari fiscalibus calumniis et ad ino-piam redigi, minuique inde cum animis turn viribus et numero coeperunt, utobservat Pachymeres ibidem, quando potissimum contigisse credibile est, quod Arabes indicant, ut Ortogrules cum suis prospers in Romanos pugnando laudem ab Aladino, cuius auspiciis militabat, mereretur.
IV. Nec vero istam Ortogrulis et filiorum eius adversus praesidiarios Romanarum arcium comparatam operam, et quae-sitam in vicinia ex parte adversae Persidis stationem Pachymeres ipse dissimulat. en eius verba vol. I p. 18 v. 20: post haec viris fortibus inter Persas , quibus omnis vivendi spes et conditio in armis erat, caeteris inclinatis ad To char os t qui nuper imperium Persarum. occuparant, rebellantibus visum opportunum est refugere ad claustra castellaque montium , et inde vicina incur-sando rapto ac praedis viclum quaerere. haec ille, quae quin Ortogrulis famiiiae conveniant Kara iaptagae prope arces Romanas in finibus Persidis collocatae, negare nemo poteril, qui praeser-tim attenderit ad hie indicatam eius aversionem a Tocharis in-vasoribus Persidis, quibus ne parere cogeretur Soliman-Shah us Ortogrulis pater, inde relicta provincia fugerat. addit statiin Pachymeres praesidiarios Romanarum arcium utcumque agris multatos et praedae parte spoliatos imprudenti avaritia Michaelis primi e Palaeologis imperatoris, abstinuisse quidem ab incur>ando fines hostium, quod antea utilissime fccerant, tamen arces ipsis commissas fide constant! tenuisse, quamdiu annuae pensiones ad victurn nceessariae praebitae ipsis e fisco sunt: has vero ipsis suppedilari desiisse post mortem Michaelis, solo iam Andronico P 601 imperante, diserte noster assent vol. II p. 208 v. 18, ubi alterum
Ll8.ni. CHRONOLOGICUS.
829
fontem enervationis imperii fuisse scribit parsimoniam plene sol-vendarum ex fide pensionvm, quae praesidiariis arcium in Hamite sitarum olim statutae fuerant in mercedem operas milita-rist adeo illic ad communem tutelam necessariae. has maligne
nunc suppeditabantur, a"aritia praefectorum erogationi pecuniae pub Iicae, quorum appontbatur lucris quod per astutas frustrationum artes diffundenda praetextibus vafris solutionis die miseris militibus subtrahebaiur, pretium sudoris et sanguinis.
ita ille ihi; qui et multis inferius locis signifies! non iam solum
per fiscalium calumniosas fraudes, sed edicto ipso ac iussu di-
serto Andronici fuisse interversa.
Augusti pensiones et auctoramenta istiusmodi
unde necessario contigit arcium custodiam ne-
gligi, ac quasdam ipsarum in militum ex parte Persidis contra-rias Romano limui stationes obtinentium venire potestatem. su-stinuit quodam tempore labem illam ac ruinam felix Alexii Phi-lanthropeni per illos tractus militia, circiter annum Christi 1295, Andronici 13, eo missi cum valido exercitu, prout fuse narrat
Pachymeres 1. 3 vol. II c. 9- sed postquam is rebellans a Libadario est oppressus, et Persae, qui sub eo militaverant, male multati reversi domum, et causa cladis ulciscendae et fiducia nullius
satis validae occursurae Romanae potentiae, Philanthropeno quem unum timuerant amoto, arcibus iam cunctis potiti licen-tissime in subiectas imperio regiones passim inundarunt. hoc memorat Pachymeres 13 vol. II c. 14, et coepisse videtur abanno Chr. 1297, imperii Andronici 15- durasse vero sine intermis-sione, immo cum atrocioribus subinde malorum augmentis, usque ad finem huius historiae, intelligitur ex frequentissimis ea de re nostri his to ri ci querelis ac lamentationibus per cunctos fere consequentes huius opens libros sparsis.
V. Ex his patet quam consentanee ad nostrae huius historiae memoriam Arabum annales referant quod superius exscri-psimus, Ortogrulem Othmanis pat rem obiisse anno Hegirae 687, qui ex parte coincidit cum anno Christi 1288, inclytum bellicis successibus, de Romana videlicet Persici limitis militia relatis,
quippe quae iam turn a recepta de Latinis Constantinopoli, hoc est ab annis retro sedecim, debilitari valde coeperat. quare suc-ccdens Ortogruli Othman filius aliquot iam turn habuit loca de Romanis manu parta, quibus plura maioraque postnuam anno-rum plurium continua felicitate ad palernam Karaiapt&gae adie-cisset ditionem, Sultanis denique, hoc est supremi principle, nomen baud dubitavit usurpare, tueri se illud posse sperans. huius primae ac quasi fundamentalis epochae Ottomanici imperii sedem ex vero in ordine temporum statuere nostrum est, quod efficere conabimur comparatis Arabum chronologorum et nostri Pachy— mens testimoniis. refert Pachymeres, p. 327 v. 6, Atmanem in-valuisse opibus adiuncta sibi manu fortiasima bellatorum acerri-
830 OBSERVAT. PACHYMER.
morum e Paphlagonia, et obsistere sibi conatum Muzalonem Ro-manura ducein acie vicisse prope Nicomediam Bithyniae metro-polim, quam inde urbem velut obsessam campi dominus tenuerit. baec contigisse circa Bapheum prope Nicomediam die vicesima septima mensis lulii diserte Pachymeres tradit: annum ex serie rerum verisimiliter affirmamus in Synopsi liunc fuisse Christi 1299. sequenti 1300 putarim evenisse quod noster narrat p. 415 v. 1, videlicet quasdam Romanas copias duce quodam Si uro, ab imperatore ad earn tuendam provinciam inisso, collectas ab At-wane occidione fuisse deletas; unde victor Atman progrediens Belocumam (verba sunt Pachymeris ) insiliens vi cap it, et ibi repertos interficit. ipse autem immensis opibus ea clausis muni-tione potitus praedires inde est habitus, arcis quippe Ulins mu-nimenlis situ et arte valid is ad quacsitae pecuniae custodian usus, magnos sibi thesaurus, unde belli ac principatus expedi-ret sumptus , secure conditos ad manum habuit. harum magna pars calamitatum in Prusam redundavit , sic nudatam posses-sione agri sui et intra murorum ambit uni redactam etc. haec P 602 Pachymeres; quae satis dare indicant mutationem hoc tempore in Almane lactam, quasi e privato in principalem statum. au-diamus iam Arabas. hi magno consensu affirmant Othmanem e toparcha Karaiaptagae et simplici satrapa Sultanis seu supremi dofniui nomen adscivisse anno Hegirae 699- huius anni cum ka-lendae Muharrami insederint diem 28 Septembers luliani in anno Christi 1299, et quam metnoravimus e Pachymere Belocomae expugnatio ad menses aestivos pertinuisse videatur, intelligen-dum relinquitur regnare Atmancm, sine ulla iam dissimulatione vocabulum imperii palatn usurpando. coepisse anno Christi 1300, idque in Bithvnia ad urbem Prusam, quam paulo post ei fuisse subiectam tributariae pacis nomine, re vera deditione ac subie-ctione plena, innuit Pachymeres, dum sic scribit p. 597 v. 14: Prusa ipsa calamilatibus subacta ingentibus emere a Persis numerate immani pretio umbram pacis, pro vera, quam menda-cibus promissis oslentarant, pace, ita ille.
VI. Haec tamen non eo traho ut existimem Prusam Atmani iam turn regni principio plene possessam, cum earn quidam Ara-buin sub finem tantum vitae Atmanis, quidam nonnisi post eius obitum a filio eius et successore Urchane penitus subiugatam tra-dant. verum cum earn urbem arcibus undecumque a se possessis cinctam et vectigalem ad libitum haberet, aequo interim animo ferebat eius se ingressu exclusum, quein sibi ac suis aliquando, ut res turn se habebant, libere pandendum certa praesumebat spe. in hoc igitur incumbebat, ut agri ac provinciae iilius, nempe Bithyniae universae , sibi dominium assereret, quod consequebatur arcibus primariis, et unde urbium magnarum salus et securitas
LIB. BI. CHRONOLOGICLS.
831
penderet, occupandis et validissimo praesidio tenendis, aicut inodo eum vidimus in Belocoma fecisse, in qua claves Prusae reperit; uti et Nicaeam sibi subiugasse visus est capta et suit firmissimis copiis insessa Tricoccia. qua de re iuvat nostrum hie Pachymerem audire p. 637 v. 13 scribentem in Lune modum: circa Nicaeam male sane loco res erant, Jtmant cuncta illic agente ferenteque. ac paulo post: itaque inf estum exercitum — venientibus, .Atman credidit. hactenus Pachymeres, ex cuius triplici modo memorata narratione rerum ab At-niane, ad Nicomediam victo Muzalone, ad Prusam capta Belocoma , ad Nicaeam expugnata Tricoccia gestarum, manifestum est habuisse ilium in poteslate universam Bithyniam, tribus illis primal iis eius provinciae urbibus, etsi non plene possessis, saltern undique circumdatis, et lenta sic. obsidione cum interim pro libito macerandis et pecunia multandis, turn denique certissime trahendis sub absolutum integrumque dominium, id quod non ipsi quidem obtigit Atmani. verum illius haeres et filius LTrcha-nes, quern Cantacuzenus 1. 3 c. 9, st atom in quo eum pater mo-riens reliquerat, exprimens satrapam Orientalis Bithyniae ap-pellat, brevi se Bithyniae totius principem ostendit Prusa Nico— media et Nicaea plane domitis, postquam liuic ultimae periclitanti suppetias Andronicus iunior accurrens repulsus et vulneratus in femore recessit. cuius pugnae ac vulneris meminit Cantacuzenus P 603 1. 2 c. 7, inde secutam tamen Nicaeae deditionem parum candide dissimulans, quam ingenue fatentur Gregoras J. 9 et Phrantzes c. It 1. 1 , ut omittain idem diserte affirmantes Arabas scriptures, inter quos omnes convenit Iznicmid et Iznih ( sic illi Nicomediam et Nicaeam nominant) ab Urchane Othmanis filio post patris mortem captas fuisse. Brusiam vero (ita Prusam appellant) quidam illorum Othmani adliuc viventi, alii co mortuo Urchani deditam aiunt. fato vero functum Othmanem omnes ii magno consensu tradunt anno Hegirae 726, cuius fuit initium dies 8 De-cembris anni Cliiisti 1325, adeo ut mors Othmanis in annum Christi 1326 videatur dilferenda,
VII. Hactenus dictis liceat mihi per benignum lectorem mantissae loco apponere considerationem duorum veterum ora-culorum, quae per haec fuisse patrata eventis non immerilo credi potest; id quod eo minus alienum ab hoc loco foite fuerit, quod eorum alterum est implicatum cum rationibus chronologi-cis quibusdam, numeros a nobis hie subductos recto positos cal culo adstruentibus. recitat antiquus scriptor Zosimus, historia-rum 1.2, Erjlhraeae vel Epiroticae Sibyllae hoc vaticinium:
bq tote BlOvvuv yalav kvxoi oixrtGovGt Zijvog faitpQoavvaiai' zayy d’ Z^ijSijoErat c’pjpj dvbgaoiv, di Bvfavro$ tbo$ xiaavairtatoGt.
832
OBSERVAT. PACHYMER.
tunc Bithynorum terram lupi habitabunt divine consilio', celeriter autem superveniet (horum)pnn-cipatus
viris qui Byiantis solum incolunt.
huius eventum propheliae conatur Zosimus adaptare aetati Con-stantini et restaurationi atque amplification! per eum factae By-zantii. quam recte, ipse viderit: non enim satis apparet quid ista men Liu luporum Bithyniam habitanlium cum exornatione Byzantinae urbis commune habeat. dicamus nos licet accommo-datius ad speciem veri, per Sibyllarn divino afilatam spiritu, tanto ante bis fuisse praenuntiatum verbis exortum Oltornanici imperii a praedonibus avidis el lupina voracitate ac crudelitate praeditis in Bithynia fundati, cui non multo post tempore su£-cumbere deberet Byzantinae urbis imperantis potentia et splendor, barbaricae deinceps aervitutia iugum gravissitnum et pro-brosissimum laturae. Graeci Byzantini in poenam impii et per-tinacis ab ecclesia Romana omnium metre inde usque a Photii temporibus continuati achismatis, duram a Latinis Constan Lino-polim per annos octo supra quinquaginta obtinentibus servitutem passi fuerant; ex qua profecisse visi sunt, dum ea liberati Romani papae pi imaturn agnoverunt. at ubi Michaele istius con-cordiae auctore mortuo, filius eius Andronicus pessimo consilio, quae pater saluberriine statuerat rescindens, se suosque iterum a sede Petri contumaciter abrupit, statim dei ultoris providentia praeparari coepit et sensim in Bithynia concrescere Ottomanica tyrannis, a qua diris continenter cladibus flagellati Byzantini, cum minime resipiscerent sed magis magisque in haeresi ac schi-smate obfirmarentur, vi tandem saeva subacti ab uno ex Atmania successoribus Mahomete secundo, anno Chr. 1453, captivitatem Babylonica ludaeorum eo tristiorem, quod Cyrum nullum qui earn soivat expectant, ducentis iam et quod excurrit annis infe-licissimi tolerant, fidern ingenti suo luctu sancientes Sibyllini, quod retulimus, oraculi.
VIII. Aliud de his habemus suspicioni fictionis minime ob~ noxium vaticinium, quippe quod in sacro et canonico libro cla-rissime legatur, Apocalypsi S. Ioannis, in ea Novi Teslamenti prophetia, eventa complectente praecipua rerum quae a Christi resurrectione et prima fundatione ecclesiae ad hanc usque diem dei regnum attinentes contigerunt, postquam persecutiones im-P 604 peratorum adumbratae sunt a c. 12 ad 20, in hoc iam per sym-bolum alligationis Satanae temp us illud describitur quo Constan-tinus, victo et occiso Licinio imperii Romani plene potens, libe-ralissimis et quasi triumpbalibus edictis religionem Christianam studuit ornare. ista edicta recitantur ab Eusebio 1. 2 de vita Con-stantini, a c. 25 ad 60. in horurn uno (tria enim sunt), nempe
LIB. HI. CHRONOLOGICUS.
833
in Rescripto ad Eusebium c. 45 descripto, quo imperatur ut ec-clesiae Christianorum ubique sumptu publico aedificentur, fit di-stincta m ent io draconis, quem hie Joannes ligatum memorat. sic enim illic Constant)nus loquitur: vvvt be Tr]g ikivOegiag dnoio-delorig, xat rov fydxovrog Ixdvov dnb Ttjg rcov xoivav biotxij-Of tog tov &eov rov peylorov nQovota, i* vnrjQeola In-
bio^Oevtog, nunc autem libertate reddita , et dracone illo ( Licinium innuit idololatriae promotorem) ah administrations rerum del maximi providentia et nostro ministerio deiecto. con-tigerunt ista circa Christi annum 320. inde per mille annos in plena possessione liberae pads intra imperium Roma num Christiana religio permansit, nempe usque ad annum Christi 1320, quo tempore, ut vidimus, Othmanes exitiale Christi religioni furidavit imperium, foedissimam Mahumetis superstitionem orbe ferme toto propagaturum, ex qua non minus fere dei regno detrimentum quam ex invalescente ac subnixa olim regum opihps idololatria illatum est. accessit circa idem tempus emergens Wiclefi haeresis, in loannem deinde Hus, Lutherum, Calvinum aliosque propagata. denique circa idem tempus semina sunt iacta longi schismatis post obitum Gregorii XI per annos supra sexa-ginta Romanae sedis auctoritatem, qua eatenus ecclesiasticae monarchiae salus steterat, perniciosissime labefactaturi. haec simul tri a mala millesimo vertente post pacem a Constantino da-tam anno exorientia, solutione prius ligati Satanae a sancto vate designantur. id vero, quod ad nostram proprie rem attinet, adstruitur ex eo qupd Turci Ottomanici ab omnibus habentur originis Scytliicae. Scythae autem ex Magog secundo filio lapheti memorato Gen. 10 4 propagati baud dubie creduntur. idem porro Magog Gog quoque dictus per apocopen, occupata coloniis Lydia, Gyges Graecorum literis appellatus fuerit. hinc Plinius 1. 5 c. 23 Ilierapolim Syriae dictam a Syris Magog testator, nimirum quoniam ea civitas, ut docet Lucianus libro de dea Syria, a Deucalione Promelhei sive Magogi aut Gogi filio, Scytharum au-ctore, sit condita. quae his adiungit loannes de actis Gog et Magog magnam habent cum narratis de gestis Ottomanicorum principum similitudinem. primuni ait congregandos in praelium, quorum numerus sicut arenae maris, morem istorum innuens numerosissimos armandi exercitus. addit et ascenderunt super latitudinem terrae. Europa originis Graecae nomen est ex ivqog latitudo et oip onog terra: nam hoc vocabulo designatam Cybe-len, quae eadem Tellus el mater magua, apud veteres videmus. unde inopes defunctos insepultos, qui terra carent, Virgilius in 6 Aen. vocat illo versu
haec omnis quam cernis inops inhumataque turba est. et Ausonius in Mosella de ossibus insepultorum in campi super-ficie iacentium
Georgius Pachymeres II. 53
834
OBSERVAT. PACHYMEIL
injletaeque iacent in opes super arva catervae. igitur transitus Ottomanidarum in Europam his verbis innuitur. is primum contigisse ab Arabibus traditur anno Hegirae 758, qui paene totus coincidit cum anno Christi 1357, quippe cum coeperit a die 25 Decembris anni Christi 1856* tunc enim iussu Urchanis filing huius Solimanes connexis trabibus copias in Grae-ciam traiecit, et anno sequenti cepit urbem Callipolim. verba sunt conlinuatoris Abulpharagiani Chronici. quod autem ex Asia in Europam, nempe septentrionalem, ad Callipolim ascendi di-citur, recte quadrat ad naturalem situm: nam vere Maro scripsit mu nd us ut ad Scythiam Ripaeasque arduus arces consurgit etc.
P 605 pergit sacer vates adiungens de Gog et Magog, hoc est Turcis Ottomanicis: et circuieram castra sanctorum, voci castra in originibus Graecis respondet jtaqspffoli] locum singularem desi-gnans. ego per castra sanctorum terrani sanctam et Hierosoly-mam intelligo, tot Cliristianorum sacris expeditionibus et bellicis facinoribus quaesitam et diu possessam. hanc Ottomanica po-tentia circumiit fxvxA.w